The Rural Municipality of Rhineland, Volost ... - Manitobia

THE R.\\.OFRHINEL\NDGERHl\RDENS971. 274Ens

Volost and Municipality: The R.M.of Rhineland, 1884-1984This book is an attempt to explainthe history of the area encompassed bythe Rural Municipality of Rhineland inrelation to province and country. It is notsimply an examination of municipal activitiesand politics, but a local history ofthe area and people from the time ofsettlement to the present day. While thestory concentrates on the Mennoniteswho make up approximately ninety percent of the popUlation, they are not consideredapart from the German Lutheransettlers and businessmen around Rosenfeld,Plum Coulee and Gretna; the RomanCatholics, Presbyterians and Jewsin the various trading centers of the municipality;or the Anglo- and FrenchCanadian settlers to the east and west ofthe municipality.Based on extensive Fesearch in originaland secondary sources and oral interviews,this book tells the story of theearly settlement of the municipality inthe 1870's and 1880's, the adaptation ofRussian Mennonite institutions and settlementpatterns to the Canadian prairies,economic and agricultural developments,and the internal group conflictsas well as the conflicts with the largerCanadian society. As such Rhineland'shistory offers an illuminating example ofgroup settlement in the Canadian westand the process of Canadianization ofimmigrant settlers who sought to maintaintheir identity while at the same timeadapting to the society around them.The book is written for a generalaudience, and is one of the projects of theR.M. of Rhineland in commemoratingtheir centennial.

By Gerhard John Ens

© Copyright R.M. of RhinelandAll rights reservedNo part of this book may be reproduced in any form without permissionin writing from the publisher, except by a reviewer who may quote briefpassages in a review to be printed in newspapers or magazines.ISBN 0-88925-524-5Published byR.M. of RhinelandBox 270Altona, Manitoba ROG OBOCanadaFirst printing, 1984Printed and bound in Canada byFriesen Printersa Division of D. W. Friesen & Sons Ltd.Altona, Manitoba ROG OBOCanada

Table of ContentsDedication ............................................. viAcknowledgements ..................................... viiTable of Contents ....................................... iiiIntroduction ............................................ ixChapter I Manitoba, Mennonites and the Metis ............. 1Chapter II Volost and Municipality 1874-1884 . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 15Early Settlement . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 15Non-Mennonite Settlement ............................ 21Formation of Agricultural Villages ...................... 24Village and Colony Government ........................ 27The Reinlaender Church .............................. 29Social Institutions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 31The First Schools ...... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 32The First Years . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 35Early Agriculture .................................... 38Railway Town ....................................... 42Municipal Government ............................... 45Volost and Municipality . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 50Chapter III Expansion and Prosperity 1884-1900 ............ 53Municipal Developments 1884-1900 ..................... 54Renewed Immigration andLutheran Settlement 1890-1900 ........................ 57Agricultural Expansion ............................... 60The Growth of Gretna and theFormation of New Towns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 63Municipal Business and Politics 1890-1900 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 73Schools and the Formation of theMennonite Educational Institute ....................... 77iii

The Bergthaler Church Split ........................... 80Emigration to the Northwest ........................... 81The Break-up of Agricultural Villages ................... 84Village Life in 1900 .................................. 85The New Century . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 89Chapter IV The Gathering Storm: Nationalismand Schools 1900-1914 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 93School Developments . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 94Municipal Developments and Politics .................... 95Agriculture and Village Break-up ....................... 100Town Developments .................................. 104The MEl Controversy ................................. 110The Gathering Storm ................................. 113Chapter V The World We Have Lost: Rhineland1914-1929 ............................................ 117The Effects of War ................................... 119School Legislation and Crisis ........................... 123Emigration and its Impact on Rhineland .................. 126Russlaender Immigration 1923-1930 ..................... 130Technology and the World We Have Lost ................. 136Chapter VI The Great Depression and The Re-Integration ofRhineland Society 1929-1939 ............................. 143Drought and Depression ............................... 144The Rhineland Agricultural Societyand Co-operation ...................................... 152Co-operative Enterprises .............................. 157Co-operation and Community Building ................... 162Other Developments .................................. 168New Beginnings ..................................... 170Chapter VII Industry, Modernity, Continuity1939-1960 ............................................ 175World War II and Rhineland ........................... 176Wartime Agriculture .................................. 181Rural Industrial Development andCo-op Vegetable Oils ................................ 183The 'Renaissance' of the Rural Communityand the Rise of Altona ................................ 186Agriculture in the 1950's .............................. 201Rural and Municipal Developments ..................... 207Modernization and Continuity .......................... 214Chapter VIII Volost To Municipality ..................... 225Urbanization and Modernization ........................ 226IV

Land and Agriculture ................................. 231Rural and Municipal Developments ..................... 234The Growth of Altona and the Survivalof the Small Town 1960-84 ........................... 239The R.M. of Rhineland in the 1980's .................... 249Appendix I Changing Municipal Boundaries ............... 253Appendix II Copies of Two Village Agreements ............ 253Appendix III Reeves, Councillors and Secretary-Treasurers of the R.M. of Rhineland 1884-1984 .............. 263Appendix IV Historical Data on School Districts andPrivate Schools in the R.M. of Rhineland ................... 274Appendix V General Decree for the Private Schools of theSommerfelder Mennonite Congregation inSouthern Manitoba, Canada ............................. 282Bibliography- Archival Sources ......................... 285Printed Primary Sources and Government Documents ....... 285Newspapers ........................................ 286Secondary Sources ................................... 286Interviews .......................................... 292Index ................................................ 294v

DedicationAs we celebrate the Centennial of The Rural Municipality ofRhineland we want to remember with thanksgiving the settlers whohomesteaded this part of the prairies. In dedicating this history book tothe pioneers who settled this area we are ever mindful of their courageand devoted effort in overcoming the hardships of subduing a formidableenvironment. We trust that future generations will carryon thelegacy with the same dedication manifested by our forebears.vi

Author's AcknowledgementsThis history of the Rural Municipality of Rhineland was largelyresearched and written during the period from May to December in1983. It would not have been possible to produce this book in such ashort time without the help and assistance of many people. Their help isgreatly appreciated. I am also grateful to the Rhineland MunicipalCouncil, who not only gave me the opportunity to become involved in aproject that I was interested in, but also allowed me the freedom topursue my conception of what the book should be.Throuhout the project I was aided by the work of the RhinelandHistory Book Committee consisting of: William 1. Kehler, John Rempel,Louis Pokrant, Elma Kehler and Jake C. Fehr. Not only did they aidin the research and the collection of photos, but they carefully read overthe manuscript. A special thanks is also due to Marie Friesen forproofreading the copy. Also providing research help were studentsLinda Blatz, Ruth Nickel and Arlene Petkau, who in the summer of1982, microfilmed and catalogued many of the Municipality's documents,and undertook an oral history project of the municipality.A number of institutions were also very helpful in the research andwriting of Rhineland's history. These include the Mennonite HeritageCentre Archives, the Provincial Archives of Manitoba, the ProvincialLibrary, the Red River Valley Echo, and C.S.p. Foods. The author andthe committee would also like to acknowledge the assistance of theDepartment of Cultural Affairs and Historical Resources for fundingthrough their Local Histories Grants Program.Thanks are also due to Ruth Winkler who allowed me access to theHoward Winkler Papers in the Provincial Archives of Manitoba, PeterD. Zacharias who allowed me to consult his soon to be published historyVII

of the Blumenorter Mennonite Church, Lawrence Klippenstein whoread the manuscript and made helpful suggestions, Henry Ens whocopied many of the pictures appearing in this book, and Jeff Gauley whodrew a number of the maps.A large debt is also due to my wife, Denise, who collected all thecensus statistics for the book and typed the manuscript. I also want tothank my father, Gerhard Ens, who was not only a constant source ofinformation, but is responsible for my interest in Rhineland's history.Gerhard John EnsVIJI

Introduction to theCentennial of the ReMe ofRhinelandThe genealogy of a municipality is at best tentative. Frequentalterations of boundaries and name changes make the designation of ayear of birth, and hence a centennial year, a venturous undertaking. Inthe case of the Rural Municipality of Rhineland the designation of acentennial year is further complicated by its anomalous beginning.A booklet written in 1944 by H. H. Hamm, a long time SecretaryTreasurer of the Mllnicipality, argued that 1884 represented the birth ofthe Rural Municipality of Rhineland. I This reasoning, accepted by thepresent municipal council, is persuasive but should be qualified. Theyear 1884 marks the beginning of officially recorded municipal affairsin the area following the revision of municipal boundaries in 1883,however, the municipality \yas then named Douglas.The Rural Municipality of Rhineland of that time encompassedwhat is now the west end of the Rural Municipality of Rhineland and theeastern most range of townships of the present Rural Municipality ofStanley. The designation of the present R. M. of Rhineland did not occuruntil 1916. In addition, there is evidence that there was municipalactivity in the area as early as 1880.The Municipal Act of 1880 created a R.M. of Rhineland whichencompassed most of what used to be the Mennonite West Reserve.(See Figure 1) Although no municipal records exist from this time thereis evidence that a council of sorts did function between 1880 and 1884.The name Rhineland, in fact, has its origin in the early churchix

history and colony government of the area. In 1880 when municipalorganization was made mandatory, the provincial government convincedthe Reinlaender Mennonite Church to accept municipal organizationby promising the Reinlaender Gebietsamt that it would dulyconfirm candidates the Church appointed.When Issak Mueller was appointed the Warden of the municipalityin 1880 the municipality became co-terminus with the ReinlaenderColony, beginning a long tradition of symbiosis. It is for this reason thatthis history is titled Volost and Municipality. Volost here refers to thecolony form of self-government that the Mennonites brought with themfrom Russia.The original spelling of the municipality as Rineland in the Statutesof 1880 was, either an anglicization of Reinland, or an attempt todifferentiate the municipality somewhat from the Mennonite Village ofthat name. The spelling of Rineland was changed to Rhineland in 1881.2This evidence, while it does not affect the designation of a centennialyear, has repercussions for the municipal historian. Because of thenumerous boundary changes of the R.M. of Rhineland, the geographiclimits of this study will also ehange. Until 1916 this history willencompass what was originally the larger R.M. of Rhineland (1880-83),the combined R.M. 's of Douglas and Rhineland (1883-1890), and thelarger R.M. of Rhineland (1890-1916). After 1916 the study will focusexclusively on the present R.M. of Rhineland.Although much has been made of changing municipal boundaries,this study is not intended as simply an examination of municipalactivities and politics, rather it is intended as a local history of the area.Similarly, the book will not focus solely on the history of theMennonites of the area. While Mennonites constitute by far the largestgroup in the municipality, they cannot be considered apart from theGerman Lutheran settlers and businessmen around Rosenfeld, PlumCoulee and Gretna, the Roman Catholic, Presbyterians, and Jews in thevarious trading centers of the municipality, or the Anglo Saxon andFrench settlers to the east of the municipality.This centennial history is an attempt to explain the spirit andchanges in the area encompassed by the R.M. of Rhineland and itsrelation to province and country.FOOTNOTES FOR THE INTRODUCTION1. H. H. Hamm, Sixty Years of Progress (1944).2. Sources for this information include the Memoirs of Peter Elias (1913) MennoniteHeritage Center; Lists of Council Members in the Manitoba Gazette for years 1880-83; andreferences in R.M. of Rhineland Council Minutes 1884.x

MUNICIPAL 1880BOUNDARYCHANGES1880 - 1916188118831886MENNONITEWEST RESERVESOUTHDUFFER INMONTCALM18902DOUGLASSTANLEYRHINELAND19166 5 4 3 2 132Figure 1.xi

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Chapter 1Manitoba, Mennonites andthe MetisIn the early summer of 1875 Jacob Y. Schantz, accompanied by hisbrother Abraham and three earlier Mennonite immigrants, set out toexplore the land west of the Red River in hopes of locating land for a newMennonite Reserve. Guided by a Metis driver and Metis surveyor theytravelled thirty miles west of the Red River in the first three townships.Here, on the United States border between Emerson and the PembinaHills, they found what they were looking for - fine prairie land withfew settlers on it. 1The need for a new Reserve had been made necessary when theIgood land in the original Mennonite Reserve east of the Red River hadbeen occupied by the Mennonite immigrants of 1874. Prospects ofincreased Mennonite immigration 'from Russia in the summer of 1875made a new settlement imperative. Fortunately, the list of privilegesgranted to the Mennonites by the Canadian Government in 1873,contained a number of clauses providing for the reservation of additionallandshould it be required. 2By the fall of 1875 close to 300 Mennonite families had settled in18 villages in this partially surveyed area west of the Red River.3 Withthe Order in Council of April 25, 1876, these Mennonite settlers wereconfirmed in their priority. to all land extending from township 1 range 1east near Emerson to the Pembina Hills in the first three ranges oftownships north of the international boundary: twenty-five townships(over 500,000 acres). At different times in its history the Rural Municipatityof Rhineland would include nearly all or parts of this "WestReserve" .While this area of Manitoba was largely unsettled at the time of

Mennonite immigration, it was not unknown to Manitobans. The Metishad regularly crossed this land en route to their annual buffalo huntsfurther west. One Pembina pioneer recalling the buffalo hunts of the1860's claimed that the Metis of the Red River Settlement would join theDakota hunters at Pembina or near the present site of Gretna. 4The Gretna site might be probable in that an old fur trade andexploration route, later known as the Boundary Commission Trail orPost Road, lay just north of Gretna. Buffalo bones turned up in the oldvillage hay land just north of the village of Reinland attest to theexistence of buffalo herds in this region. 5 By 1860, however, theremaining buffalo herds were far to the west leaving most of the areabetween the Red River and Pembina Hills as an area to pass through.A second trail running from Scratching River to St. Joseph (aMetis settlement founded in 1853 and now called Walhalla) also crossedthe Mennonite Reserve in a north-south direction. Due to this closeproximity, Metis squatters could be found on the western fringes of theReserve for part of the year up until 1900. 6This area was also known to eastern Canadians. As early as 1857John Palliser passed through th~ southern parts of the future reservealong the Pembina River, and was impressed by the fine and luxuriantprairie grass. While he was unsure as to the wheat growing potential ofthe region, he felt that the area was well adapted for settlement andadmirably suited for grazing. 7 These findings along with reports of thecommission surveying the boundary in 1872-73 were available to prospectivesettlers from eastern Canada.The prospect of settling on the treeless prairie, however, deterredthe Ontario settlers who were accustomed to settling in close proximityto water and wood. Even though hundreds of settlers passed throughwhat was to become the West Reserve and later the Rural Municipalityof Rhineland in the 1870's, they did so to reach the rolling woodedterrain beyond Nelsonville and Mountain City. By 1875 a vast stretch ofprairie between Emerson and Nelsonville still lay largely unsettled.There were a number of Ontario and English settlers homesteadingon township 1 range 1 east in the early 1870's, but they clung to thewooded areas by the River Aux Marais. Some of the settlers in thePembina Hills hoped that the treeless plain would become settled in thenext fifteen to twenty years, but none were willing to risk farming therethemsel ves. 8The Mennonites coming in 1875 were themselves hesitant at theprospect of settling on the open plains. Like the Ontario settlers beforethem, they were concerned with obtaining land with accessible woodand hay. There was a considerable delay as immigrant leaders again2

inspected the land and were convinced that it was impossible to findanother suitable tract of land for block settlement. When they wereassured that some timber areas along the Pembina Hills would also bereserved for them, these Mennonites finally accepted the proposedreserve. 9The reluctance in farming this tract of land was not due to soilquality. Almost 90 per cent of the land in the West Reserve wasclassified as Class I, or soil with very good productivity.lO LakeAgassiz, the glacial lake which had covered most of southern Manitobafrom the Pembina escarpment to the Canadian Shield and north toChurchill, had deposited a thick layer of silt and clay when it receded. Itwas on this base that the Red River Valley's rich black soil developed ascenturies of prairie grass decayed. This dark loam was rich in organicmatter and could produce tremendous yields when put to the plow. 11A more immediate concern for settlers was wood and water. Theabsence of wood has been touched upon before, but the low rainfall inthe area along with the absence of a permanent source of water alsohindered settlement. Paradoxically, flooding also presented problems inthe area. The drop in elevation from the Pembina escarpment to the RedRiver is approximately 210 feet, however, 100 feet of this drop occurswithin the first seven miles of the escarpment. The remaining 110 feetare spread over the next 29 miles, with the last 12 miles before the RedRiver dropping only 25 feet. This extremely low gradient would formany years cause drainage problems.During spring run off and after heavy rains streams issuing fromthe escarpment maintain a well defined course for about 20 miles andthen spread over the land in a shallow lake. This problem is especiallyserious in the northeast part of Rhineland north of Rosenfeld where thewaters from the west tend to meet before continuing to the Red River. 12Despite their initial reluctance, a number of factors in the Mennonite'sRussian experience helped them adapt to farming on the openprairie. Their experience on the open steppes of Russia had taught themhow to strike water from level ground, how to build comfortable hutsand heat them without wood, and how to plant shelter belts for protectionfrom wind. Moreover, their open-field system of agriculture did notrequire wood for fences at a time when barbed wire was not available toprovide enclosures for scattered farmsteads. 13 Settling in village communitiesalso did much to ease the psychological barrier of settling theopen plains.To understand these and other aspects of the settlement of this areasome reference must be made to Mennonite beliefs and the Mennoniteexperience in Russia. The Russian Mennonites who came to southern3

Manitoba from Russia in 1875 were descendants of a radical wing of thereformation, believing in the complete separation of church and state,the heinousness of all war, and any other actions not based on an ethic oflove and respect for human life. 14 They were called Wiedertaeufer orAnabaptist because of their split with Zwingli over the issue of infantbaptism and the nature of the church; the Anabaptists believed in the'true church' into which members were baptized on the basis of voluntaryfaith.The bitter persecution that followed taught them the value of asimple way of life, separated and as isolated as possible from modemsecular society. These Anabaptist communities were organized oncongregational and democratic principles with the ministers eitherbeing elected from the rank and file or chosen by lot.The name Mennonite was taken from one of the outstandingleaders of the evangelical Anabaptists, Menno Simons. He had been aRoman Catholic priest but had renounced his faith to join the Anabaptists.He provided a rallying point and a solid institutional basis for theAnabaptists during a time of bitter persecution.Many Dutch and North German Mennonites migrated to Prussia inthe late 16th century when, under Polish rule, colonization of the VistulaDelta near the cities of Danzig and Elbing was begun. The pattern ofcolonization favoured group settlement, usually effected by contractbetween land owners and homogeneous groups of immigrant families.Poland was later partitioned and most of the Vistula area where theMennonites were concentrated fell into the hands of Frederick the Greatof Prussia who was pursuing a policy of military expansion. By 1774Mennonites were limited in their land acquisitions, and paid high taxesfor their refusal to support Prussian militarism.In face of this threat over 10,000 Prussian Mennonites migrated toRussia in the next 60 years. They had been invited by Catherine theGreat to settle the Ukraine and were offered many concessions to do so.They settled in colonies on the Dnieper, Molotschna and Volga Riverswhere they were allowed to set up their closed social system andtraditional village patterns. This system was motivated not only by adesire to escape a threat to their religion and economic well being, buteven more of the hope of finally realizing a utopian community. 15One of the first things the immigrants did after coming to Russiawas form villages of 20 to 30 families, a practice they had begun inPrussia. The church owned the village land and the various villagesfunctioned somewhat similar to communes, though each farmer operatedhis own strips of land and received the profits therefrom. Villageland was divided into strips or Kagel and distributed equally among the4

THE SPREAD OF THE MEN­NONITES IN RUSSIAALEX .... NDERWOHL VILLAGE. -MOlOTSCHNA. RUSSIA. 1s:'4villagers. This system prevented the monopolization of the good landby anyone farmer and kept the distance from the village to the fieldequal for all farmers.The villages themselves consisted of one wide street onto whicheach farmyard faced. Each farmyard or Hauskorgl consisted of a houseand bam, usually joined, a garden and orchard. Large fields were laidout according to use and each farmer received his share in the form of anarrow strip.5

These small villages had their own assembly or Schulzenbottconsisting of all landowners and an elected mayor - Dorjschulze. Theentire colony was governed as a separate district or Volost and waspresided over by an elected Oberschulze who was the supreme civilauthority, tax collector, and police magistrate. The district or Volostcouncil, the Gebietsamt, was in turn made up of elected delegates fromthe various villages.The early years in Russia were devoted to sheep raising andsubsistence agriculture, but Mennonites in Russia soon became largecommercial wheat growers. Primitive agricultural practices had beenimproved largely due to the influence of Johann Cornies, a Molotschnaland owner. He had introduced fertilizers, summerfallowing, croprotation, and was also responsible for the breeding of improved strainsof livestock, planting shade and fruit trees, and introducing silk andtobacco growing.By the 1830's, however, problems had begun to develop in theRussian Mennonite Colonies. Rapid population growth combined withthe Russian stipulation that they not subdivide individual land holdingsproduced overcrowding in the colonies. To alleviate this populationproblem, daughter colonies such as the Bergthal Colony (1836) andFuerstenland (1864) were established. The rate of land acquisition,however, never kept up with population growth the result that eachcolony had a sizeable population of landless people or Anwohner. Theselandless lived at the edge of the village and supported themselves byworking for a land owner. 16This socio-economic problem, along with an increasing Russiannationalism .and militarism which threatened both the Mennonite'sGerman culture through a program of Russification, and their right ofexemption from military service, led to a mass migration to Americabetween 1873 and 1880. The opportunity of new lands in America,combined with troubles at home caused approximately 18,000 to cometo America during this time. Of these approximately 7,000 settled inCanada.When the Canadian Government learned of the Mennonites' desireto emigrate they dispatched William Hespeler, a German born immigrationagent, to Russia to convince the Mennonites to settle in Canada. By1873 a twelve member delegation had left Russia to investigate thesettlement possibilities in North America. Here, they inspected parts ofthe United States and Manitoba. In Manitoba they were accompanied byWilliam Hespeler and 1. Y. Schantz, an Ontario Swiss Mennonite whomthe Canadian Government had hired to select lands for Mennonitesettlement. Of the twelve member tour, five decided to recommend6

William Hespeler - Born in 1830 inGernsbach, Baden West Germany, andeducated in Baden-Baden, Hespelercame to Canada in 1850. From 1850 to1872 he lived in Ontario, when he wasemployed by the Canadian government totravel to Russia and convince the RussianMennonites to come to Canada. From1873 to 1882 he served as the CommissionerofImmigration in Winnipeg. In 1899he ran as a Conservative candidate in theProvincial riding of Rosenfeldt defeatinglongtime MLA Enoch Winkler. He held thisseat until 1903 when the ridings of Rosenfeldtand Rhineland merged. In 1903 hebecame the German Consul for Manitoba,Saskatchewan and Alberta, resigningfrom the post in 1908.Credit: PAMsettlement in Manitoba and proceeded to Ottawa to obtain writtenassurances of the privileges they had been promised. ISThese privileges were similar to those granted to the Mennonitesby Catherine II and included: exemption from military service, freedomof religion and education, the right to affirm rather than swear oaths,and the grant of eight townships of land for their exclusive settlement.Provisions were also included to grant more land should it be needed.Each male 21 years of age or older was given an outright grant of aquarter section with the option of purchasing the other three quartersections at the rate of one dollar per acre. 19Of the approximately 7,000 Mennonites that came to Manitoba inthe 1870's most were of the more conservative Mennonites from theChortitza Colony and its daughter colonies, Bergthal and Fuerstenland,and the splinter group the Kleine Gemeinde. They were particularlyimpressed with Canada because here they had been offered completemilitary exemption and block settlement, neither of which were guaranteedby the United States. In addition more than half of these settlerswere landless and thus the prospect of a free homestead was particularlyappealing.207

Mennonite Delegates inspecting Manitoba gathered in front of the Dominion LandsOffice, Winnipeg in 1873.Credit: PAMThe majority of Russian Mennonites, two-thirds, chose to remainin Russia and accommodate to Russian conditions and government.This divergent tendency, of accommodation and separation towardssociety and government, would become part of the Mennonite experiencein Manitoba from the first, and continue to the present.This ambivalence becomes more apparent when the Mennoniteimmigration of the 1870 's is viewed within the context of early Manitobahistory, and in comparison to the Metis experience in Manitoba. WhenManitoba became a province in 1870, it was in large part the Red RiverSettlement of 1869. Settlement was still tied to the parishes along theRed and Assiniboine Rivers and consisted largely of French and EnglishMetis. The economy of the young province was still tied to the annualbuffalo hunts, with agriculture along the river lots supplementing thisactivity.During the 1870's, however, the population, economy and societyof Manitoba changed dramatically. Beginning in the 1860's, Canadiansettlers had started entering the area with the idea of purely agriculturalsettlement and securing political ties to Canada. This transition fromtraditional Red River society to a new agricultural and industrial-8

capitalist society was speeded by the disappearance of the buffalo,Confederation with Canada and subsequent immigration into Manitoba.With the formation of Manitoba, and the signing of Indian TreatiesNumbers 1 and 2 in 1870 and 1871, the land in southern Manitoba wasthrown open to settlement. The subsequent immigration was in largepart the result of active promotion on the part of the Dominion Government.Under the terms of the Dominion Lands Act of 1872, all lands inthe Northwest were administered by the Government of Canada.As a prerequisite to settling these newly acquired lands the governmenthad the land surveyed, and settlement generally followed thesurvey. The sectional survey, which was adopted for most of the Northwest,divided six mile square townships into 36 sections, each of whichwas 640 acres, and further divided each of these sections into 160 acrequarter sections.Along with the survey system came a method of land disposition.There were two main objectives in the administration and disposal ofDominion Lands. One was to promote the rapid settlement of the west,and the second was to finance the building of the Pacific Railway. Inaddition to this the Hudson's Bay Company, in return for surrenderingcontrol of the land to the crown, was granted a block ofland around itstrading posts and one-twentieth of the fertile land belt between the Lakeof the Woods and the Rocky Mountains. This was implemented in theDominion Lands Act of 1872 when seven quarter sections in eachtownship were allotted to the Hudson's Bay Company.A free homestead system was also introduced in 1872 to promoterapid settlement. Under this type of land disposal any person twentyoneyears of age or older, or head of family, was entitled to apply for aquarter section of land. This land was patented to him after fulfillingcertain residency and cultivation requirements.Until the Manitoba and Southwestern Colonization Railway grantin 1879, a settler could homestead any land not reserved or assigned asHudson's Bay or School land . School lands , two sections per township,were reserved for sale until the area was well settled and an optimumprice could be obtained.Within this framework of settlement over 15,000 settlers wereinduced to settle in Manitoba between 1875 and 1876, and another58,000 during the period 1879-1881. 21 This large immigration was tocompletely change the face of Manitoba and the approximate 7,000Mennonite immigrants coming between 1874 and 1880 were a significantpart of this.Those Mennonites who immigrated to the area west of Red River9

The Mennonite West Reserve much as it would have appeared to the Mennonitedelegates from Russia.Credit: PAMafter 1875 have been characterized as part of a conservative reform orrevival movement seeking to re-establish the Mennonite ideal of totalseparation of Church and State and a return to the old values in anuncompromised form.22Johann Wiebe, an elder of the Fuerstenland group, was concernedthat the Mennonites in Russia had become too involved in the area ofcivil and worldly authority to the detriment of the Church and thescripture. He saw the migration to Canada as halting the drift towardsthe exercise of worldly authority.23 This is an accurate description ofintent, but in practice Manitoba Mennonite response was much moreambivalent. While the first few years in Canada saw the establishmentof traditional line villages isolated from the rest of society, within a fewyears some Mennonites began exporting a wheat surplus onto the worldmarket, became involved in business ventures, and participated inmunicipal affairs.As such, Mennonite settlement should not only be seen within thethemes of reform, separation, and tradition, but also within the themesof accommodation, participation and modernization. This was notsimply progressive adaptation from one to another, traditional to modemor separated to acculturated, rather the two existed side by side witha continual tension between the two.A comparison between the Mennonites and the Metis in Manitobaillustrates more clearly the ambivalence of the Mennonite position.10

While the Mennonites and the Metis are not often mentioned in the samebreath, there are some similarities and significant differences.One incident, involving the Mennonite delegation inspectingManitoba in 1873 and the Metis, graphically points out their divergentexperience. In June of 1873 the Mennonite delegation led by Mr.Hespeler and 1. Y. Schantz left Winnipeg on an excursion to see thecountry that lay in the vicinity of the Riding Mountains. On their wayback the expedition was overtaken by a Metis on horseback, whoproposed a race and struck one of the wagon's horses with a whip. Thedriver of the team struck back at the horse of the Metis. Following anexchange of blows the Metis horseman, named McKay, left to get hisgun vowing to kill the teamster.Despite being disarmed by two other Metis, McKay persisted andcaught up with the Mennonite delegation at a tavern where the party hadstopped to water their horses. He again threatened to kill the teamster,heaping abuse on the whole party. An exasperated teamster, havingheard enough, knocked him off his horse initiating a general melee.Other Metis joined McKay vowing to exact revenge on the foreigndelegation. The Mennonite party retreated to the house where they heldoff a group of ten Metis until help arrived. During a lull in the actionHespeler had dispatched a messenger to Fort Garry, a distance of 25miles, to get help.The next morning at 5 a.m. a group of fifty soldiers under ColonelSmith arrived and arrested McKay and four other Metis for riotousconduct. 24 This incident, while not typical, points out the degree towhich the Mennonites were valued by the Government of Manitoba,and the extent to which Mennonites relied on Government sponsorshipand protection. The experience of the Metis was much different.When Manitoba entered Confederation in 1870 the Metis populationof 10,000 was guaranteed 1.5 million acres of land in recognition oftheir aboriginal rights to the land. These lands were to be laid out inreserves and allotted to individual Metis. By 1877 none of this land hadyet been allotted and squatters had been allowed to settle on the land.Because of this delay many Metis left the province losing their land evenbefore they had seen it.Mennonites were likewise granted two substantial land reserves,but in contrast they were allowed to settle them immediately, evenbefore they had been completely surveyed, or in fact legally reserved. Anewspaper account of the Mennonite arrival in 1874 claimed that theseMennonites were "composed of exactly the right sort of stuff. . . forpioneer life, and this taken in connection with the well known frugalhabits and thriftiness of Germans ensure their prosperity here" . 25 While11

PROVINCE OFMANITOBA1875SHOWINGRIVERS, TRAILSAND RESERVESMANITOBA BOUNDARY....- RIVERSTRAILSD MENNONITERESERVESMETISGill RESERVESD INDIANRESERVESthe writer acknowledged that the Mennonites were a foreign speakinggroup, this was considered a minor problem of adaptation, and morethan made up for by their settlement skills and the money they werebringing into the country.The land grant to the Metis on the other hand, was considered a12

detriment to the country and contrary to modem progress. 26 The Metiswere regarded as thriftless, pleasure loving, nomadic, and unable toadjust to commercial agriculture. 27By 1888 over 90 percent of Metis land had been alienated bothlegally and illegally and many had left the province. The Mennonites onthe other hand prospered on their reserves, which were closed to outsidesettlement, and were considered progressive, honest, and industrious;people who paid off their debts, paid in cash and were prudent buyers. 28Thus, while Elder Johann Wiebe may have seen Mennonite immigrationto Manitoba as a means of halting growing secularism and modernity,Winnipeg businessmen saw the Mennonites as paragons of modemdevelopment. To some extent both were right.FOOTNOTES FOR CHAPTER 11. Winnipeg Free Press, Oct. 3, 1879. No specific date is given for the inspection but itoccurred before the arrival of immigrants in July of 1875.2. O.I.e. 957. Report of the Committee of the Privy Council approved by his excellencythe Governor General on the 13th of August 1873. This document is reproduced in Peter D.Zacharias, Reinland: An Experience in Community. (Reinland Centennial Committee,1976), page 30.3. Canada. Annual Report, Department of Agriculture and Immigration, 1876.4. Memoirs of Charles Cavelear quoted by Elizabeth Bergen in The Red River ValleyEcho, November 25, 1970.5. Peter D. Zacharias, op. cit., page 41.6. Leonard Doell, "Walhalla Trail", an unpublished paper on file at the MennoniteHeritage Center Archives, Winnipeg.7. The Papers of the Palliser Expedition 1857-1860, ed. Irene Sprye, (Toronto: VolumeXXXXIV Champlain Society, 1968), pages 102-103.8. Jeff Gee, Both Sides of Manitoba, (Nelsonville, 1881), page 106.9. Peter D. Zacharias, op. cit., page 43.10. John H. Warkentin, "The Mennonite Settlements of Southern Manitoba", (Ph. D.Thesis, University of Toronto, 1960), page 22.II. Esther Epp-Tiessen, Altona: The Story of a Prairie Town. (Altona: D. W. Friesen andSons, 1982), page 2.12. John H. Warkentin, op. cit., pages 512-519.13. E. K. Francis, In Search of Utopia, (Altona: D. W. Friesen and Sons, 1955), page 62.14. Frank H. Epp, Mennonites in Canada 1786-1920: The Hisnry of a Separate People,(Toronto: Macmillan of Canada, 1975).15. E. K. Francis, op. cit., page 20.16. The Description of Mennonite Life in Russia is taken from E. K. Francis op. cit., andEsther Epp-Tiessen, op. cit.17. Frank H. Epp, op. cit., page 200.18. A more complete account of the inspection tour can be found in Jacob Y. Schantz,Narrative of a Journey to Manitoba with an Abstract to the Dominion Lands Act, an Extractfrom the Government Pamphlet on Manitoba, (Ottawa: Dcpartment of Agriculture, 1873).19. This list of privileges is printed in P. D. Zacharias op. cit., page 19.20. Esther Epp-Tiessen, opt. cit., page 12.13

21. These immigration figures come from W. L. Morton, Manitoba: A History, 2nd ed.,(Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1967), pages 176-177.1875 - 11,9701876 - 3,000 to 4,0001879 - 11,5001880 - 18,0001881 - 28,60022. Peter D. Zachaias, op. cit., pages 29 and 58.23. Ibid., page 58.24. A complete description of the incident and other Metis-Mennonite contacts can befound in Lawrence Klippenstein, "Manitoba Metis and Mennonite Immigrants First Contacts",Mennonite Quarterly Review, Vol. 48 (1974).An account of the incident can also be found in Henry 1. Gerbrandt, Adventure in Faith,(Altona: 1970); and Tony Doerksen, "White Horse Plains Dominion Day Confrontation",Mennonite Mirror III, Jan.-Feb. (1974).A more theoretical and controversial interpretation of Mennonite settlement in relation toNative Peoples can be found in Leo Driedger, "Native Rebellion and Mennonite Invasion:An examination of Two Canadian River Valleys", Mennonite Quarterly Review, Vol. 46(1972); and Calvin Reddekopp, "Mennonite Displacement of Indigenous Peoples: AnHistorical and Sociological Analysis", Canadian Ethnic Studies, 14-2 (1982).25. Manitoba Free Press, August I, 1874.26. Testimony of Heber Archibald; Commission of Inquiry investigating The Administrationof Justice 1882. Provincial Archives of Manitoba.27. This characterization of the Metis can be found in many accounts from Alexander Ross'Red River Settlement (London: 1856); to G.F.G. Stanley's The Birth of Western Canada,(Toronto, 1936).28. The Commercial, Dec. 31, 1888.14

Chapter IIVolost and Municipality1874-18The coming of 6,674 Mennonites to Manitoba in the 1870'stransplanted European Settlement patterns to the Canadian West: settlementon reserves in solidaristic village communes. This European styleof settlement became distinctively Mennonite in Canada and lasted wellinto the 20th century. However, along with these traditional patterns,some Mennonites also adopted newer Canadian institutions and practices:municipal government was introduced in 1880; trading centerswere established on the West Reserve after 1882; public schools wereintroduced in 1880's; and some farmers began moving onto theirquarter sections as early as the late 1870 's.These developments, however, should not be seen as the inevitablemarch of progress. While some villages began breaking up almost assoon as they were established, many remained strong retaining theiropen field economy into the 1920's. While public schools were introducedin the 1870's private village schools lasted well into the 20thcentury. Similarly, the introduction of municipal government did notend the traditional Colony or Volost administration, which was maintaineduntil the emigration of the Old Colony Mennonites to Mexico inthe 1920's. While there was conflict between the Gebietsamt andmunicipal council, an arrangement was eventually worked out wherebyboth could function side by side.Early SettlementThe first group of 1 ,400 Russian Mennonites, Bergthal and KleineGemeinde, arrived in Canada in the fall of 1874 and settled in eight15

townships bounded on the north by the Seine River and on the west bythe Rat River. This area corresponds closely to the present day HanoverMunicipality and was then known as the Mennonite Reserve. Duringthe next six years another 5,000 Mennonites settled in Manitoba necessitatingthe formation of another reserve - later known as the WestReserve.The Arrival of Mennonites aboard the steamer "International" in 1874.Credit: PAMTable I Number of Mennonite Immigrants to Manitoba by YearYearNo. of Mennonite Immigrants1874 1407 .1875 31991876 13391877 1831878 2701879 2071880 --2±Total 6674Source: Frank H. Epp, Mennonites in Canada, Vol. 1, page 201.The journey from Russia to Manitoba in 1875 was long and hardand involved trips by ship, train and finally oxcart on the last leg of thejourney. Many of these experiences have been recorded in the diary ofJacob Fehr (1854-1952) who made the trip as a boy of 16. 1The Russian Mennonites left their villages and travelled by boat onthe Black Sea to Odessa. From here they crossed Germany by train and16

\. 1 4E \ '411 SE Silberfeldi \ 'l 1\ 1\ (~f Be~al I"::: ~ 'IumenhofI) h f'-. \ R:mfeldC Sch~~wi~ ~ ~ ~U~g~ t::jnJ 7Sc~nzen~r8' \.~, -- ~ ...I OLPaltwa 0 J __orJtz -- Rose~uwf\. ~ ~ t:~rl _o Altona Heu"", en 0 I ()I I .. ~ 10..0" Tan'1au Eigephof E~O!lfe d • ...... \L_L....-'-Strassberg G~~nfeld _~ "-. Eigengrund 'eVollwerk .Siemb;ach(KleefeJd) Gil, h. I 0 I ~L4~~~~~~L=-1_ I ,\ ~!DRo~feld ~.1 LichtenauSchoenau 0 1 """"""I\. TReichenbach T J" Sc~~nfeITd ,I 0 1 .... ~ 0"\ 0 l., Neuendon- 6BlumsteTinO: 1\ Rose~gart A ~ 1. rei sen ton.iii ~ 0 Neuenburg\\ ,~MennoniteSettlementOriginal villages andplaces in the MennoniteEast Reserve.(Courtesy John C. Reimer)~~ LandskronSommerfeld 0 ~ .~I~ ;S'~~~~-r~~-r~Neubergfeld (b~ ~ ~~-~~4Source: Abe Warkentine, Reflections on Our Heritage, page 29.took another boat to England across the North Sea. Travelling by trainthey reached Liverpool where ships were waiting to carry them acrossthe Atlantic Ocean.They arrived in the port of Quebec and took a train through theUnited States to Duluth buying some supplies at this port. From herethey moved by train to a town called Fisher's Landing where they met17

Travelling by Oxcart. A group from Sommerfeld on a ride at Eastertime. The Ox wasthe main form of transportation and motive power in the first years of settlement.Credit: D. K. FriesenMennonite brethren from Kansas who tried to convince them not to goto Manitoba, because they would not be able to survive the winters.Those who continued on to Manitoba, including all the leaders ofthe group, took a boat to Emerson. There they were given lodging inimmigration sheds where they waited for the remainder of their groupwho had remained in Ontario to buy cattle. When the rest of the grouparrived they started out for their allotted land. They travelled west withoxen, taking a number of days to reach their destination.The Russian Mennonite immigrants who first came to the WestReserve in 1875 came from the Fuerstenland and Chortitz or "OldColony" settlements in Russia. These were of the most conservativeminded of all the Mennonite groups that came, and most intent inmaintaiuing the traditional customs they had been accustomed to inRussia. Their conservatism made the Old Colony group a very selfconsciousand identifiable group.These first settlers settled in villages on the western part of thereserve where soils were light and water and wood were near at hand. In1875 alone, 300 families settled in 18 villages in the West Reserve.These included: Schoenwiese, Rosengart, Neuhorst, Neuendorf,Hochfeld, Neuenburg, Osterwick, Rosenthal, Chortitz, Blumenstein,Ebenfeld, Blumenfeld, Schanzenfeld and Rosenfeld. In 1876 and 1877,176 more families arrived founding an additional seven villages:Hoffnungsfeld, Eichenfeld, Gruenfeld, Waldheim, Kronsthal, Schoenfeld,Schoendorf. 2 18

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(f)0c0(l)rn?''"Tlill::::l(')00"S-CI)(l)tllCi:::r...., aN c:0.g_iii"ojo~ '"~..o~ ":;; '"..o~ "~ORIOJNAL SETTLBMENT OFWest Reserve, Manitoba~ JU-ru :t.~~ Sloup.......... Dredge canal_ Main Irall (p0lt Rood)_P.alJrood~~ ::!='M~~I~ldHudDOn°. !by Compsl'tyor KI'loo) HCUOOII___ • lb.mdIry 01 RHt'ne(otlainhlIfADI)-Houfltrow·YiU.pDT0'IftI8~'t r -':"'1 ..• ii".1'" I~~ '~~.......... , 'i,lrnltl of l'Jlll~.reei !~~~:~=ICO~tm'~ Purl1tnlarJd 'fllltlBt0"",_, :ser~hal1'lllalt'~ MJ:r;cd popWatloaLARCECAPITALS UNOEfWN£D--~d~'laCet 114m" 11I;"lna no .ymbol 'or"lIlt" .110 Indicate IIQUUcd "'bohator tbcIl al1e C'OUld DOl be'located.--------------~-----, !Sel)e of Mlle.A loWll;lhlp '0 .11 rnUe. ~re.~co(l)OJ~..o'" ;:;'" :;;R.nrt' 6 'bnp S IlI'11J'1' •Ilup 1 ....., Pnptlnd byE. K.r,u.c.it

Table 2 Selected Population Statistics For The West Reserve1875-1881Year187518761877187818791881Villages1825253853Families300446476703Total Population2567284535443692Source: Annual Reports. Dept. of Agriculture and Immigration 1875-1882 and the WestReserve Settlement Register. PAM.These settlers were joined after 1877 by settlers from the EastReserve. By 1877 the East Reserve had more settlers than the land couldsupport and a number of bad crop years convinced many Mennonitesthere to migrate to the West Reserve. Grasshoppers in 1875 and wetyears from 1877 to 1880 initiated a full scale migration west.Wagon load after wagon load of people and every kind of household and farmsupply set out westward. . . sometimes even buildings were dismantled andlumber was taken on the trek to be reassembled at the new site.'By 1880, 350 families had relocated on the West Reserve from theEast Reserve. 4 The majority of the Bergthal Mennonites set up villagesin the east half of the West Reserve establishing the villages of Altbergthal,Edenburg, Halbstadt, Silberfeld, Weidenfeld, Altona,Schoenau, Blumenthal, Neuhoffnung, Lichtfeld, Rudernerweide,Bergfeld, Hochstadt, Edenthal, Strassberg, and Schoenhorst.Mennonite immigration to Manitoba fell off sharply after 1876 asmost of the Mennonites who intended to migrate had already done so.By 1880 migration in large numbers had stopped, as this was thedeadline fixed by the Russian Government for unrestricted emigrationfrom Russia, including the transfer of money and all possessions.Mennonites, however, were not the only settlers on the WestReserve. On both east and west fringes of the reserve there existedearlier homestead entries. Those on the west end of the Reserve wouldlater cause some controversy because of the competition with theMennonites for scarce timber.Non-Mennonite SettlementIn the eastern fringes of the West Reserve, settlers such as I. F.Houston and W. R. Houston, H. Tennant and A. Dillabough homesteadedland in township 1 range 1 east two years before the Mennonites21

arrived. The Houstons, Scotsmen from the United States, arrived inManitoba in the early 1870's and homesteaded land in the area in 1873and 1874. The Houstons were active and the first school district in thearea was named after the family. H. Tennant, an Englishman who cameto Manitoba with the Wolsely Expedition in 1870, took up farming ontownship 1 range 1 east in 1872. The Dillaboughs, on the other hand,came from County Dundas in Ontario in 1873 and homesteaded in 1873.In all, 13 non-Mennonite families homesteaded or bought land intownship 1 range 1 east. 5 Most settled on the banks of the River AuxMarais where there was some tree cover.The River Aux Marais, "to the swamp", consisted of a shallowmeandering dry steam that began in a flat low lying area near thePembina River ten to twelve miles southwest of Emerson, and followedan erratic and twisting course emptying finally into the Red River. Thesettlers in this area had few problems with their Mennonite neighbours,unlike the case in the west end of the Reserve.With the formation of the West Reserve in 1876 a number ofCanadian farmers, located in the wooded area in the northwest comer ofthe reserve, immediately petitioned Ottawa to remove townships 2 and3, range 5 west from the Mennonite West Reserve. According to theirpetition they had settled there in hopes that the entire two townshipswould be occupied by British subjects. The Mennonite Reserve, theyargued, deprived them of the possibility of a Canadian neighbourhood.The Mennonites countered that they were being restrained fromcutting timber on their own land by the Ontario settlers, who threatenedto tear down any village which the Mennonites might attempt to foundin that area.The Canadian Government attempted to solve this problem bynegotiating with the Mennonites to surrender their claims to the twotownships in return for one or two wooded townships in ranges 7 and 8west. This involved redrawing the western boundary of the reserve insuch a way as to exclude non-Mennonite settlers. This boundary wasknown as the "Menno-Canuck Boundary".The redrawing of reserve boundaries in 1877 did not solve theproblem. Non-Mennonite squatters continued to encroach on the westernend of the Reserve, and some Mennonites were being broughtbefore the magistrate for cutting timber on their own timber land.Matters worsened until June, 1881, when William Hespeler reported anopen clash between Mennonites and squatters. The government againtried to remedy the situation but nothing was solved until all arable landhad been claimed and wood lots cleared of their useful timbers. This22

dispute was to create a legacy of distrust and suspicion between theMennonites and Anglo-Saxon settlers in the area. 6H-I-...::fI++-H-I-4++-+- ~H'-1- ..... 1-,1- ~Ikl- - ~ 1H-I--+.++-+- J--l--*,-H-+ j fL-,i ~ -I- ~ I- 1- g iii ~ - ~., _" J--t~Is~;~I-I~-1- t= i~ NH--+--!+-l--+-I-4-!--4f--I--+-H-=J!--++',iI- ~ {I-~ -1-",= _ "I c::-, ..... j...-+-..;,i~ j ~l~.~,t ~~r--~+4--+--+~~4I-+-+--~~~~ -r~-l+-+--I-H-+--ll---I--I--I- ~ I ~ ~ J f;ll.. >- ~- "@ )11-';- ~ f-F-.:- ~!·~-s ~,. ) I--~ll c::1-1-1-1-1--+-++-+-41-+-+ i 1=-+:;~ s I" "1+--I--l--+-+-, If)~ -414-+-1-'"".-+-~I-I-"=f.o.+-" [.;I' c::~ ~J- ~ I!-"" -I--l--...J.-+-+-lI~~~~~~+~~~~~/~~~~i~~~I--+~~- " " - - --. " -~f-}

Formation of Agricultural VillagesSoon after the arrival of the Russian Mennonites small agriculturalvillages sprang up on the prairies. This pattern of settlement departedradically from the sectional survey and was made possible, despite thefact that it had no legal basis, because the Mennonites had settled onisolated reserves and because the people organizing the villages werewilling to accept this type of division. Unlike most prairie settlers, theMennonites did not settle on their quarter sections, but lived in linevillages and divided their quarter sections, held in common among thevillagers, according to cultivation suitability.To fulfill homestead residing requirements and gain title to theirland, an amendment was made to the Dominion Lands Act in 1876. Thisamendment provided for the fulfillment of the residency requirementwhile living in villages. This came to be known as the "HamletPrivilege" and was designed to accommodate both Mennonite andIcelandic settlement patterns. 7The Mennonite settlement pattern was that of the northeast Germancolonial Gewanndorf, characterized by a combination of linevillage with an open field economy. Villages were formed when a groupof farmers, usually friends or relatives from the same congregation, gottogether and agreed to settle together. Many West Reserve villages hadalready been planned en route to or at Fort Dufferin.In the case of Reinland 12 farmers, many of them relatives, bandedtogether in 1875 to form a village. These farmers made an agreementthat they would continue the village organization they had practiced inRussia utilizing the individually deeded land for the common good, thatthey would share responsibilities as to taxes for roads and schools andagreed not to sell their land to anyone of whom the village did notapprove. This last stipulation was important since in Manitoba, unlikeRussia, the village or church did not own the land outright, rather it wasowned by individual farmers and if one member decided to withdrawfrom the village plan it would disrupt the entire system.In some cases this agreement was unwritten, while in other cases alegal document was drawn up and filed with the Land Titles office. It isinteresting to note that only Bergthal villages filed legal village agreementswith the Land Titles offices. 8 This is a predictable finding sincethe Reinlaender Mennonite Church avoided the use of secular laws asmuch as possible, relying instead on Church discipline. This is not tosay that Reinlaender Church villages did not have written agreements,but they were not legally filed with the Land Titles office. See agreementof Neuenburg in appendix.24

FIELD PATTERNS OF BLUMENFELDAND NEUHORST,WEST RESERVEBLUMENFELD~ff. . .0'" o.c.c U• • •• a ••~ u'"~ U) '"ff ~ff -1/ II I I I I I I IPASTURE-J III II2NEUHORST16M IlIIII ~-6W 5W 4W 3W 2W IW IE-- Boundary of Flur-- Section line-- Village street""""""'" Main roadsARABLE PASTURE-=-=0 Field roads• Lots~18 --PAST URE 1614.. 1HAY ·0 o 11.. ..A R A B L E-9 .. 7·• ·..· ..·P 1{4 1/2 3/4Miles GEOGR. REV., JULY., 1959Source: John Warkentin, 'f\gricultural Settements of Southern Manitoba",Geographical Review Vol. 49 No. 31959.26

These line villages were usually situated in the middle of thevillage with the street running parallel to a creek. In the East Reservehouses were built only on the creek side of the street, but in the WestReserve, owing to the larger villages, lots were taken out on both sides.The houses were usually 100 feet back from the street so that there was ayard for trees and flowers. The houses stood in a straight row parallel tothe street with the gables facing the street. 9Each village lot or Haus Korgl had enough space for a house, farmbuildings, farm yard, vegetable garden, orchard and a small piece ofploughland for crops for home consumption. The rest of the land wasdivided into large field or Gewanne according to land use.These Gewanne were divided into strips or Kagel usually 16-18rods in width and apportioned out to the holdings in the village. It wasdivided so that each household would receive an equal share ofland. If afarmer then bought more land he would receive a proportionally largershare. Remnants of these strips can still be seen today. The rest of thevillage territory, usually the less arable land, was set aside for utilizationas hayland or common pasture. The common pasture held all thelivestock of the village and was under the care of one herdsman. Villageland was also allotted for the church and school.Obligations in this type of settlement included roadwork and thebuilding of schools and churches. Each farmer was expected to do hisshare of the stipulated labour and accurate records were kept as to theamount of village work or quivalent man hour service done by eachvillager. Those found in arrears were either asked to compensate insome way or the debt was carried over into the next year. 10This system was to some extent similar to the corvee in Europe andwas likewise effective in getting the necessary village work done.Officers of the village were the Schulze or mayor, the secretary for theBrandschult "fire insurance" , teacher, cowherder, and secretary.This close type of village organization fostered a strong socialcoherence, a readiness to co-operate and offer mutual aid and wasdefinitely an asset in the early years of prairie settlement when no roadsor trading centers existed. Its common value system with its strict socialcontrols, however, would in later years cause some farmers to leave theVillage.Village and Colony GovernmentWhen the first Mennonites came to the West Reserve in 1875 therewas as yet no municipal government and consequently the Mennoniteswere left to their own devices. The civil government they set up was27

similar to the one that had existed in Russia and, in fact, had many of thesame leaders.Village government was headed by a Schulze or mayor who alongwith his council was in charge of providing schools, pastures andstreets, and was in charge of organizing village work. The reserve ormore properly the colony was headed by an Obervorsteher who acted ina manner similar to a reeve today. He was responsible for looking afterroads and bridges and the observance of colony ordinances .. The Obervorsteherwould communicate with the various village Schulze in writingand would head meetings of the B ezirksamt District council. IIThe election of the first Obervorsteher of the Reinlaender Colony,Isaak Mueller, probably took place at Fort Dufferin before the immigrantsdivided into village groups. Mueller, while he had held a similarpost in Russia, still needed to be confirmed in Canada because a numberof immigrants were not from the same colony in Russia. 12Issak Mueller Home in Neuhorst - Nicknamed "Kaiser" Mueller, Issak Mueller waselected the first Obervorsteher of the Reinlaender Colony in the West Reserve in1875. Dynamic, strong-Willed and authoritarian he was one of the most importantpublic figures in the West Reserve. He had great organizational skills setting upvillages, administering the food and seed grain and setting up colony government. Itwas Mueller who in the face of a Manitoba blizzard organized the erection of a line ofposts from Emerson to the Pembina Hills to guide travellers. He was born on June19, 1824 and had served as Oberschulze on the Fuerstenland Colony in Russia.before coming to Canada. He was 51 when he cameto Canada in 1875 and settled inNeuhorst with his wife Gertrude and his children and grandchildren. After his careeras Observorsteher he settled down to farming in Neuhorst. His thatched roof housestood in the village of Neuhorst until 1959.Credit: Elma Kehler28

This type of government was basically democratic in structure,with both the Schulze and Obervorsteher being elected by the villagers.The Schulzen were in fact ordered to read an account of the village'sbusiness to the villagers at the end of the year. 13 But while democratic instructure the actual governing of the colony had its autocratic elements.The first Obervorsteher of the West Reserve, Issak Mueller, nicknamedKaiser Mueller, was not averse to sending imperious directives to thevarious villages.The use of the term Obervorsteher provides a valuable insight intothe early dynamics of West Reserve government. In Russia the sameoffice had been called Oberschulze, head mayor, but when the Mennoniteimmigrants of 1875 held their first meeting at Dufferin this titlewas changed to Obervorsteher.One of the themes of this early meeting, called and led by ElderWiebe of the Fuerstenland group, was that the use of physical force and·worldly authority to punish crimes and acts of sin, as had been thepractise in Russia, should be abolished. In Elder Wiebe's opinion theRussian practise had worked to the detriment of the authority of churchand scripture. The term Oberschulze was seen as an identification withthis aspect of the Russian experience, and thus ran counter to the reformmovement in America as envisioned by Elder Wiebe. 14This avoidance of physical and worldly authority led to an increaseduse of ecclesiastical authority, reflecting the position of thechurch as the controlling social entity in Old Colony Mennonite society.The Reinlaender Church ministry, led by Elder Johann Wiebe, wasmore closely involved in colony administration than had been the casein Russia:Since the ministry saw the migration in terms of halting the drift towards theexercise of worldly authority, it was concerned that the gains of the migrationwould not be lost."The Reinlaender ChurchChurch organization among the West Reserve Mennonites tookplace as early as 1875 at Fort Dufferin and reaffirmed the church leadersthat had come from Russia. Johann Wiebe, already an elder in theFuerstenland Colony in Russia, assumed leadership of the new ReinlaenderMennonite Church of Manitoba in 1875.The direction of this new church, however, was not a continuationof, but a reaction against developments in Russia. Johann Wiebe, alongwith other church leaders, tried to foster a restoration of the NewTestament Church: complete separation of church and state, abolition of29

The oldest Mennonite Church building in Western Canada. Built in 1876 in thevillage of Reinland within the first year of settlement, this solid oak building servedthe Reinlaender Mennonite Church until 1925. From 1926 to 1968 it was used by theBlumenorter Mennonites. Today it still serves as Reinland's community centre. Thephoto was taken before its exterior was remodeled in the mid 1940's.Credit: CMCAsecular and state enforced punishment, and a revival of leadershipaccording to a Christian order.16 This included prohibitions againsthigher learning and a return to the old method of singing.Some degree of organization existed in the Reinlaender Church asearly as the brotherhood meeting at Fort Dufferin in 1875. According tothis meeting there was to be only one Church and one colony administrationon the West Reserve, and the two were inseparable. Thisunderstanding, however, began to be challenged in the late 1870's asBergthaler Mennonites, who did not see themselves as part of this order,began arriving from the East Reserve.In an attempt to resolve this issue another brotherhood meetingwas called in 1880 where all who wished to be a part of the ReinlaenderMennonite Church were asked to reaffirm their commitment and followthe Church's teachings. All families were asked to make a decision tostay or leave. Many chose not to join and later joined the new BergthalerChurch on the West Reserve. 17While the day to day administration of village and colonial affairswas left to the Schulzen and Obervorsteher, major directions were under30

clerical influence from the start. More and more the ReinlaenderChurch or Old Colony ministry came to be involved in discipliningmembers who did not co-operate in colony decisions.The ultimate method of social control was the use of the ban or theexcommunication of church members. In the struggle to retain theopen-field village system and during the dispute over the introduction ofmunicipal government, members who left the village or participated inmunicipal affairs after 1884 were excommunicated from the Church.The frequent and at times petty use of this method of discipline lessenedits effectiveness as excommunicated members simply joined theBergthaler Church and other villagers still associated with bannedmembers. 18Rules multiplied to cover minute details of daily life and manyrules were simply sidestepped. One example of this concerned theintroduction of bicycles onto the West Reserve. A bicycle owner wasnot allowed to become a member of the Reinlaender or Old ColonyChurch, so those wishing to join the church gave their bicycles away tofriends or relatives. After baptism the bicycle was taken back and theChurch member continued to use it. 19In spite of these defections and evasions, the Church's power ofexcommunication made it, for many years, the supreme authority in thesettling of disputes and regulating social conduct. This was reflected inthe social stratification, with the bishops and ministers at the top ofMennonite society. On the second rung of the social ladder were themembers of the village government who were the connection betweenthe secular and the religious in the village. These village leadersultimately derived their power from the beliefs of the church. Belowthem were the ordinary farmers of the village and at the bottom were theAnwohner or landless.Social InstitutionsThe church was not only involved in colony government, but wasthe basis of many of the Mennonite social institutions. One such carryoverfrom Russia to Manitoba was the Brandordnung or Fire Insurance.It was organized by region and church. Each central administration washeaded by the Brandaeltester, district fire chief, with each villagehaving aBrandschulze and three assessors. It was compulsory to insureone half of the assessed value and permissible to insure up to two-thirdsof the assessed value.Among the Old Colony each member was obliged to have a longfire hook, ladder and lantern and to make sure that the chimney was kept31

clear. The Brandschulze inspected the yards once a month and if thingswere found out of order, warnings and then fines were handed out.When a fire occurred the three adjusters along with the villageBrandschulze inspected and reported to the Brandaeltester, who decidedthe amount of the payment. 20 The system was simple, efficient,inexpensive and a great aid to settlers at a time when house fires werecommon.The Waisenamt, another church institution, served to protect theinterests of orphans and the general management of estates. The regulationsfor this institution are over 20 pages long and date back to Prussia.They begin by delineating the method of caring for orphan children andend by dealing with the disposal of property. 21The Mennonite system of property transfer from one generation toanother was characterized by the principle of equal right of husband andwife in the village farm and equal inheritance among all children. Inaddition the family homestead was taken over by the surviving parent orby one of the grown up sons. This system of transfer was effective inpreventing the disintegration of standard holdings and keeping land inthe family.The transfer of property from generation to generation, far frombeing a private affair, was a public concern and crucial to the survival ofthe village. The settlement of an estate involved all heirs, the Waisenvorsteherand village Schulze, and no settlement was valid until thechurch elder had signed it. 22The Waisenamt also served as a savings bank and finance institutionacting to stabilize Mennonite economic life by taking care of manyfinancial problems.The First SchoolsAnother church based institution was the village school, with theReinlaender and later the Bergthaler and Sommerfelder Churches erectinga system of private schools. Even though settlers were fighting forsurvival during the early years of settlement, the education of childrenwas a high priority.In the fall of 1876 Obervorsteher Mueller sent a directive to allvillages to begin school instruction. 23 These first private schools wereoften held in homes, though a school site was included in the plan ofeach village. By 1879 the leaders of the colony were instructing allvillages to have school houses built. 24The schools were operated by the village council along guidelineslaid out by the church. Each village collected the school tax, which was32

The first Village School under constructionin Blumenort about 1880.computed in proportion to the property owned, and was responsible forthe building of the school house. The general levy or school tax alsoprovided shelter, fuel, grain, hay and other necessities for the teacher.The teacher's salary and school expenses were covered by a tuitionfee which was computed according to the number of children of schoolage and was collected like any other tax. 25The curriculum of these schools was dictated by the church andLong time text in Mennonite PrivateSchools.Credit:CMCA33

consisted largely of religious instruction and moral education in additionto teaching the three R 's. Textbooks consisted of the Old and NewTestaments, catechism, a song book (Gesangbuch), a German primer(Fibel), and a mathematics book.Most of the school hours, however, were spent with the Bible,catechism and song book in which the ideals for life in the communityand church were found. The aim was to teach them the simple duties offarm life. 26 School attendance was compulsory for eight months eachyear for boys age six to twelve and girls six to fourteen.Wilhelm Rempel and Family - Standing Lt. to Rt.: Wilhelm Rempel, daughterSarah, son-in-law Janzen, son Wilhelm. Seated: Mrs. Sarah (Abrams) Rempel,sons Peter, and Gerhard, daughter Mrs. Janzen. Wilhelm Rempel was born onDecember 29,1846 in the village of Rosenthal of the Chortitza Colony in Russia. Hebecame a teacher in 1870 and taught until 1878 when he emigrated to Canada.Although he initially set out to become a farmer in Hoffnungsfeld, West Reserve,Rempel was convinced by Franz Froese, then the Schulze of Reinland, to acceptthe position of teacher in the Reinland Private School. He taught in this school from1878 to 1882 when he became teacher of the newly organized district school in thevillage of Reinland. In 1884 he left his position as teacher to become the secretarytreasurerof the newly formed R.M. of Rhineland and Inspector of MennoniteSchools in Manitoba. He served as Inspector until 1887. Wilhelm Rempel was alsoone of the original founders of the M.E.I. in Gretna starting the Schulverein there in1889. He also became the schools first teacher but only taught for a year. In the1890's he moved to Saskatchewan to teach there.Credit: CMCA34

Teachers were appointed once a year by the village administrationand stress was laid on moral qualifications of the teachers who werealways male and usually married. During the first years in Manitobathese teachers were often Mennonites who had taught earlier in Russia.This German Mennonite private school system functioned parallelto the provincial Protestant and Catholic dual school system. TheMennonite schools on the West Reserve were at first largely ignored bythe Protestant section of the school board, though a letter of invitationwas sent to the Mennonites in 1878, inviting them to register theirschools with the province. This letter assured the Mennonites that theycould continue to choose their own teachers and control the instructionwhich could be in German.27Despite this open invitation the Mennonite leaders on the WestReserve distrusted the intrusion of the state in education and no publicschools were formed until 1882. In that year Reinland opened a publicschool with an enrollment of twenty-three. This school, however, operatedagainst the wishes of the church leadership and in competition withthe church operated school. 28 The Reinlaender Church was still inexorablyopposed to government involvement in education and excommunicatedparents who sent their children to public schools.This struggle between private and public or district schools continueduntil the 1920's. It was only after 1884 and the introduction ofofficial municipal government in the West Reserve that district schoolsmade any headway. In that year, ten school districts were establishedmostly in Bergthal settlements. Even here, however, many of thesedistrict schools were tenuous affairs with few pupils. In some casesratepayers in a district even petitioned the municipal council to close adistrict school. 29The First YearsAfter a village had been organized the first priority of the settlerswas to construct a winter dwelling place and to mow grass to feed thecattle during the winter. Most settlers on the West Reserve built eitherSemlin "sod house" or Sara; "log frame covered with thatch" as fewcould afford to buy lumber. Most preferred the warmer Semlin whichwas constructed by digging a hole from two to three feet deep andbuilding a wall of sod about three feet high around this hole. Poles wereextended across the walls and covered with sod for a roof. The averagesize of a Semlin was about fifteen feet wide and thirty-five feet long.This area would accommodate both the family and animals. These35

Semlin or Sarai generally lasted a few years until a more substantialhome could be built.Only a few prosperous families in Blumenort, who had purchasedlumber in Winnipeg, built frame houses that first autumn. 30Throughout the winter wood was cut in the Pembina Hills forfirewood and for a future house. This remained the dominant winteractivity until the late 1880's when most settlers had completed a log orframe house. 31 The first timbers were hand hewn, but a sawmill beganoperating in Blumenort as early as 1878. When more permanent houseswere built they were constructed according to the style the Mennoniteshad been accustomed to in Europe.The house, with the gables facing the street, was divided into aVorderhaus "front house" and Hinterhaus "rear house". The front partof the house was used for the living room and bedrooms. The barns werealmost all attached to the house to afford greater warmth and comfort toboth humans and animals. This feature also made it more convenient tocare for the livestock in winter. These structures were kept scrupulouslyclean and great care was taken to avoid fire hazards, though house fireswere common during the pioneer years.Detail of Mennonite house construction 1880's.36Credit: PAM

These houses were constructed by digging basements up to threefeet in depth and lining them with boulders. The foundation offieldstones was then laid, with the sills laid on top of it. Solid uprights"6 inches by 6 inches" were placed three feet apart and seven feet high.Plates were attached to these uprights and the joints were made permanentby driving wooden pegs, six to ten inches long, through holesbored in the joints. Corners were then carefully braced and logs jammedbetween the uprights to block up the wall.Barns were constructed in a similar manner except for the fact thatthey were not as carefully built and both the rafters and the uprights weresmaller since only hay was stored in the lofts. Roofs were usuallythatched up until 1900 when shingles began to replace this method.Interiors were lined with a mixture of clay and chaff and whitewashedwith lime prepared in local kilns. 32 Besides the construction of homes,barns and furniture, other early tasks included the planting of treesalong the village streets and in the individual orchards.The first years in Manitoba were not easy ones. Hardship was thenorm and little social life existed outside of visiting, church and thearrival of mail. News from relatives and friends in Russia and the UnitedStates was eagerly awaited and newspapers such as: Nebraska Ansiedler,Mennonitische Rundschau, and Herald der Wahrheit werewelcome additions in most homes.Deaths were frequent leaving few pioneer families untouchedduring the first years. In 1879 a typhoid outbreak caused one family inBlumenort to lose four members,33 while diphtheria killed many childrenin the mid 1880's. In 1883 fifteen children died in Reinland alone,while 12 died in Blumenfeld. 34 In 1884 there was little letup as 10children died in Hochstadt and 6 in Gnadenfeld. Among the Bergthalvillages in 1884 there were 8 more deaths than births.35To survive in those first years many families relied on loans fromthe Government of Canada and Ontario Mennonites. In all, Mennoniteson the West Reserve received $26,000 from Ontario Mennonites and$54,670 from the Canadian Government. 36 Much of this was used forprovisions, travel expenses, and the purchase of cattle, equipment andseed grain. 37 Some measure of the economic growth of the Mennonitesettlements, is illustrated by the fact that by 1888 the government loanhad been totally repaid.This debt, known as the Brotschuld, and its repayment has assumedmythic proportions over the years representing the Mennonitespirit of mutual aid, thrift and honesty. Th B rotschuld also strengthenedthe sense of gratitude towards the government and helped engender anappreciation of the wider Mennonite community.37

fieldgarden- - barnlink-- house'---___ storage---:!.I.ilo \J)JTYPICAL FARMYARD LAYOUTEarly Agricu.ltu.reIn spite of severe hardships during the early years of settlement,Mennonites made rapid advances in agriculture. The FuerstenlandMennonites, who settled on the West Reserve in 1875, drew upon theexperience of the East Reserve and established their settlements more38

Reinland Windmill in the 1870's.Credit: CMCAefficiently. Considerable stock, especially oxen, had been purchasedwhen the Mennonites passed through Minnesota on their way to Manitoba.Additional stock including horses had been bought from theMetis at St. Joseph (Walhalla). 38 In 1876 the first land was broken and1,475 acres were put into crop.Land was broken with a hand plow pulled by two oxen and sowing39

was done by hand with the seed worked into the ground with a harrow.The first year grain was cut with a scythe and threshed by a threshingblock, Ausfuhr Klotz, which was pulled over sheaves of grain by horses.These were replaced by threshing machines, steam and horse driven, asearly as 1877. 39During the first year Jacob Fehr of Reinland broke nine acres ofland, six of which were sown to wheat and three to oats. 40 The first crop,however, was poor because the land had been broken at the wrong timeof year to allow the sod to rot properly. These improper cultivationtechniques cut the yields during the first years, but farmers soon learnedthe best way to break the land and the amount of cultivated landincreased rapidly.During the first few years of settlement most of the grain productionwas either used to feed livestock, or was ground into flour by anumber of steam powered grist mills on the reserve. There was a flourmill in Blumenort by 1877. But flax was also beginning to be grown andseven loads were hauled to Emerson in that year. 41Table 3 Selected Agricultural Statistics for the West Reserve1876-1883Im-Po-Year proved Wheat Oats Barley tatoes Flax Horses Oxen CattleLand(acres) (bu) (bu) (bu) (bu) (bu)1876 1,5001877 8,306 35,058 2,782 8,969 9,649 280 128 1067 11041878 10,470 125,509 20,009 21,017 42,036 5,124 362 866 16761879 14,336 127,407 48,884 34,689 31,180 6,884 718 930 2059*1881 211,343 115,164 67,162 35,050 56,8421883 211,343 2500 4500Source: Annual Reports. Dept. of Agriculture and Immigration.*Rundschau, Dec. 15, 1881.The Mennonites in the West Reserve did not specialize in stockraising, but it was an important part of their economy with the numberof cattle increasing steadily. Each farm usually had three to four cowsand several hogs. Oxen were the most popular draught animals duringthe first years of settlement as they were cheaper than horses. As the sizeof fields increased, however, horses rapidly replaced them. Oxen wereespecially out of place travelling back and forth from the fields to thevillage.By the late 1870's and early 1880's most villages were producing agood surplus of grain and had one or two threshing machines. This40

surplus was either ground in their own grist mills or shipped the 30-50miles to Emerson by horse and wagon. By 1881 with wheat prices ashigh as $1.00 a bushel, farmers were selling large quantities of grainwith 200-300 loads of grain shipped to Emerson on some days.42 Thisshift to commercial grain farming was facilitated not only by increasingacreages and good crop years, but also by the introduction of newtechnology which the Mennonites quickly utilized. Threshing machineswere being used by Mennonites as early as 1878, by 1879 reapersand mowers were common and by 1882 many Mennonite farmers werebuying seeders and self binders. 43This increase in agricultural production took place inspite ofnumerous setbacks. Hail damaged the crops of eight villages in 1882cutting yields by one third and frost and rust also plagued farmers thatyear. 44 Early frosts during the first years of the 1880's caused manyfarmers to switch from Russian wheat to English wheat, Red Fife,which matured earlier and for which higher prices were being paid.Table 4Number of Bushels Harvested from 1881 Crop at RosenortAcresCulti- Po- Thr-Villagers vated Wheat Rye Barley Oats Flax tatoes nips BeansHeinrich Braun 54 415 100 234 25 100 20 1/2Cornelius Thiessen 39 312 140 220 25 15 30John Ens 39 270 92 224 100 70Abraham Friesen 30 222 100 176 25 20Jacob DyckJacob Giesbrecht 50 390 80 200 30 120 10Abraham Peters 60 537 12 115 295 70 60 15 Y2Jacob Neufeld 19 150 100 70 10 20 5 Y2Isaac Friesen 36 150 70 200 30 8John Neufeld 14 100 10 85 Y250 1Abram ThiessenPeter Friesen1565217628 148100348305030100Peter Krahn 50 500 80 200 50 60Aron Peters 65 445 20 100 230 175 50 20Heinrich Martens 65 350 100 285 175 40Abraham Friesen 5 Y2Wilhelm Thiessen 50 400 120 200 50 3030 225 15 80 100 60 25Jacob Wall 42 253 86 10Peter Ham 60 475 100 110 100 60 20 Y2Cornelius Thiessen 33 280 15 122 200 140 40 2Despite these setbacks production increased, especially after 1882when the railway crossed the reserve. By 1883 an elevator had beenerected in the growing market town of Gretna on the southern boundary41

of the reserve. Grain shipments boomed and from the fall of 1883 toFebruary of 1884, 243,500 bushels of wheat were shipped from theGretna station. 45Railway TownBefore the railway expanded into southern Manitoba no tradingcenters existed within the area of Mennonite settlement on the WestReserve. Grist mills and saw mills operated in a number of Mennonitevillages and stores existed in Reinland and Neuanlage, but no villageshad evolved into trading centres. By the time the Mennonites immigratedto Manitoba in the 1870's no Mennonite business group hademerged in Russia. In Russia they had depended on Jewish pedlars andbusinessmen for their outside needs. Thus, during the early years inManitoba Mennonites relied on non-Mennonite entrepreneurs in Emerson,Nelsonville, and Mountain City.The first trading centers for the West Reserve Mennonites hadbeen Winnipeg and Emerson. Winnipeg, however, was too far away andafter the settlers had made their initial purchases there, they relied onlocal centers. Emerson and West Lynne were the grain and livestockcenters until towns were established in the Pembina Hills country.Nelsonville developed into a regional center when a sawmill, agrist mill and a store were established there between 1877-1879. MountainCity, eight miles south of Nelsonville on the Post Road, developedinto another center. Trading centers in the West Reserve proper,however, had to await the coming of the railway.The railway, when it arrived in 1882, was instrumental in bringingabout a change in the almost complete divorce between Mennonitesettlement and trading centers. Towns that sprang up along the railwaymarked a real break from Mennonite life in south Russia and ultimatelyserved as a bridge for the adaptation of the Mennonites to prairiesociety.As early as the 1870's Emerson and Winnipeg interests had appliedfor charters to build a railway through the West Reserve. Emerson'sproposal was a life and death matter, since its carefully nurtured tradewith the area would be eliminated if Winnipeg established direct railcontact with southwestern Manitoba. Every application by Emersonwas disallowed, however, the first railway built into the area was theCPR's Southwestern and Pembina Mountain Branch. Having begun in1881, the Southwestern Branch ran south from Winnipeg to the townsiteof Gretna on the international boundary, while the Pembina MountainBranch was built westward to the escarpment from Rosenfeld. Regular42

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service was commenced on the two lines on December 1, 1882. 46 Withthe completion of the railway, trading centers sprang up overnight atGretna, Stephen, and Morden.Morden was laid out in 1883 where the Pembina Mountain Branchcrosses the Dead Horse Creek. The town grew rapidly as businessinterests from Mountain City and Nelsonville, having been bypassed bythe railway, quickly moved to Morden. Stephen, built a half mile northof Schoendorf and eight miles east of Morden, had arisen when railwayconstruction reached that point in 188l. As railway construction continuedon in the next years it was quickly eclipsed by Morden andbusinesses soon relocated there. By 1884 Morden had two elevators, aflour mill, numerous stores, and served as the trading center for thewestern portion of the West Reserve.The first trading center in the present Rural Municipality ofRhineland, the main center in the eastern portion of the West Reservefor many years, was Gretna. Established in 1883, the town was laid outwhere the Southwestern Branch crossed the international boundary.The land on which the townsite was located had originally belonged tothe village of Neuanlage, but was sold to the CPR in 188l. 47 The nameGretna is believed to have come from W. W. Ogilvie who built the firstelevator in Gretna in 1882-83. Ogilvie, as the story goes, originallycame from the village of Gretna Green in Scotland and named Gretnaafter it. 48 It should also be mentioned that Gretna's elevator was one ofthe first square plan elevators built in western Canada.Serving as the main trading center for the east half of the reserveand competing with Emerson as a port of entry from the United States,Gretna grew by leaps and bounds in the first years.The first building to be erected in 1883 was that of Christian Pieper,an agent for Ogilvie and an early machine dealer. He was followed byother businessmen from other towns who saw new opportunities in thisrailway town. Erdman Penner, a Mennonite from Russia who hadoperated stores in Tannau and Niverville in the East Reserve, andNeuanlage in the West Reserve, moved his operation to Gretna in 1883.Enoch Winkler, a native of Waterloo County Ontario, came to Gretna in1883 to start up a lumber business. Winkler had come to Manitoba in1874 and had built up a lumber business in Emerson. He had also actedas an interpreter for the Mennonites in 1875, and thus recognized aunique business opportunity when the railway reached Gretna.Other businessmen arriving in 1883 included: W. H. Tyson, animplement dealer from Emerson; 1. R. Hoffman, the first postmasterand formerly a merchant in Emerson; A. Goldie, who built the Anglo­American Hotel; W. Schramm; W. 1. Potter; Levi William; Henry Ritz;44

R. Foster, hardware merchant; Andrew Firsch, tinsmith; Philip Erbach,flax purchaser for Livingstone Brothers; and Otto Schultz.In 1884 Queen's Hotel was built, another elevator, McBean, waserected, and many other businesses were started: P. Reid opened aharness business; Alexander Smith began a livery service; R. B. Fisherlaunched another hardware store; H. Braun built a liquor store; DavidPeters of Blumenort established a general store; the Massey Companyset up another implement dealership with Max Heydon as agent; MarcusLong founded a loan agency; and H. Hellofs began a butcher shop. 49This short list illustrates that Gretna was not simply an AngloSaxon enclave, but offered many opportunities to German speakingbusinessmen. From the beginning of Gretna, Mennonites also becameinvolved in the commercial life in the town.Municipal GovernmentThe introduction of municipal government to the West Reservemet with divergent responses, which were both a reflection and cause ofchurch conflict on the reserve. While the Fuerstenland group, which hadsettled on the reserve in 1875-76, had accepted the church leadership ofJohann Wiebe and the colony administration of Obervorsteher Mueller,this was not unanimous. There were a number of dissenters withinJohann Wiebe's Reinlaender Church, and there was a growing oppositionto the authority of Obervorsteher Issak Mueller from the Bergthalerwho had moved from the East Reserve to the West Reserve after 1878.The Bergthaler were freer of group control than the Reinlaendersince they were miles away from the authority of the East Reservechurch. Consequently, these newer settlers were unwilling to conformto the strict confines of the Reinlaender Church and its colony administration.Gradually a new Bergthaler Church evolved on the WestReserve in the early 1880's.Conflicts between the two churches originally arose when theBergthaler Church began accepting members who had been excommunicatedby the Reinlaender Church. This seriously affected theauthority of the Reinlaender bishops, and hence the social organizationof the villages. Because each farmer owned his own land the last gaspmethod of maintaining group cohesion was the threat of excommunicationfrom the church. Since leaving the village to live on one's ownquarter section, or selling land to an outsider would both seriouslydisrupt the village system, both were punishable by excommunicationamong the Reinlaender.After 1878 the threat of village breakup became very real as45

individual settlers became eligible to receive deeds to their land, havingfulfilled their three year residency requirement.In an attempt to close this breach of authority a brotherhoodmeeting was held in 1880 where all who wished to remain in theReinlaender Church were asked to reaffirm their vows and pledgeallegiance to the Church's teaching. Those who chose to leave usuallyjoined the Bergthaler Church. The split between the two groups wideneduntil 1884 when the municipal issue led to a complete break. 50In the twenty years after 1880 over a hundred persons wereexcommunicated for leaving the village, selling land to an outsider,sending children to a district school, or having dealings with theBergthaler. 51 The introduction of municipal government after 1880 onlyadded fuel to this conflict.The first municipal act of Manitoba was passed in 1873 andprovided for the incorporation of a municipality on petition of twothirdsof the male freeholders over the age of twenty-one in any localitywhere there were no less than thirty freeholders. Since the Mennoniteshad their own system of colony government this act did not affectthem. 52In 1880, however, this changed as the government, recognizing theneed for united action in building roads and bridges throughout theprovince, passed another municipal act. Under this act the entire settledportion of the province was divided into counties and municipalities,with the election of a municipal council made mandatory. In this waythe Municipality of Rineland 53 came to be composed of "that part of theMennonite Reserve in the Counties of Dufferin and Morris not includedin the Municipality of Morris and South Dufferin". 54 This vague descriptionled to some confusion as to who had the right to tax residents inthe disputed area between the Mennonites and Anglo-Saxons on thewestern fringe of the reserve. This problem was rectified in 1881 whenthe boundaries of the Municipality of Rhineland were spelled outspecifically as comprising townships 1, 2, and 3, ranges 1,2,3,4 westand the eastern two tiers of sections in range 5 west. 55The imposition of municipal government was resisted by theReinlaender or Old Colony group, with some threatening to emigrate ifmunicipal government were forced on them.In contrast to this reaction, the growing Bergthaler populationalong with some dissidents of the Old Colony group welcomed municipalgovernment as a means of countering the power of the ReinlaenderGebietsamt.As a compromise Premier Norquay, through William Hespeler,convinced the Reinlaender Gebietsamt that the Mennonites could ap-46

point candidates for the municipal positions and the government wouldduly confirm them. This suggestion was accepted and in May of 1880Issak Mueller was appointed the Warden of the Municipality of Rhinelandalong with six Mennonite councillors. Mueller then proceeded tocollect vital statistics and have maps drawn of all villages as prescribedby the government.Jacob Giesbrecht and Family - Jacob Giesbrecht was born on January 2, 1842 inthe Chortitza Colony in Russia. Baptized in 1863 he married Anna Fehr in 1865. In1872 they moved to the newly settled Fuerstenland Colony living in the village ofMichaelsburg. After emigrating to Canada in 1875 they settled in the village ofReinland, and their home became an important stopping place for travellers passingthrough on the Post Road. He was a prominent member of the village becomingSchulze for a time, and in 1884 became a charter council member of the newlyformed R.M. of Rhineland. In 1885 he also became the first Mennonite Reeve of theMunicipality. He also operated the windmill in the village of Reinland grinding bothbarley and wheat. The mill was patronized by local people as well as Americanresidents from the Walhalla area. He died in 1911, and his wife Anna died in 1930.47

In 1883 this combination Gebietsamt-municipal council gave asummary report to the Deputy Minister of Agriculture in Winnipeg as tothe state of the municipal lands, population, livestock, and fixed andmovable property. 57 Yearly elections, as prescribed by the MunicipalAct of 1880, were held in the villages, but these amounted to no morethan a confirmation of the Gebietsamt and Obervorsteher as the electionswere administered by members of the Reinlaender Church. 58Mueller's reign as Warden of the municipality did not go uncontested.In 1882 Jacob Giesbrecht, an excommunicated Reinlaender andformer Schulze of the Village of Reinland, opposed Mueller for theposition and attempted to use the courts to confirm himself in theposition. Giesbrecht lost the suit and Mueller continued to administerthe municipality. 59This state of affairs changed at the end of 1883 when Rhineland'smunicipal boundaries were again changed. The eastern half of the oldmunicipality became the Municipality of Douglas in the County ofManchester, while the western half became the Municipality of Rhinelandin the County of Dufferin. This division, made in part because theold Municipality of Rhineland had been too large to administer, noweffectively gave control of the east half of the reserve to the Bergthaler.This division, along with the appointment of government returningofficers to supervise the elections of 1883, provoked the ReinlaenderGebietsamt to outlaw all dealings with the new municipality. TheReinlaender group had been willing to undertake municipal business,but only according to their methods with no reliance or reference tosecular law. When official, government supervised municipal affairsarrived in 1884, the Reinlaender Church forbade its members to haveanything to do with the new municipality.60Bergthaler Mennonites in the Municipality of Douglas offeredlittle res: ')tance to the introduction of municipal government. On January8,1884, Otto Schultz took over the office of reeve, meeting with hissix Mennonite councillors in the house of Erdman Penner in Gretna.The only conflict, if it can be called that, was the protest of a number ofEnglish residents of Gretna that Schultz should not be allowed tobecome reeve since he had never become a naturalized Canadian. 61Schultz, a German Native, had come to New York as a seventeen yearold, and immigrated to Manitoba in 1873 becoming one of the firstmerchants in Gretna. The protest over his election came to naught asSchultz remained reeve.After this first meeting the Douglas Council met regularly once amonth in the home of Johann Klassen of Neuanlage. Franz Kliewer was48

appointed secretary treasurer and the council began routine municipalbusiness.One of the first acts of council was to ask for a reckoning ofaccounts with the old Municipality of Rhineland to get its share offunds. 62 Another significant act included petitioning the government totransfer township 1 range 1 east from the Municipality of Montcalm toDouglas. This largely Mennonite township had been detached in 1881and its residents were anxious to become a part of the Douglas Municipality.Council also petitioned the government to allow it to conductbusiness in German and to open a county court and registry office in themunicipality. Transfer from Gebietsamt to Municipal council wassmooth with a good deal of continuity. The municipal council in factworked out a by-law to uphold the regulations of the BergthalerWaisenamt.This smooth transition did not occur in the Rhineland Municipalityas the majority of Mennonite inhabitants there withdrew completelyfrom municipal affairs. Instead municipal leadership fell to a smallgroup of excommunicated Reinlaender Church members and the minorityBergthaler in the municipality.The council members were elected by acclamation with JarvisMott, a Baptist from Ontario and one of the few non-Mennonites in themunicipality, elected reeve. One of the councillors, Johann Dyck, was amember of the Reinlaender Church but withdrew from council immediatelyafter the church forbade any dealings with the council. Anothercouncil member, Jacob Giesbrecht, had also been a member of theReinlaender Church but had been previously excommunicated. The restof the council was made up of members of the Bergthaler group.An indication of the bad feelings between the municipal counciloccurred when the council initiated legal action against Johann Dyck,the retired councillor, to collect a fine of forty dollars. The MunicipalAct of 1883 provided that any mayor, councillor, or reeve refusing to actafter being elected was liable to a fine.These strained relations adversely affected the ability of theRhineland Municipality to carry out its business. In its first meeting,held in the home of David Reddekop in Schanzenfeld, the Municipalityof Rhineland decided to write the Reinlaender Gebietsamt and IssakMueller to tell them that the government would not recognize thecouncil formed by them and that they should submit a statement of taxeslevied and paid during the previous four years. 64 Mueller, on the otherhand, had gone to Winnipeg and received legal advice from the DeputyProvincial Treasurer, that he needn't tum over any books to the newcouncil until a proper assessment had been made. 6549

Eventually, a representative from the Manitoba Government cameto the Douglas Municipal Office in Neuanlage and called a meeting withthe Reinlaender Gebietsamt. On inspection of their books it was revealedthat they were not legal municipality property and ObervorsteherMueller was allowed to retain possession of them. 66 It was November of1884 before an assessment of the municipality was completed and onlythen did the municipal council find out that it was not in debt but hadassets of twenty dollars. 67Volost and MunicipalityThus by 1884 parallel institutions of Volost and Municipality werefunctioning within the confines of the West Reserve. Private villageschools operated alongside district schools, railway towns existed besidethe traditional villages, the Waisenamt was legally recognized bythe Douglas Municipality, and the Reinlaender Gebietsamt governed asa parallel institution with the Rhineland Municipal Council.Two weeks after the municipal council of Rhineland held its firstmeeting, Obervorsteher Mueller sent all Reinlaender village Schulzennew regulations governing statute labour separate from the municipaljurisdiction. Conversely, the municipal council, operating without theconsent of the majority of its ratepayers, petitioned the Legislature toamend the Municipal Act to allow the Rhineland Council to imposestatute labour according to local want. 68 This request clearly showed thatthe council recognized the power of the Reinlaender Gebietsamt. In factuntil the Reinlaender Mennonites left for Mexico in the 1920's themunicipal council functioned alongside that of the Gebietsamt. Whilethere was a good deal of conflict between the two initially, a pattern ofpeaceful co-existence eventually developed by the 1890's and an acceptablemodus vivendi was worked out. 69FOOTNOTES FOR CHAPTER III. Jacob Fehr, Diary. Portions of this diary appear in translated form in Peter D. Zacharias,Rein/and: An Experience in Community, pages 34-40. The following description of thearrival of the first Mennonites to the West Reserve comes from this source.2. Canada. Sessional Papers. Annual Reports of the Department of Agriculture andImmigration 1875-1880.3. Peter D. Zacharias, op. cit., page 55.4. Mennonitische Rundshau, May 15, 1881.5. Reapers of the Valley 1882 -1982: History of the R.M. of Montcalm. (Montcalm HistoryGroup, 1982). Township diagrams.6. My source for Menno-Canuck dispute is Adolph Ens, "Mennonite Relations withGovernments: Western Canada 1870-1925" (Ph.D. Thesis, University of Ottawa, 1978),pages 56-64.50

7. Ibid., page 77.8. Search of Abstract Books in Morden and Winnipeg Land Titles Offices. Those Villagesfiling agreements were: Neubergthal 1891, Altbergthal 1891, Altona 1889, Edenburg1885, Neuanlage 1885, Sommerfeld 1892.9. Report of 1. Y. Schantz in Herald der Wahrheit, December 1877.10. Examples of these records can be found in the Reinland Village Paper MHCA.II . Herald der Wahrheit , November 1877.12. Peter D. Zacharias, op. cit., page 58.13. Reinland Village Papers, MHCA.14. Peter D. Zacharias, op. cit., page 58. Zacharias' account is based on Johann Wiebe'sown account. Die Auswanderung von Russland nach Kanada, (Cuauhtemoc, Chihuahua,Mexico: Camp 6Yz Apartado 297, 1972).IS. Ibid.16. Ibid., pages 185-186.17. Ibid., page 192. An account of Early Mennonite Church organization on the WestReserve can also be found in Peter Elias, "Memoirs" 2 Vols., MHCA.18. Peter Elias, opt. cit.19. Ibid.20. Reinland Village Papers, MHCA.21. Regulations of the Reinlaender Waisenamt, Reinland Village Papers, MHCA.22. E. K. Francis, In Search of Utopia, (Altona: D. W. Friesen and Sons, 1955), pages126-128.23. Reinland Village Papers, MHCA.24. Ibid.25. E. K. Francis, "The Mennonite School Problem in Manitoba 1874-1919," in MennoniteQuarterly Review, 27 (1953), page 209.26. Jake Dyck, "The Elementary Private School System of the Mennonites in Manitoba1874-1924", (Unpublished Research Paper, Canadian Mennonite Bible College, 1976),page 3.27. Albert Schmidt, "Reasons for Rejection and Acceptance of Administrative Re-organizationin Rhineland School Division 1954-1971" , (M. Ed. Thesis, University of Manitoba,1975), page 52.28. Adolph Ens, op. cit., pages 111-112.29. Minutes of the Municipality of Douglas 1884-85.30. John Warkentin, "The Mennonite Settlements of Southern Manitoba", (Ph.D. Thesis,University of1:oronto, 1960), page 72.31. Rundshau, March 25, 1885.32. John Warkentin, op. cit., pages 113-117.33. Helen Janzen, "Father's Memoirs", in Lawrence Klippenstein and Julius G. Toews(ed.) Mennonite Memoirs: Settling in Western Canada, (Winnipeg: Centennial Publications,1977), page 79.34. Rundshau, Oct. 8,1884; March 12,1884.35. Rundshau, Oct. 8,1884.36. Frank H. Epp, Mennonites in Canada 1786-1920: The History of a Separate People,(Toronto: Macmillan, 1974), page 226.37. Peter D. Zacharias, op. cit., page 67.38. John Warkentin, op. cit., page 76.39. Helen Janzen, op. cit., page 85.40. Peter D. Zacharias, opt. cit., page 147.41. John Warkentin, op. cit., page 131.42. Rundshau, November IS, 1881.43. Ibid., March IS and September I, 1882.51

44. Ibid., October IS and September IS, 1882.45. Ibid., February 27, 1884.46. John Warkentin, op. cit., page 165.47. Rundshau, July IS, 1881.48. Red River Valley Echo, November 25, 1970.49. Brandon Daily Mail, February 27, 1890; Commercial, 1882-1884; Nordwesten,January 1899.50. Peter Elias, op. cit., Vol. II page 18.51. Ibid., page 11.52. Alan C. Ewart, "The Municipal History of Manitoba" , University of Toronto Studies:History and Economics Vol. II, No.3 (1907), page 6.53. The spelling of Rineland was changed to the present form the next year.54. Statutes of Manitoba 1880, 43 Vic. Cap. I.55. Ibid, 1881,44 Vic. Cap. 3.56. Adolph Ens, op. cit., page 122.57. Ibid., pages 123-124.58. Rundshau, February 22, 1888.59. Adolph Ens, op. cit., page 125. Peter Elias in his memoirs mentions that Giesbrecht infact was elected and acted as reeve in 1882 and 1883. No proof of this could be foundhowever.60. Rundshau, February 1,1888.61. Manitoba Mountaineer, February 9, 1884.62. Minutes of the Municipality of Dougias, January 8, 1884.63. Ibid., April 1, 1884.64. Minutes of the Municipality of Rhineland, January 26, 1884.65. Ibid., April IS and 29, 1884.66. Adolph Ens, op. cit., page 131.67. Minutes of the Municipality of Rhineland, November 1884.68. Adolph Ens, op. cit., page 133.69. This term is used by E. K. Francis to describe the arrangement between the two. InFrancis' account, however, much is made of the progressive transition from one to the other:from Voiost to Municipality. The main point here is that both existed side by side, and thatconservative and progressive factions were present in the West Reserve from the first.52

Chapter IIIExpansion and Prosperity18 mm1900The year 1885 did not commence very differently than 1884 hadconcluded. The Rural Municipality of Rhineland was still embroiled ina controversy with the Reinlaender Mennonite Church as to who hadauthority in the area, inter-church conflict continued, and districtschools were not yet any real threat to private village schools. Despitethis appearance of continuity, however, there was a dynamic change atwork in the area, as agricultural expansion and economic growth actedto significantly alter Rhineland's landscape in the next decade and ahalf.Renewed emigration from Russia and Eastern Europe in the1890's, along with natural increase in the area produced a rapidlyspiraling population growth in the Rural Municipality of Rhineland.The main catalyst to this growth was the commercial grain farmingbegun in the early 1880's. More land was brought under cultivation aswheat farming continued to be profitable, and trading centers sprang upat Rosenfeld, Plum Coulee, Winkler and Altona to serve this agriculturalhinterland.Low world grain prices during the early 1890's acted as somewhatof a brake to economic growth in the area. By 1901 the population of theR.M. of Rhineland, encompassing parts of the old Douglas and Rhinelandmunicipalities, stood at 9,157 - the most populous Rural Municipalityin the Province of Manitoba.53

Year18841886189118961901Table 5 Population Statistics for the Rural Municipalityof Rhineland 1884-1901(including incorporated towns)RhinelandDouglas3457 26103943 2509711985149157Source: Assessment RollsBy 1900 most existing villages were pleasant well treed communitieswith many newly built frame houses. Towns had grown to asubstantial size with a myriad of social and economic activities and forthe first time many settlers had a chance to sit back and view theiraccomplishments. Despite the rapid economic progress and materialadvances in the area, not all were satisfied with what they saw.During the two decades of pioneering many settlers had lostcontact with family and friends in Russia and in the United States andsome now took the opportunity to travel back to the old country to renewcontacts.Rapid agricultural settlement and rising land prices also made itdifficult for the sons and daughters of the original pioneers to startfarming on their own. This scarcity of land, evident by the 1890's,initiated a migration to the northwest of Canada where land could still behomesteaded. By the late 1890's this emigration reached significantlevels disrupting both family and village life.Similarly, the rise of towns in the area brought the Mennonites intoimmediate contact with the larger Canadian society challenging manyof their cultural and religious traditions. Thus, by 1900 agriculturalexpansion and economic prosperity had affected all aspects of life inRhineland.Municipal Developments 1884-1890Throughout most of the 1880's the R.M. of Rhineland attempted toestablish its legitimacy with the Reinlaender Gebietsamt andratepayers. In early 1885 the municipal council conducted a series offarmers' meetings to determine which group should retain possession ofthe municipal-Gebietsamt administrative office in Reinland. By a voteof 162-69 it was decided that the building should be turned over to themunicipality. IThis vote, which had not included most of the Reinlaender Church54

members, was not held to be binding by Obervorsteher Mueller. InsteadMueller proposed the building be sold at a public auction. 2 Blocked inthis way the council took matters into their own hands and evicted theOld Colony proprietors, removing all Gebietsamt materials from thebuilding. From this point until 1889, council meetings were held inReinland.This small coup d'etat, however, did not alter Old Colony oppositionto the municipality. The council tried very hard to get the OldColony members to participate in municipal elections and affairs, but tolittle avail. The Reinlaender Church was opposed to both voting andholding office in municipal government and was quite successful inpreventing its members from participating throughout the 1880's. In theelection of the 1886 municipal council it is estimated that only one-tenthof the 820 farmers in the area voted. 3 In that same election the village ofBlumenort even wrote to the municipal office saying that its memberswould not vote and would not be available for any appointments. 4Another indication of the opposition to the Rhineland Municipalcouncil was the running battle between the municipal council andvarious villages throughout the 1880's and 1890's. Contentious issuesincluded the refusal of some villages to clear up their weed problemsand the practice of villages in constructing ponds and dams whichflooded non-village farm land. sParticularly galling to the Reinlaender Church leadership,however, was the method the municipality used in reaching settlements- the threat of legal action. In Reinlaender eyes the use of legal meansand secular authority was unbiblical and did much to harden the ReinlaenderChurch's attitude towards the municipality. 6The municipal council, in tum, gave little ground and in 1885refused to accept village work, grading of streets and drainage of villagelands, in lieu of statute labour. 7 By 1890 it was found necessary to mergethe R.M. of Rhineland with that of Douglas in an attempt to achieveeffective government over the area. 8 •Old Colony opposition, however, was not monolithic and easedover the years. Almost every year some member of the ReinlaenderChurch was elected to council and then had to resign or be excommunicatedfrom the Church. (Abraham Neufeld 1886, Wilhelm Reddekopp,Peter Peters 1888).9 While voting statistics are not available the MordenMonitor noted that in 1894 more Mennonites were putting themselveson the voters' list. 10Even before this there is evidence that a greater co-operation wasdeveloping between the municipality and the Old Colony Villages. By1887 Franz Froese, the successor to Isaak Mueller as Obervorsteher of55

the Reinlaender Gebietsamt, required that his tenant promptly fulfillmunicipal tax and road requirements. II The municipal council, for itspart, was not anti-clerical and exempted Mennonite clergymen fromstatutory labour and land taxes. 12The R.M. of Douglas (1884-1890) on the other hand had noproblems with legitimacy. The debate over Mennonite participation inmunicipal politics was not nearly as divisive. Some believed that ifMennonites became involved in government business they would beforced to serve in the next war, but the majority believed that theMennonites should take care of themselves and run their own municipalaffairs. This much greater willingness to accept municipal governmentin Douglas was no doubt facilitated by the fact that the BergthalerChurch in the area had no Gebietsamt or Colony apparatus comparableto the Reinlaender Church.The attitude that there was no contradiction in being a Mennoniteand becoming involved in municipal government even seems to havebeen accepted by some Reinlaender Church members living in Douglas.In the 1888 Douglas municipal election David Peters, a ReinlaenderChurch member, was elected reeve. This election occasioned a meetingof the Reinlaender Church leaders and Davd Peters. At this meetingBishop Johann Wiebe admonished Peters for accepting the nominationand advised him to resign as reeve. Peters, while wishing to remain amember of the church, claimed it was his duty to serve and said that hebelieved the Bible said nothing against serving on council. Serving asreeve of the municipality, he claimed, had nothing to do with police ormagistrate powers.13 Refusing to step down, Peters was excommunicatedin January of 1888.An issue that took up much more of the council's time was thedispute over township 1 range 1 east. When the R.M. of Douglas wasformed in 1884, boundaries had been geometrically rather than sociallyconsistent. Township 1 range 1 east, while part of the Mennonite WestReserve, was included in Montcalm Municipality in 1884. The residentsof this largely Mennonite township immediately protested andasked to be attached to the R.M. of Douglas. Though initially unsuccessfulthe residents created a fait accompli by paying their taxes toDouglas. This state of affairs was officially recognized in 1886 when aboundary revision joined the township to Douglas. 14The question of compensation to Montcalm, however, was notworked out until the late 1890's. Douglas, later Rhineland, was eventuallyordered to pay back to Montcalm $39,000 for taxes leviedunlawfully, and for the township's portion of Montcalm's debenturedebts. IS56

This debt, especially the debenture debt, would in the next yearsbe a source of friction within the municipality. By 1884 it had beendecided that the whole municipality, rather than simply the one township,would repay the debenture debt. While this was a relief to theresidents of township 1 range 1 east, it upset Gretna residents. Gretnaresidents felt unfairly penalized and this extra tax burden was a significantfactor in Gretna's decision to incorporate in 1896.Not all municipal matters were as contentious as this. Bridges wereconstructed on the petition of fifteen ratepayers and usually built bystatute labour. Larger bridges, such as the forty-five foot bridge at PlumCoulee, however, were contracted out to a reliable person. 16The municipality also aided farmers by providing seed grain tothose in need. This was done by borrowing money on debentures at 6per cent interest and loaning this money to farmers who did not haveenough money to seed the next spring. By 1890 the Municipality ofDouglas had lent out over $900 for seed grain. 17Following the change in municipal boundaries in 1890, the newenlarged R.M. of Rhineland was faced with new challenges. Not onlydid the council have to deal with the construction of roads and bridges ina larger area, but was increasingly called on to alleviate drainageproblems as settlement spread into the northern part of the municipality.Renewed Immigration and Lutheran Settlement1890-1900One of the reasons for the pressing need for better drainage in thenorthern part of the municipality was the rising population and demandfor land after 1890.During the late 1880's and early 1890's another wave, albeit smaller,of Mennonite immigrants arrived in theR.M. of Rhineland. BetweenOctober and December of 1891 alone, 145 Russian Mennonites settledin the West Reserve and it is estimated that over 900 Russian Mennonitesarrived in the early 1890's. IS These immigrants either stayedwith relatives in already established villages or tried to find land in thenorth end of the municipality where there was still unoccupied land nearPlum Coulee and Rosenfeld. Others stayed in Manitoba for only asummer or winter to earn some money and then continued on to theCanadian Northwest where homestead land was still available. 19Reasons for immigrating to Manitoba for these Mennonites weremore economic than religious. New immigrants continually stressedthat there were much better opportunities in Canada for the poor andlandless. Not only were there 160 acre homesteads available for ten57

dollars but both wages and hours of work were much more reasonablethan in Russia. 20 These poorer immigrants were assisted on their journeyto Manitoba by relatives already in Manitoba, or the congregationsin Russia who were trying to alleviate their land crisis. 21Mennonite immigrants, however, were not the only new settlers inthe R.M. of Rhineland during this period. German Lutherans fromPolish Russia were also entering the area in significant numbers. TheseLutheran peasants, coming mostly from Volhynia, settled in the Rosenfeldarea in the early 1890's. Having heard of opportunities in Canadafrom neighbouring Mennonites and Canadian railway agents, these'immigrants settled in Manitoba at places such as Winnipeg, Emerson,Beausejour, Brunkild, Morris, Friedensfeld and in the R.M. of Rhinelandat Rosenfeld, Plum Coulee, and Gretna. 22These Lutheran immigrants had come to Canada for reasons verysimilar to those of the earlier Mennonites. Two factors were of paramountimportance: the availability of land and the freedom from compulsorymilitary service.Most German Lutherans in the western provinces of Russia hadeked out an existence on plots of land which were only 20-30 acres insize. These lots were leased from Russian or Polish nobles and barelyenabled the peasant to support his family. When these leases came duein the 1890's many German Lutherans left for Canada. The other majorreason for coming to Canada was the compulsory military service inRussia, which took many youths thousands of miles from home. Unableto speak Russian many of these German speaking Lutherans oftenreceived brutal treatment at the hands of Russian officers. 23Those Lutherans that settled in the R.M. of Rhineland camebecause they wanted open land not bush. Tired of clearing wooded landin Russia, they settled near Rosenfeld where land was ready for theplow. Another attraction of the area was the plentiful work availableamong the Mennonites in the area. Friendly and mutually advantageousrelations between the Mennonites and German Lutherans went back toRussia and had existed in southern Manitoba since the Mennoniteimmigration in 1875. In that year a German Lutheran by the name ofOtto Pappel accompanied the Mennonite group that founded the villageof Neuanlage. Here he and his family worked for Mennonite farmersuntil he was able to buy land in the area in 1897. 24 This pattern wasrepeated many times in the 1890's.The first German Lutheran to settle in the Rosenfeld area was aman named Hoffman. He came to the area in 1891 and began to work forMennonite farmers. Other families, generally relatives or friends, followedserving as farm workers and carpenters for the more established58

Mennonite farmers. Some would work for Mennonite farmers thewhole year, working for room and board during the winter months. Byhard work and frugality they were able to build their own homes after afew years. Most worked approximately seven years before they boughtland. This coincided with the opening of new lands in the northern partof the municipality through better draining by 1898. 25 Other GermanLutherans settled in Gretna and Plum Coulee opening businesses, oradding to the expanding labour forces in the two towns. By 1900Lutherans were a significant segment of Rhineland's population.Table 6 Religions of People:Roman CatholicAnglicanPresbyterianMethodistLutheranBaptistJewMennoniteGreek ChurchVarious SectsOtherNot SpecifiedR.M. of Rhineland 1891 and 19011891*12789131912648837831019012451813595343415886424481*In 1891 Census of Canada gave statistics for both the Municipalities of Douglas andRhineland despite the fact that the two were merged in 1890. Therefore the 1891 figures inthis chart represents the sum of both Douglas and Rhineland statistics. Also note thatMennonites were designated as Baptists in the 1891 Census.Source: Census of Canada 1891 and 1901.Rosenfeld St. John's Lutheran Church built 1900.59Credit: Louis Pokrant

Religion was a high prIOrIty among these recent arrivals andchurch services among the German Lutherans of Rosenfeld, PlumCoulee and Gretna were originally held in private homes. These serviceswere overseen by Rev. Willing of Gretna until he left for Ebenwald,Saskatchewan in 1896. The area then came under the care of Rev.Berthold of Langenburg. By 1897 a Lutheran Church had been built inGretna and shortly thereafter the settlers of Rosenfeld organized the St.John's Congregation (March 2, 1900) with 34 charter members. Althoughit was part of the same parish as Gretna, this congregationimmediately set about building a permanent home. Under the leadershipof trustees: Ferdinand Pokrant, M. Recksiedler, and G. Dreger, anew church was built in less than six weeks at a cost of $800.Agricultural ExpansionThe coming of the railway to the West Reserve in 1882 led to aquantum leap in commercial grain farming in the area. Between 1884and 1900 the amount of cultivated acreage increased every year. Between1884 and 1890 alone, cultivated acreage in both the R.M. ofRhineland and Douglas more than doubled.Table 7 Agricultural Statistics 1884 and 1890R.M. Douglas 1884 1890Population 2610 4281No. of Farms 469 648Acres Cultivated 15215 41596Horses 1073 2212Oxen 486 294Cows 1001 1444Sheep 531 821Pigs 1388 1708R.M. Rhineland 1884 1890Population 3457 4281No. of Farms 695 773Acres Cultivated 20695 52833Horses 1586 2278Oxen 446 467Cows 2759 1703Sheep 299 664Pigs 2135 1448Source: Assessment Rolls.The number of farms also increased steadily as farmers moved into thewetter areas in the northern part of the municipality.60

The main catalyst in this rapid expansion was wheat farming.While the number of livestock increased until 1896, this did not representa significant change. When A. E. Schantz tried to establish acheese factory at Schanzenfeld in 1885 he met with no success, as hecould not convince farmers to supply him with sufficient milk. Asimilar attempt to found a creamery at Rosenfeld in 1895 also met withfailure. 26 One indication of the role wheat farming played in the municipalitywas that by 1891 the acreage seeded to wheat represented over 75per cent acreage.Table 8 Farm Statistics 1891Mode Farm SizeTotal OccupiedTotal ImprovedUnder CropsWheatBarleyOatsRyePotatoesAcres100-2002745099820698206736686220176615939343Source: Census of Canada(Note: In 1891 the Census of Canada gave statistics for both the Municipality of Douglas andRhineland despite the fact that the two had merged in 1890 under the name Rhinelandtherefore the figures in this chart represent the combined figures reported as Rhineland andDouglas.)While the wheat boom in Canada did not arrive until 1896, farmersin Rhineland continued to expand their wheat production through the1880's and early 1890's. The late 1880's were very prosperous years aswheat prices remained high with generally good yields. These boomingyears allowed almost all farmers to get out of debt and many beganbuilding new houses. 27 High yields and good prices did not last throughthe 1890's. 1892 was the last excellent year for farmers. In that year theprice of wheat remained steady at 75¢ a bushel, with many farmersgetting 30-40 bushels an acre. That fall there was a shortage ofthreshingmachines in the municipality, and labourers were commanding twodollars a day on threshing gangs. 28Following 1891, wheat surplus and low demand brought the worldwheat price down dramatically. Between 1892 and 1897 the price ofwheat in the R.M. of Rhineland fluctuated between 30-60¢ a bushel,usually hovering at the 40-50¢ mark. While farmers continued toexpand their acreages, many refused to bring their wheat to market, andmany began growing more flax, which was selling at a better price.61

Some also tried to ship their wheat directly to Winnipeg and theLakehead to circumvent the elevators, but by 1893 the C.P.R. refused toallocate cars for individual farmers. This was perceived as collusionbetween the elevators and railways29 and by 1898 farmers in the Gretnaarea were making plans to build a farmers' elevator. This was completedin August of 1899, and prices in Gretna, at least for a time, were betterthan in all other centers in the area.There were other reasons for the reduced wheat prices in Rhinelandin the mid 1890's. The continued seeding of wheat over the yearshad depleted the land and the use of dirty seed grain caused problemswith weeds and smut. 30 By 1893 the Winnipeg Grain Exchange, utilizingthe influence of the C.P.R., farm implement firms, and loancompanies, tried to coerce the Mennonites into using a higher quality ofseed. 31 Weed infestation was also a persistent problem in the area, and asearly as 1884 the R.M. of Rhineland passed a by-law stipulating thatfields infested with weeds had to be summerfallowed. By 1894 theproblem had become so alarming that government weed inspectorsfrom Winnipeg came to the area to help the Mennonites fight the weeds.Adequate cultivators and the acceptance of summerfallowing eventuallyalleviated this problem in the 20th century. 32Despite all these problems grain farming still proved to be profitableand rising prices in the late 1890's led to further expansion. Newfarm technology was eagerly adopted by the Mennonites who wererapidly increasing their acreages.Threshing crew on Derk Harder's farm east of Neuanlage in 1896. The owner of theoutfit is Abram Penner of Gretna who left for Rosthern in 1898. H. H. Hamm (in thewhite shirt) is standing in the foreground.Credit: CMCA62

Table 9 Agricultural Statistics R.M. Rhineland 1891-1900PopulationFarmsUnder CultivationHorsesOxenCowsSheepPigsSource: Assessment Rolls1891 1896 19007119 8514 88731232 1360 121894633 113088 1453984380 6232 5822569 89 52866 3376 38901350 1784 6933380 4757 4123Gretna's first farm implement businesswas established by Christian Pieper in theearly 1880's.The seed drill, introduced after 1889, replaced the broadcastseeder and was a great boon to farmers. It required half as much seed peracre and allowed no grain to be swept away by the wind, embeddingevery grain. 33 One indication of the prosperity of the farmers in Rhinelandwas the sale of these seed drills. In March of 1898 the Nordwestenreported that Christian Pieper, an implement dealer in Gretna, wasselling four seed drills a day.34 Threshing machines were also increasinglypurchased and large threshing companies were formed toprovide more effective harvesting in fall.The Growth of Gretna and the Formation of New TownsThe renewal of immigration and agricultural expansion contributedto Gretna's growth and the formation of a number of other railwaycenters during these years. Increased grain growing in the area quicklymade Gretna the third largest wheat market in the province with over300,000 bushels of wheat shipped annually by 1889. 35 With this increasein economic activity Gretna's population rose from 61 in 1884 toover 500 in 1895. 36 Much of this increase in population consisted of thenon-Mennonite German immigrants who came to Gretna to find work63

Gretna Main Street in the early 1890's. Note the absence of all trees. A tree plantingprogram was begun in the mid 1890's.in the 1890's. By the end of the 19th century one Gretna resident proudlyproclaimed that Gretna was Manitoba's largest German town.This burgeoning wheat center quickly added other services inaddition to the elevators and grist mill. By 1890 Gretna had seven stores,two hotels, three elevators, two butcher shops, two blacksmith shops, asaddlery, six machine dealerships, two lumberyards, a livery, an icewarehouse, a druggist, a steam grist mill, a tailor, a law office, a newpublic school, a Mennonite teacher training school and a number ofprivate bankers including the Siemens Brothers who took it uponthemselves to look after Mennonite interests.The Gretna Flour Mill was built by JacobPeters in 1889 but was sold to J. P. Friesenin 1891. Friesen also bought PiepersLumber Yard in 1896. Later the mill wasoperated by J. P.'s son Peter Friesen, andthen became the property of John Wallwho was the last miller to run the businessbefore it went bankrupt in the 1930's. Itwas torn down in 1949.Prominent businessmen included: Christian Pieper, who at onetime or the other was an agent for Ogilvies, a lumber dealer, a farmimplement dealer, and banker; Enoch Winkler, who was involved in thelumber and farm implement business and became the first Reeve of theR.M. of Douglas and M.L.A. for the Rosenfeld constituency; Otto64

Table 10 Religion and Origin of Gretna Inhabitants, 1901ReligionOriginsRoman Catholic 137 British 127Anglican 19 French IPresbyterian 118 German 503Methodist 22 Scandinavian 12Baptist II Russian 6Mennonite 118 Jewish 7Lutheran 223 Belgian 6Jew 7 Chinese IVarious Sects 10 Unspecified 3UnspecifiedITotal 666 666Source: Census of CanadaErdman Penner and his wife. Erdman Penner was born on February 22, 1837, inBurwald Ukraine. In 1858 he married Marie Eyzen. After he immigrated to Manitobawith the first Mennonite wave in 1874 he established stores in Niverville, Neuanlageand Tannau. When the railway came to Gretna in 1882 he relocated there establishinga large general store with branches in Plum Coulee and Reinland. A prominentmerchant of Gretna, Penner served as the first mayor of the town, and was prominentin Conservative politics running for election in the provincial riding of Rosenfeld.He was an ardent supporter of the MEl, and became a Liberal when Ewert was firedas School Inspector by the Conservative Roblin Administration in the early 20thcentury. He died on November 26,1907 of throat cancer and was buried in Gretnabeside his wife who had died seven years previously. On the day of his funeral a halfday holiday was declared in Gretna, and special services were held in both Altonaand Gretna.Credit:CMCA65

Schultz, a general merchant; Marcus Long, a private banker; AlexanderSmith, a horse dealer who operated a livery.Mennonites were not excluded from Gretna's business life. ErdmanPenner was the town's most prominent citizen and became the firstmayor of the incorporated village. Jacob Peters built the first steampowered grist mill in 1889 and Johann Wiebe had one of the first lumberbusinesses in town. Opportunities existed for those Mennonites willingto enter business as Jacob P. Friesen illustrated when he sold his farmand bought the grist mill in Gretna in 1891-92. In 1896 Friesen alsobought Pieper's lumberyard. 37Jacob P. Friesen and his wife, Gretna. Son of miller Peter Friesen from the village ofFriedrichstahl in the Bergthaler Colony in Russia, Jacob Friesen came to Canada in1874. Farming until 1891 , he then moved to Gretna and bought the Gretna Mill. In1896 he also bought a lumberyard and eventually his business became known asJacob P. Friesen and Sons.Credit: CMCA66

This Gretna house was built at the turn of the century by Enoch Winkler and sold toAlexander Smith in 1903. He in turn left it to his son, when he married in 1920. It washere where members of Parliament and other dignitaries were entertained at socialfunctions when the home was still in possession of the Winklers. In the early 1900's afull time gardener was in charge of the spacious lawns, shrubs and flowers.Gretna's physical growth did not consist of only commercialestablishments. By the 1890's substantial new homes were being constructedby the town's elite and serious efforts were made to improve thetown's appearance and services. In 1890, 500 trees were planted in townand in 1892 a whole tent city of workers were busy improving the waterline from the town's water tank to the Pembina River.38 By 1897 allmajor religious denominations, with the exception of the Mennonites,had built churches in town. (Baptist 1894, Presbyterian, Lutheran 1897,Catholic 1897.)Because of its more heterogeneous population Gretna also took thelead in area social life. It had a widely attended fair and by 1893 a circusregularly made stops there. The Gretna chapter of the Canadian Orderof Foresters regularly held dances and balls, as did the Gretna WillingWorkers. Along more literary lines H. H. Ewert, the leader of theMennonite Normal School, organized a library and literary society and67

PRESSYTE:.RIANGRETNA MAI"\ITOSAGretna Presbyterian Church. Built in 1889 this Church later also served as theGretna United Church. It was dismantled around 1965.started a men's choir. By 1897 Pauline Johnson had recited her poetry toGretna audiences and a touring theatre company had performed UncleTom's Cabin in the town's theatre.In sports Gretna also played a leading role. The two ice rinks wereheavily utilized in the winter and in the summer the Gretna Turf Clubregularly sponsored horse racing. Tennis and football (soccer) clubswere organized and by 1900 other towns in the area also had clubs.Town rivalries were played out on the football field and speciallychartered passenger train cars carried spectators from one town to theother.The big sports events of the year occurred on Empire Day (May24) and Dominion Day (July 1). Neighbouring towns were invited toGretna's race track for a day of horse and bicycle racing, along withfootball and baseball games. 39 It was a mark of Gretna's pre-eminence inthe area before 1900 that surrounding towns would come to Gretna onthese holidays.This increase in sporting activity was normal for a growing Canadiantown, but a bit of an anomaly in the midst of heavy Mennonitesettlement. Gretna's influence spread, however, and by 1901 even thelargely Mennonite towns of Altona and Winkler had organized football68

clubs, proudly proclaiming their superiority when their team beatGretna's.40Towns in Rhineland were not without a wilder side. All railwaytowns in Rhineland had liquor stores and taverns and fights wereoccasionally reported in the newspapers. At Gretna's fair in 1888 anAmerican got into a brawl and was killed when someone hit him overthe head with a wooden hammer. 40Gretna's location on the International Boundary and the high tariffresulted in considerable smuggling in the area. A wooded section on theborder, due south of Gretna, was appropriately named Smugglers'Point. The traffic in tobacco, cord wood, heating oil and farm machinerywas so heavy that merchants began to complain. The transcontinentalrailway along with high tariffs had already cut Gretna's businessprospects enough that businessmen did not want to have to competewith smugglers. In 1890 the North West Mounted Police were stationedin the village of Reinland from where they regularly patrolled theboundary. In an effort to curb smuggling further west, another customsoffice was opened at the point where the Great Northern Railwayentered Canada at Walhalla. 42Other frowned upon or illicit activities convinced the municipalcouncil to pass a by-law to preserve order and suppress nuisances inpublic places. This law dealt specifically with morality, decency, loudbehavior and houses of ill repute and gambling. 43One incident, occurring in Altona in 1898, gives some idea of thisunrecorded aspect of town life. On November 15 it was discovered thatsomeone had broken into the municipal safe in H. Loeppky's GeneralStore in Altona and stolen $1,105. On investigation the MunicipalCommissioner's Department found that $4,112.62 was actually missingand traced it to a misappropriation of the municipal clerk, Geo. Limprecht.On the verge of being apprehended, Limprecht shot himself in theback of P. Striemer's Liquor Store. H. H. Hamm, a long time municipalclerk himself and municipal historian, attributed the motive of the crimeto gambling and habitual indulgence in vitamin "W". 44Town life was also fraught with other perils. In 1892 Gretna wasrocked by a major crisis when smallpox was discovered. The town wasimmediately placed under quarantine and only trainmen and throughpassengers from the United States were allowed in and out of Gretna.The disease was traced to a small Chinese laundry where twenty peoplewere discovered living in a single building. Under the direction of Dr.McKenty of Gretna and Dr. Donovan of Neche, a temporary hospitalwas immediately built east of Gretna. This hospital housed the Chineseand Lewis Calder, who had also contracted the disease. On the follow-69

ing day, however, three more cases were discovered in two other homesnecessitating the erection of another camp west of Gretna.One of the houses in which the disease had been contracted wasimmediately destroyed, but the building occupied by the Chinese couldnot be destroyed because it was right in the middle of the residentialdistrict and could not be burned until the winds fell. While eight cases ofsmall pox were diagnosed in Gretna, only two people died. On August17 the quarantine was lifted, much to the relief of Gretna's businesscommunity.45By the mid 1890's Gretna began to perceive its interests as differentfrom those of the municipality and applied for incorporation.Particularly irksome to the town was the fact that they were being taxedto pay the debt of township 1 range 1 east. Incorporation was one way tostop this taxation and having reached the required minimum population,Gretna became incorporated as a village in May of 1896. The villageimmediately petitioned the municipality to have the taxes it had paidtoward township 1 range 1 east's debt refunded to it. To avoid a lawsuitthe municipality complied. 46Incorporation in 1896 might also have been a response to thegrowing competition from the neighbouring village of Altona whichhad been established in 1895 and was already rivalling Gretna in grainshipments. That Altona presented a threat to Gretna's future developmentwas clearly perceived at the time. One Gretna correspondent,extolling the virtues of the border town, claimed that "Poland was notyet lost" . 47Altona, however, was not Gretna's only competition. By the timeAltona was founded in 1895, two other centers had already cut intoGretna's trading hinterland. The townsite of Plum Coulee had been laidout in 1888 when grain growing in the R.M. of Rhineland beganexpanding farther north and it became evident that a new trading centerwas needed where the hinterlands of Gretna and Morden met. Locatedon the C.P.R. Pembina Branch between Morden and the Rosenfeldjunction, Plum Coulee received its name from surveyors who pickedplums in the coulee. In 1889 an elevator was erected and businessmenfrom Gretna and Morden began opening branch stores there. By 1892the center had an elevator, a number of stores, a butcher shop, alumberyard, a hotel, and a flour mill. Plum Coulee soon became animportant grain center and by 1895 had a population of 180 and a total ofseven elevators. 48 The town was settled primarily by German Lutheransand Mennonites along with a few English and Jewish businessmen.Rosenfeld, nine miles east of Plum Coulee, likewise developedinto a trading center when the wetter lands south of the village came70

under cultivation. The railway had come through in 1882 but at that timeonly a telegraph office and small station had been constructed at thejunction ofthe Pembina Mountain and Gretna branch. No developmentoccurred until increased immigration and agricultural expansionopened the area in the 1890's. By 1891 two elevators and a grainwarehouse were under construction and in 1892 the C.P.R. had the townsurveyed. Development, however, was held up somewhat by the lack ofdrainage in the north and the presence of Plum Coulee to the west.Plum Coulee around the turn of the Century.Table 11 Religion and Origins of Plum Coulee 1901ReligionRoman CatholicAnglicanPresbyterianMethodistBaptistMennoniteLutheranCongregationalistJewProtestantVarious SectsUnspecifiedTotalSource: Census of Canada105761323119105I37221394OriginBritishGermanRussianJewish42308737394The last trading center to develop before the tum of the centurywas Altona. As early as 1890 the people in the vicinity of the Old Altonavillage had expressed hopes that a railway station would be openedthere, eliminating the long trip to Gretna and Rosenfeld. 49 In response tothis demand the C.P.R. built a new siding half a mile north of the village71

in 1895 and surveyed a new townsite. The townsite had originally beenHudson's Bay Company property, but had been sold to John Wardrop ofToronto. He had in tum sold the land to speculators in the area such asRitz and Widemeyer of Gretna. 50It is interesting to note that Gretna merchants played a significantrole in Altona's early development. Not only did Ritz and Widemeyerown large chunks of Altona real estate, but Gretna merchants such asChristian Pieper, Otto Schultz, William Esau, Isaac Loewen, JohnKehler all opened businesses in Altona. Apparently short term economicprospects outweighed town loyalties or more long range interests.Many of Gretna's original merchants had come from other centers whenGretna offered better opportunities and they were quick to see theadvantages Altona offered. It should also be noted that early businessesin these towns were very fluid with ownership changing daily.Altona developed quickly into an agricultural service center and inJuly of 1896 there were already three elevators, six general stores, threewood and machinery dealers, one blacksmith, a flax warehouse, aliquor store, a boarding house, a hotel and a school operating in thetown. 51This rapid growth necessitated another subdivision of landAltona's second Public School was built in 1899 and remained in use until it was torndown in 1938.Credit: W. J. Kehler72

across the tracks into blocks for business and residential development.While not exclusively Mennonite, Altona was much more of a Mennonitetown than Gretna.Thus, by 1900 all the major centers in the R.M. of Rhineland hadbeen established, with Gretna serving as the primary business andsocial center of the municipality. Altona and Plum Coulee were not farbehind, however, and by 1900 they already had larger grain storagecapacity than Gretna. 52Table 12 Population of Towns 1884-1901GretnaPlum CouleeRosenfeldAltona~ource: Assessment Rolls; Canada CensusI88.:! 189061 230541895 1896 1901511 614 666180 170 39487 74 8463 238While Mennonites formed a substantial part of all towns, not allMennonites were happy with the growth of trade centers. The conservativeReinlaender Mennonite Church bitterly opposed the influenceoftrading centers and avoided them as much as possible. The existenceof these trade centers created the possibility for Mennonites to leave thevillages for their own quarter section and introduced the Mennonites toa larger western Canadian society. By 1900 this exposure was alreadyhaving profound repercussions on the social and economic structures ofMennonite life in Manitoba and Rhineland.Municipal Business and Politics 1890-1900Agricultural expansion and prosperity also had an effect on municipalactivity in the 1890's as increased expenditures were needed forbridges, roads and district schools. In addition, drainage became amajor priority and expense as the municipal council dispensed withstatute labour and in 1885 instituted a tax of $1.50 in lieu of one day ofstatute labour. 53 By 1900 the municipality had major accounts at alllumberyards, was portioning out grants to twenty district schools andwas paying substantial salaries to pathmasters and road crews gradingthe increasing road mileage.Following the revision of municipal boundaries in 1890 the councilof the newly enlarged R.M. of Rhineland met for the first time in Altonaon January 7, 1891. Meetings over the period of the next decade,however, were held in various villages. The municipal office, on theother hand, was switched back and forth between Gretna and Altona73

depending on who was the secretary-treasurer. The office was permanentlymoved to Altona after Gretna became incorporated in 1896.Relations between the municipal council and the ReinlaenderGebietsamt smoothed out over the next decade as both allowed the otherto operate within its own sphere. While the municipality still haddisputes with a number of villages over the building of dams, it communicatedon an official level with the individual village governments.While the village Vorsteher or mayor had no legal power, the municipalcouncil realized they needed the cooperation of the village government.54The most important new activity of the municipal council in the1890's was the attempt to secure better drainage in the northern part ofthe municipality. Persistent flooding in the 1880's and early 1890'sresulted in petitions to the municipality to have a ditch dug near PlumCoulee to aid in handling the heavy spring run-off. 55In March of 1894 Reeve Jacob Heppner went to Winnipeg to try toget some financial aid to dig a ditch from Plum Coulee to Rosenfeld andfrom there to the Red River near St. Jean. This scheme, the councilbelieved, would open another seven sections of land for farming. 56Receiving a promise of $1 ,000 from the Manitoba Department of PublicWorks, surveyors were dispatched to layout the ditch and a contract wassigned by July of 1894. Little is known about the particulars of this ditchbut in 1896 run-off and heavy rains flooded much of the area.By this time it had become evident that piecemeal drainage anddredging was not going to alleviate the problem and in 1899 the R.M. ofRhineland Council petitioned the government to bring three townshipsunder the Drainage Act. This initiated long term drainage projects thatwould allow such farmers as the Pokrants, Recksiedlers, Schroeders,Knopfs and Jankes to farm the land north of Rosenfeld.Mennonite participation in municipal politics was quite low in thefirst years but increased in the 1890's. In 1891 only twenty-six voted toelect Jacob Heppner as reeve of the newly created R.M. of Rhinelandand all councillors were elected by acclamation. By 1894, however, over500 voted in an election that featured a three way contest for reevebetween Jacob Heppner, Gerhard Klassen, and Jacob Toews.A few years later one newspaper correspondent commented thatmost farmers were voting enthusiastically and that some congregationswere holding pre-votes to nominate men for council. 57 Reinlaendervillages, however, persisted in maintaining their own colony administrationand boycotted municipal elections. Even in 1899 Ward three,which contained many of the remaining Old Colony villages, only eightresidents voted. 5874

During the first years of municipal government the reeves in bothDouglas and Rhineland were businessmen and non-Mennonites.However, as more farmers and Mennonites began voting, Mennonitescame to dominate municipal positions. The adoption of the municipalsystem by one segment of Rhineland's Mennonite population and thefull hearted endorsement of commercial grain farming, made economicstatus an important determinant in municipal politics. Between 1884and 1890 over 85 per cent of the reeves ofthe R.M. of Douglas and over70 per cent of its councillors came from the wealthiest quarter of thepopulation. This was not as much the case in the R. M. of Rhinelandwhere only 57 per cent of the reeves and 52 per cent of the councillorscame from the wealthiest segment of the population. 59 This difference,however, can be explained by the fact that the majority of the residents ofRhineland did not participate in municipal elections, narrowing thechoices dramatically.Following the merger of Douglas and Rhineland in 1890, wealthplayed even more significant a part in the choice of reeves. Nine out ofthe ten reeves between 1890 and 1900 came from the wealthiest quartileof Rhineland society. Councillors, on the other hand, provided more ofa broad spectrum. 60Mennonite ideals and beliefs, however, still determined a greatdeal of political behavior in Rhineland. While the majority of Mennonitesaccepted Mennonite participation and leadership in municipalpolitics, this did not carryover into provincial or federal politics. Wellinto the twentieth century Mennonites in Rhineland refused to return aMennonite to the Provincial Legislature or Dominion Parliament. MostMennonites still felt that it was wrong to participate in higher government.61The provincial election of 1892 illustrated the political leanings ofRhineland during the 1890's. The municipality was, at the time, dividedinto two electoral districts: Rosenfeld and Rhineland. In Rosenfeld, theeastern part of Rhineland, the two candidates were: Erdman Penner,Conservative, and Enoch Winkler, Liberal. In this election EnochWinkler, a non-Mennonite merchant from Gretna, won a wide majorityover Penner who was a Mennonite merchant from Gretna. 62 This resultshowed not only the Mennonite reluctance to elect one of their ownbrethren, but their loyalty to the Liberal party in Manitoba.Winkler and the Liberals constantly campaigned as loyal friends ofthe Mennonites, with even the school legislation of 1890 presented as aboon to the Mennonites. This legislation, the Liberals of Manitobaclaimed, made all equal where as before the French Catholics hadreceived an unfair share of school revenues. This legislation, they75

Enoch Winkler - Gretna Merchant andMLA. Enoch Winkler was born in WaterlooCounty, Ontario, and worked as a pharmacistin Berlin (Kitchener), Ontario beforecoming to Manitoba in 1873. Hisclose association with the Mennonitescame about because he was living withthe Berlin telegrapher. On one occasionwhen the telegrapher was out Winklertook a message for Jacob Schantz givinghim the date of arrival of the first Mennonitesto Canada. When Schantzlearned that Winkler spoke both Germanand English, he persuaded him to accompanythe group as interpreter. In 1877 heset up a lumber business in Emerson tosupply these settlers with building material.When the railway came through Gretnain 1882-83 he was quick to realize thebusiness opportunities there and relocatedto Gretna in 1883. As a Germanspeaking businessman Winkler was verypopular with the Mennonites serving asMayor of Gretna, Reeve of Douglas(1885-86) and Liberal Member of the Legislaturefor the Rosenfeld Riding from1888-1899.Credit: PAMinsisted, allowed each person to educate his/her children as theywished.Anti-Catholic propaganda was a large part of the election of 1892as Erdman Penner was repeatedly branded as a sympathizer of Catholicinterests. His transgression it seems was to have sent his daughter to aCatholic school in St. Boniface and to have Catholic supporters inGretna. 63 It should be mentioned that the 1890 School Legislation,which restricted public support to non-sectarian public schools, did notrepresent an educational crisis for Mennonites, since they did not expectfinancial support for their confessional schools, but only a guarantee oftheir right to operate their own schools at their own expense.Although Mennonites were not willing to elect one of their own,they were also not willing to see an Anglophone elected. In the 1892provincial election in the Rhineland riding, west half of the R.M. ofRhineland, Valentine Winkler, Liberal, a German native from Morden,easily defeated N. Bowman, Conservative.Liberal domination in the area continued well into the twentiethcentury with a brief interlude in 1899 when William Hespeler, an76

independent, defeated the Liberal candidate in the Rosenfeld Constituency.Even after the Conservative Party gained power in Manitoba,Rhineland continued to return Liberal members.Table 13 Provincial Elections 1888-1900Reg. TotalYear Constituency Members Elected Voters Votes Lib. Cons. Ind.1888 Rosenfeld Enoch Winkler 164 106 581892 Rosenfeld Enoch Winkler 738 303 172 131Rhineland Valentine Winkler 1006 260 186 741896 Rosenfeld Enoch Winkler 871 276 170 106Rhineland Valentine Winkler 1213 31 I 229 821899 Rosenfeld William Hespeler 988 499 241 258*Rhineland Valentine Winkler 1231 423 271 152* Independent ConservativeSource: Statement oj Votes: Thirty-first General Election October II, 1977.In the Federal sphere before 1900 the R.M. of Rhineland was partof a much larger riding, Lisgar, and did not affect the results significantly.Schools and the Formation of the Mennonite EducationalInstituteEducation like government and politics was perceived quite differentlyby different groups within the R.M. of Rhineland. Theinvolvement of the municipality in the formation of school districts after1884 and the introduction of higher education served to exacerbate thesedifferences.According to the 1881 Public Schools Act of Manitoba, it was theduty of the municipal council to establish and alter the school districtswithin its boundaries. 64 To further assist in the formation of schooldistricts in Rhineland, William Rempel , a former teacher and secretarytreasurer of the newly created R.M. of Rhineland, was appointedInspector of Mennonite schools in 1885. Within a year of his appointmentthere were ten district schools on the West Reserve. 65 Despite thisincrease, Rempel was basically pessimistic as most Mennonites stillopposed district schools thinking these schools would lead their childrenaway from Mennonite teachings.In some of the Old Colony villages, district schools aroused bitteropposition. Following the incorporation of the School District ofSchanzenfeld in 1885, only four ratepayers appeared at the first schoolboard meeting and one of the elected trustees refused to perform hisduties. In addition to this passive resistance, thirteen ratepayers in the77

JHouston School Group 1896. This school was located in the eastern section of themunicipality where there was a concentration of Anglo-Saxon settlement. Theteacher was a Mr. Robison.Credit: Mrs. Dorothy McLellandGretna Public School-1889. Teacher A. W. Stock and Class.78Credit: PAM

district signed a petition rejecting the district school. In the face of thisopposition and on the advice of the Superintendent of Education, themunicipality dropped the issue. 66Along with the formation of new school districts, another newdevelopment was the creation of a Mennonite teacher training school inGretna. By the late 1880's a number of progressive Mennonites, feelingthat accommodation to Canadian society and the learning of Englishwas a necessity, opened a school in Gretna to train prospective teachers.This group, led by Bishop Johann Funk of the West Reserve BergthalerChurch, felt that the quality of Mennonite education was declining andthat schools needed more qualified teachers.This view of Mennonite schools did not go uncontested. Themajority of Bishop Johann Funk's Church did not support him on theschool question and later split from the church over this issue. While theReinlaender Mennonite Church stayed aloof from the fight over theMEl, it vehemently denied that private Mennonite schools were notperforming satisfactorily.67 At issue was the type of society each groupenvisaged for the Mennonites of Rhineland. The Reinlaender and otherconservative groups saw education as preparation for an agricultural lifein a religious, closed society. In this schema, higher education was notonly seen as unnecessary but dangerous.The school society in Gretna did not accept this view and erected athree storey school in Gretna in 1889. By September of that year,William Rempel had been hired as a teacher and was teaching a class of60. Finding the task of teaching a disparate group of students with awide range of abilities too difficult, Rempel resigned after one year andthe school closed.At this point the Government of Manitoba, interested in keepingthe school operating, approached the school society and suggested thata teacher be hired by both the society and the government to teach theteacher training course and act as school inspector for the Mennonitedistrict schools. The society agreed to this proposal and Dr. GeorgeBryce, of the Department of Education, travelled to Kansas to recruit H.H. Ewert, a teacher among the Mennonites there. Ewert accepted thetask and reopened the Normal School in Gretna in 1891.This school was incorporated as the Mennonite Educational Institutein 1893. With an enrollment of eight, Ewert began trainingteachers for the many elementary schools in the Mennonite Reserves.Registration eventually rose to forty, though actual attendance neverexceeded 28 before 1900. 68Ewert's vision of preparing the Mennonite youths for life inmodern Canadian society, while maintaining their Mennonite heritage79

H. H. Ewert - Principal of the MEl andMCI1891-1934. Born on April 12, 1855in Ober-Nassau in West Prussia he receivedhis early education in the villageschool and secondary schoolingin neighbouring Thorn. After the governmentintroduced compulsory conscriptionfor all males in 1867, theEwert family and other Mennonites leftPrussia in 1874. Settling in MarionCounty, Kansas with his parents, H. H.Ewert continued his education at theState Normal School at Emporia, Kansas,the DesMoines Institute, and thetheological seminary of the EvangelicalSynod in Missouri. In 1882 he marriedChristian Baer and the same yearbegan teaching in the Kansas MennoniteTraining School which later developedinto Bethel College. In 1891 he came to Gretna, Manitoba to re-open theMEl which had been started by a group of progressive Mennonite immigrants in1889. In 1908 when the MEl moved to Altona he helped establish the MCI in Gretnaand continued on as principal until his death in 1934. Against considerable odds hesucceeded in recruiting and training enough qualified Mennonite teachers to staffthe Mennonite public elementary schools. When Mennonite private schools wereVirtually abolished in 1916 every single Mennonite public school was staffed by aqualified Mennonite teacher - many trained by Ewert himself. Mr. Ewert was also afirm believer in the desirability and necessity of retaining the German language. Itwas one of the ironies of his life, he is reported to have said, that he spent the first halfof his career advocating Mennonite adaption to the larger society and the learning ofEnglish, and the second half urging the retention of the German language and theold ways. Between the years 1891 and 1902 Ewert was also the Governmentinspector of Mennonite Schools. In addition to these duties he was also the primemover in the formation of the Conference of Mennonites in Canada, the founder andeditor of the conference periodical Der Mitarbeiter , and initiated the idea of formingthe Canadian Mennonite Board of Colonization which facilitated the immigration oftwenty thousand Mennonites from the Soviet Union to Canada.Credit: CMCAand the German language, was not shared by many of the area Mennonites.The Reinlaender group especially wanted nothing to do withmodern, secular society and they had little use for the High Germantaught in the Gretna School. In addition to this the formation of schooldistricts in their areas forced them to support two schools and createdmuch resentment among the Mennonites themselves.The Bergthaler Church SplitThe establishment of the M.E.I. in 1889 and the appointment ofH.H. Ewert as leader of the school in 1891, were seen as harmful developmentsby the Reinlaender Mennonite Church, but they did not threaten80

Reinlaender church unity. The M.E.I., however, had disastrous effectson Bergthaler church unity.Originally the impetus for educational reform had come from theministers within the Bergthaler Church, but Bergthaler leaders couldnot agree on the establishment of a teacher training school. This disagreementalong with the lack of support from the general membershipof the Church necessitated the formation of a separate school society.This society, based in Gretna and supported by many of Gretna'sMennonite merchants, was vigorously supported by Bishop JohannFunk of the Bergthaler Church, but opposed by most of the otherministers and the majority of the general membership of the BergthalerChurch.Opposition intensifed when H. H. Ewert was chosen to head theschool in 1891. Ewert was not only considered too advanced in mattersof education, but was distrusted because he was also in the employ of theDepartment of Education as Inspector of Mennonite Schools. This wasconsidered too much of a compromise of the Mennonite principle ofchurch control over education. 69 Bishop Funk was asked to sever his tieswith the new school in 1892 and when he refused a serious rift developedwithin the Church.The final cleavage came after a series of brotherhood meetingsfailed to solve the dispute and five ministers and most of the congregationleft the church. Eventually, 415 families out of a total of 476families that belonged to the Bergthaler Church left to form the SommerfelderChurch. 70 In fact, no name change occurred immediately asboth groups still considered themselves Bergthaler. The break awaygroup was served by Bishop David Stoesz of the East Reserve untilAbraham Doerksen was elected Bishop of the new church. BecauseDoerksen re.sided in the village of Sommerfeld, this group eventuallybecame known as the Sommerfelder Church.Emigration to the NorthwestChurch and school problems were not the only crises of the period.The very prosperity and agricultural expansion of the 1880's and 1890'shad by the tum of the century, created a social and economic problem.By 1900 not only was the R.M. of Rhineland the most populous ruralmunicipality in the province, but most ofthe arable land had been take!.up. Sons and daughters of poorer farmers no longer had the opportunityto acquire land and start farming in the area and thus began to move outof the municipality and district. Families that did not want to separate,decided instead to migrate to the Northwest and homestead there. This81

migration, beginning in the early 1890's, continued right up until thefirst world war.Mennonite emigrants leaving by train for Saskatchewan in 1902.The main causes of the land shortage in Rhineland were populationgrowth in the 1880's and 1890's, rising land prices, and expanding farmsizes. Between 1891 and 1901 the population of the R.M. of Rhinelandincreased from 7,119 to 9,157. 71 With this increase, many of the unsettledlands in the northern part of the municipality began to be taken up.Along with this expansion came increasing farm sizes. While mostfarms consisted of 160 acres in 1875, by 1884 the average acreage hadjumped to 191.18 and to 231.36 acres by 1905.72Further aggravating the land shortage was the rising price of land.While a 160 acre farm could be bought for $800 to $1,000 in 1885, by1889 this price had jumped to $1,500,73 and by 1900 was as high as$5,000. 74 These high prices combined with the scarcity of unsettledland created a sizable population of landless in the Mennonite villages.By the mid 90's "Landlose" or landless had become a separate categoryin the R.M. of Rhineland Assessment Rolls.Manitoba Mennonites waiting for their tickets at the Winkler CPR Station during thespring of 1902. They eventually settled near Rosthern, Hague and Osler, Saskatchewan.82

Richer farmers and businessmen could still afford to buy land,75but poorer farmers with three or four children could not afford toestablish their children on new land in Rhineland. The prospect ofselling their own land for high prices and moving to the Northwest withthe family thus became more appealing. In 1890 the Dominion Governmentsent an agent to the Mennonite settlements to investigate thecauses of Mennonite emigration. He reported that the scarcity of landand high prices prevented many young farmers from getting established.These young farmers he claimed:were on the move, or were going to move sooner or later. The old people wouldbe willing to remain. . . but if the young people go it may not be so easy tokeep the farmer back, as these people dread and are averse to separation fromtheir kindred.'6As early as 1888 a number of families had left Manitoba forOregon, Kansas and the Dakotas, citing the shortage of land and thecold winters as reasons. 77 This move south, however, never amounted tomore than a trickle and many in fact returned to Manitoba. The move tothe Northwest of Canada, beginning in the 1890's, had more seriousrepercussions.The settlement of Indian and Metis troubles after 1885 and theopening of new railways in the west, Regina to Prince Albert andCalgary to Edmonton, opened vast new areas to settlement. By 1890committees were being formed in Rhineland to make land inspectiontours on the C.P.R. and the first group of 15 families left to settle in theNorthwest in 1891. 78 This first trickle turned into a steady stream by1892 as long immigrant trains were leaving Gretna, Plum Coulee andMorden for Saskatchewan and Alberta. 79 In 1899 over 600 residentsfrom the Rhineland area left for the Rosthern and Hague area.Many of these settlers were aided by the churches who took anactive interest in the landless problem in their villages. In 1895 BishopJohann Wiebe of the Reinlaender Church and Obervorsteher FranzFroese travelled to Winnipeg to arrange special rates and cars for theirbrethren leaving for Saskatchewan. 8o These Old Colony immigrantssettled in the Hague-Osler area where they sought to again recreate theirclosed village communities. This was made possible because churchrepresentations had convinced the government to reserve all even numberedsections in four townships in this area.The Reinlaender Church also took a direct hand in the disposal ofproperty of those that were leaving. They published yearly lists of thosevillages planning to migrate west, announced auction sales of farmgoods and decreed that any debt owed or owing to or by membersleaving should be settled by a certain date. 8l This type of management83

Klaas Peters and his wife Katherine Loewen. Born in 1855 in Russia,.Klaas Peterscame to Canada with the Mennonite Fuerstenland group in 1875, and became amember of the Reinlaender Church. He farmed in the Rhineland area until 1889when he was asked by the Bergthaler Church to investigate immigration possibilitiesin the west, and inquire if reduced fares could be obtained from the CPR. In 1891 hebecame an immigration agent for the CPR working among the Mennonites. Hewrote many articles in Mennonite newspapers describing the land further west andurging Mennonites to move west. In the 1890's he was excommunicated by theReinlaender Church and he became a member of the New Jerusalem Church. Hewas ordained a Swedenborgian Minister in 1902. During World War I he was theWaldeck Mennonite area representative on the wartime delegation to Ottawa. Duringthe war, however, Peters was tried and convicted for illegally issuing militaryexemption certificates in Saskatchewan and was fined two hundred dollars. He diedin 1932.Credit: CMeAwas essential if the church wanted to keep villages intact during theseturbulent times.The Breakup of Agricultural VillagesThe migration of Mennonites from Rhineland in the 1890's didmuch to weaken village cohesiveness. While emigration partially relievedthe landless problem, many who left were also landholders whosold their lands. The Reinlaender Church tried to regulate these sales topreserve the village structure and land holding system, but manyvillages broke up nevertheless.84

Village breakup, however, had also preceded migration and hadother causes. Mennonite involvement in commercial grain farming wasa strong lure for many farmers to farm their own quarter sections and theexistence of trade centers in the municipality made it feasible to leavethe line villages. In fact, the open field system had been vulnerable fromthe beginning of settlement due to the fact that land was not owned byany corporate body but by individual farmers. The open field systemwas only feasible as long as all villagers agreed to abide by it.Some villages broke up as soon as they were started, eitherbecause they had not been soundly established, or did not have enoughfarmers to establish a sound foundation. In addition, many farmers feltthe quarter section was much better suited to commercial grain farmingthan the open field system. The nuisance of having fields scattered invarious different areas along with the problem associated with the Raineor ridges which developed between the individual strips on the variousfields, convinced many that the family homestead was a more viableform of grain farming. The ridges which developed between the individualstrips sometimes grew up to twenty feet in width and wereovergrown with weeds. The eradication of these weeds through summerfallowingwas impossible unless all farmers co-ordinated theirefforts.Open strife, in fact, developed over conflicting farming methodsand over which crops should be grown. In this environment the quartersection farm seemed a peaceful respite. 82 By 1885 the Rundschau wasreporting that the villages of Blumstein, Burwalde, Schoendorf, Waldheim,and Schanzenfeld were breaking up, and that many more villageswould soon be going through this process. 83The move to commercial farming in the 1880's also created anumber of other circumstances which contributed to village breakup.The large capital outlay for new machinery such as self binders, drillseeders and especially threshing machines caused many mortgages tobe taken out on farm properties. Though few lost land through forfeiture,the very existence of a mortgage on village land produced acollective insecurity. Farmers seeing that their homes and cultivatedland were on the mortgaged land of others, preferred to place otherimprovements on their own land. 84 Thus, when the time came to replacetheir rough first homes with more substantial frame houses, manyfarmers chose to do so on their own quarter section. 85Village Life in 1900By 1900 only eighteen complete villages and four partially dissolvedvillages still existed in what had been the West Reserve. 8685

Despite the dissolution of close to forty villages and the growth oftowns, village life was much as it had been in the 1870's. No organizedsports activities existed within the villages and though bicycle ridingwas becoming increasingly popular, recreation was more apt to consistof swimming in a creek or waterhole, hunting gophers, or skating onfrozen ponds in winter.Among the older villagers visiting was still a popular pastime onholidays, Sundays and in the evenings. Faspa, a time for coffee and alight snack on mid-afternoon workdays, served a different function onSundays and holidays. It became a time for socializing, for relaxationand for sharing food and drink with neighbours, friends and relatives. 87Most social activities, however, still revolved around the churchand organized community events. Engagements and weddings werecause for social gatherings and among some groups, dances. Funeralswere no less of a social event. Detailed invitations to village funeralsclearly delineated not only the social standing of the bereaved family,but also that of the invited guests. 88Hunting on Buffalo Creek around the turn of the century. Goose and duck huntingwere popular in the area, though bigger game such as cows, sheep or pelicans werealso hit.Credit: D. K. Friesen86

Hog Slaughtering.Co-operative bees were also an important part of village life. Worksuch as repairing village streets, care of the community water supplyand threshing were co-operative community affairs involving the entirevillage. The most social of these activities was hog slaughtering in thelate fall. Coming after the threshing season and fall ploughing, thisactivity not only provided food for the winter, but represented a monthlong harvest festival as this description illustrates.Each family would set a fall date, often in early November, and invite severalfarm couples to participate. Later this help would be reciprocated.Several days of food preparation preceded the event. The days beforehog slaughtering was one offeverish family activity. Equipment was borrowedfrom neighbours if necessary. The ropes and blocks, vat (Miagropes) forboiling cracklings and lard, a trough for scalding, the sausage machine, andladders, tubs and other necessities were set ready. In the evening the meninspected their Schlachtmesser (butcher knives).Early in the morning of the appointed day, before the break of dawn, theinvited men and women would gather for breakfast at the designated house.When light appeared in the eastern sky and the stars faded away, it was time togo outside for the shooting. A glass of wine, on occasion, preceded the event.A popular figure at these gatherings was the Utnehma, a person skilledin the art of evisceration. An Utnehma of repute generally received manyinvitations to hog slaughtering bees.The task of killing, scalding and shearing, eviscerating and cutting upthe meat of the two to six hogs being slaughtered was generally completed bynoon. Women customarily sterilized the hog's intestines for sausage ...The noon meal was a sumptuous affair enjoyed by young and old.87

Usually a group of school children poured into the house at this time and quitepossibly the teacher, too, would appear. The long-anticipated feast featuredfresh buns, Moos (fruit pudding is an inadequate translation), rice, potatoes,meat, raisin-filled Bubbat (a food often used as a dressing for meat courses)and other foods.After the noon meal the men would sit around and rest for a while,perhaps have a smoke and recount the details of the morning's activities. Thefiner arts such as sausage making, including liver sausage, and rolling thebacon were typical afternoon activities. After a hearty Faspa everyone wouldgo home to the chores.However, that was not the end of the event for the socializing villagers.Everyone returned for the supper feast. Fresh spare ribs and newly-made liversausage were added to the menu and another round of animated visiting wouldfollow. Finally, well fed and content with the accomplishments of the day,men, women, and children would find their way to their own homes. s9In the more liberal Bergthaler or Sommerfelder villages, Christmasand New Year's Eve would also be popular social events. At theChristmas program someone would inevitably dress up as a fat SaintNicolas and appear distributing gifts among the children. On NewYear's Eve the Brumtopp mummers would visit village homes in atradition that went back to Prussia. This ceremony consisted of apantomime or song performed by mummers dressed in strange costumes,playing a Brumtopp.Brumtopp Players in the 1930's.88Credit: W. J. Kehler

The Brumtopp was usually an old rainbarrel or keg, with horsehairs extending from its cowhide bottom. (Somewhat similar to awashtub bass.) The mummers, dressed in costumes, would rub thehorse hairs producing low bass tones and sometimes accompany thiswith singing. This theatre was kept up until they were invited in forrefreshment. 90 This type of behavior, however, was not accepted in theOld Colony villages. In the winter of 1900 to 1901 one Old Colonyvillage decided to have a Santa Claus for Christmas, and made arrangementsto have some Brumtopp mummers visit the village on New Year'sEve. When these events became known to the Reinlaender Churchofficials, Bishop Johann Wiebe immediately travelled to the village andlectured the errant village leaders on what was and what was notacceptable behavior for a Church member. 91The New CenturyAs the 19th century drew to a close the inhabitants of Rhinelandwere undergoing a significant transition. Not only were many of theoriginal pioneers retiring from farming and turning over their prosperousfarms to their sons and daughters but many were also trying to reestablishcontacts with lost relatives in Russia and the United States.The two main newspapers of the area, Rundschau and Nordwesten,were full of inquiries about family members in Russia and the UnitedStates. Some were even going back to Russia for a visit.Economic growth and prosperity had also led to the rise of anumber of trading centers in the area, going a long way to introduce theMennonites to Canadian society. While village breakup and accommodationto Canadian society was still being successfully resisted bythe Reinlaender Mennonite Church villages, many Mennonites wereonly too willing to establish district schools, move onto their homesteadsand enter politics.Land shortages and high prices on the other hand led to a significantmigration from Rhineland which continued well into the 20thcentury. All these changes and more would affect the municipality inthe next decades.FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER III1. Minutes of the R.M. of Rhineland, March 3, 1885.2. Adolf Ens, "Mennonite Relations with Governments: Western Canada 1870-1925",(Ph.D. Thesis, University of Ottawa, 1978), page 132.3. RlIndschall, Feb. 5, 1886.4. Ibid., Dec. 1,1885.89

5. R.M. of Rhineland Letterbooks 1890-1893.6. Reported conversation of Bishop Johann Wiebe, in Rundschau, Feb. I, 1888.7. Minutes of the R.M. of Rhineland, May I I, 1885 and June 2, 1885.8. Rundschau, Feb. 4,1891.9. Adolf Ens, op. cit., page 135.10. Reported in the Rundschau, Nov. 14, 1894.11. Adolf Ens, op. cit., page 136.12. R.M. of Rhineland By-Laws #19, June 30,1885.13. Rundschau, Feb. I, 1888.14. R.M. of Douglas Assessment Rolls. H. H. Hamm, Sixty Years of Progress, (Altona,1944) also gives a description of this dispute, but states the township did not become a partof Rhineland until 1891.IS. H. H. Hamm, op. cit., page 12; and Minutes of the R.M. of Douglas and Rhineland1884-1899.16. Minutes of the R.M. of Douglas 1884-1890.17. R.M. of Douglas By-Laws #56, Jan. 2, 1890; and R.M. of Douglas Letterbook June1890.18. Rundschau, October to December 1891; and John Warkentin, "The Mennonite Settlementsof Southern Manitoba", (Ph.D. Thesis, University of Toronto, 1960), page 201.19. Rundschau, Nov. 4, 1891; Jan. 27, 1892; Feb. \7, 1892; March 2, 1892; June 10,1892.20. Ibid., Jan. 6,1892; Feb. 10, 1892; Jan. 3,1894.21. Ibid., October 28, 1891; and Peter D. Zacharias, Rein/and an Experience in Community,(Reinland Centennial Committee, 1976), page 126.22. Valdimar 1. Eylands, Lutherans in Canada, (Winnipeg: The Icelandic EvangelicalSynod in North America, 1945), pages 232-236.23. Interview with Albert F. Pokrant, Roy Schroeder and Emmanuel Janke, June I, 1983.24. Interview with Randall Pappel, June 8, 1983.25. Interview with Albert F. Pokrant, op. cit.26. John Warkentin, op. cit., pages 187-191.27. Rundschau, March 13 and March 29, 1889. The general description of agriculture inthis section is taken from reports sent into the Rundschau and Nordwesten for this period.28. Rundschau, November I I, 1891.29. Nordwesten, November I I, 1891.30. Ibid., February 19,1897.31. David Jackson, "The National Fallacy and the Wheat Economy: Nineteenth CenturyOrigins of the Western Canadian Trade", (M. A. Thesis, University of Manitoba, 1982).32. John Warkentin, op. cit., pages 190-192.33. Ibid., page 189.34. Nordwesten, March 31, 1898.35. Brandon Daily Mail, February 27, 1890.36. R.M. of Rhineland and Douglas Assessment Rolls.37. Nordwesten, November 12, 1896; Brandon Daily Mail, Feb. 27, 1890.38. Ibid., October 22, 1890; and September 2, 1892.39. Ibid., 1890-1900.40. Ibid., May 16, May 23, May 30, June 26, July 3, 1901.41. Rundschau, June 27, 1888.42. Nordwesten, June 6, 1890, and June 27,1898.43. By-law #35 R.M. of Rhineland 1894.44. H. H. Hamm op. cit., page 12.45. Details of the Smallpox epidemic are from a story in Red River Valley Echo, Nov. 25,1970 and Municipal Correspondence, July 28, 1892.90

46. Rhineland Municipal Correspondence 1896.47. Nordwesten, July 29,1897.48. Henry 1. Gerbrandt, Adventure in Faith, (Altona: D. W. Friesen, 1970), page 167; JohnWarkentin, op. cit., page 171.49. Nordwesten, June 6, 1890.50. Esther Epp, Altona: The Story of a Prairie Town, (Altona: D. W. Friesen & Sons Ltd.,1982), page 54.51. Nordwesten, July 30, 1896.52. Henderson's Directory 1900.53. R.M. of Rhineland By-Law #38 and #39, Feb. 15, 1895.54. Minutes and Correspondence of the R.M. of Rhineland 1890-1900.55. Minutes of the R.M. of Rhineland, July 21, 1893.56. Nordwesten, March 22, 1894.57. Ibid., January 6, 1898.58. Ibid., Dec. 28, 1899.59. These percentages were worked out by dividing the given assessment values of allmunicipal residents into quartiles and placing the respective reeves and councillors intotheir respective quartile.Wealth Distribution of Douglas Reeves and Councillors1884-1890II III IVReeves Top 25% Upper Middle 25% Lower Middle 25 % Bottom 25%% 85.71 0 14.29Number 6 0 1Councillors% 71.43 11.9 16.67Number 30 5 7Wealth Distribution of Rhineland Reeves and Councillors1884-1890Reeves I II III% 57.14 14.29 28.57Number 4 1 2Councillors% 52.38 19.05 26.19Number 22 8 1160. Wealth Distribution of Rhineland Reeves and Councillors1891-1900Reeves%NumberCouncillorsTop 25%90%90000IV002.381II III IVUpper Middle 25%10%1Lower Middle 25% Bottom 25%o 0o 0% 50%26.67%16.66%6.67%Number 301610461. Nordwesten, January 6, 1898.62. Ibid., July 29,1892.63. Ibid., July 15,1892; and Rundschau, May 11, 1892.64. Adolf Ens, op. cit., page 113.65. Report of the Superintendant of Education for Protestant Schools, for the year endingJan. 31, 1886, pages 85-86.66. Minutes of the R.M. of Rhineland, November 10, 1886.91

67. Petition of the residents of Gruenthal, Blumenoff and Biumenort, R.M. of RhinelandLetterbook July 22, 1896.68. E. K. Francis, "The Mennonite School Problem in Manitoba 1874-1919", MennoniteQuarterly Review, 27 (1953), page 217.69. Peter George Klassen, "A Short History of the Mennonite Collegiate Institute, GretnaManitoba", (M. Ed. Course Paper, University of Manitoba, 1956), page 12.70. E. K. Francis, op. cit., page 217; and Peter D. Zacharias, op. cit., page 207.71. R.M. of Rhineland Assessment Rolls.72. David De Garis De Lisle, "The Spatial Organization and Intensity of Agriculture in theMennonite Villages of Southern Manitoba", (Ph.D. Thesis, McGill University, 1975),Table 5.2. De Lisle bases these figures on the property records of four Mennonite Villages.73. Rundschau, February 28, 1889.74. Ibid., January 2, 1901; Nordwesten, February 22, 1899.75. In 1900 Enoch Winkler of Gretna and Valentine Winkler of Morden bought schoollands in the R.M. of Rhineland to the amount of $44,000. Nordwesten, June 14, 1900.76. H. C. Jacobson, "Report on the Mennonite Colonies", Canada Sessional Papers, No.6, (1890).77. Rundschau, May 9,1888 and April 18, 1888.78. Nordwesten, July 4, 1890; April 24, 1891; and June 26, 1891.79. Gleaned from reports in the Nordwesten and the Rundschau.80. Rundschau, May 1, 1895.81. Reinland Village Papers, Mennonite Heritage Center Archives.82. John Warkentin, op. cit., page 211.83. Rundschau, Feb. 25, 1885; Aug. 19, 1885; and Aug. 26, 1886.84. A. E. Schantz describing the breakup of Mennonite Villages in the Manitoba FreePress, January 14, 1885.85. Rundschau, April 26, 1885.86. J. F. Galbraith, Mennonites in Manitoba 1875-1900, (Morden: Chronicle Press, 1900),page 18.87. Peter D. Zacharias, op. cit., page 281.88. Based on the copies of numerous funeral invitations in the Braun Sisters Diary, (Inprivate Possession).89. Peter D. Zacharias, op. cit., page 281.90. Esther Epp, op. cit., pages 96-97.91. Nordwesten, February 14, 1901.92

Chapter IVThe Gathering Storm:Nationalism and Schools1900-1914The years, preceding the first world war, were a period of disorientationin the Rural Municipality of Rhineland. Accommodation toEnglish Canadian Society increasingly became an issue which dividedthe populace of Rhineland; there were those who accepted Canadianvalues and those who wished to remain separate from the larger society.This division was most evident in the matter concerning schools.Large scale immigration to the Canadian West from eastern Europeafter 1896, along with the 1897 Bilingual Clause of the ManitobaSchools Act, led to another phase of the Manitoba Schools Question.The Bilingual Clause of 1897, or the Laurier-Greenway Compromise asit was called, stipulated that wherever there were ten school children of alanguage other than English, their mother tongue could be taught alongwith English. It was this provision that permitted both the French andGerman speaking residents in Manitoba to conduct their school in theirown languages.When this provision was applied to the large number of EasternEuropean immigrant communities in Manitoba it produced a greatnumber of schools in which English was the second language. Thispolyglot oflanguages in the schools produced fears among AnglophoneManitobans that these new immigrants were not being Canadianizedand gave the appearance that these schools were not performing theirfunction. These fears would lead to new school laws.While Rhineland's popUlation did not grow between 1900 and1914, migration in fact continued right up to World War I, the arrival of93

many East Europeans in other parts of Manitoba and the Northwestindirectly affected Rhineland's inhabitants. Increasing English CanadianNationalism produced school legislation which directly affectedthe German speaking Lutherans and Mennonites in the municipality.While some accepted these changes, others became increasingly uneasyabout life in Canada and government involvement in schools.Not all matters during this period, however, revolved aroundschools. The scarcity of land in the municipality led to renewed migrationto Saskatchewan and Alberta, while recurrent flooding led toincreased agitation for better drainage. By 1904 much of the R.M. ofRhineland had been organized into a drainage district opening thousandsof acres to cultivation. This, however, involved the municipalityeven more closely with the provincial government.As the agricultural economy of the municipality slowed, the rapidgrowth of the towns during the 1890's ceased and competition betweentowns intensified. One example of this competition was the conflictover the relocation of the Mennonite Educational Institute (MEl) in1905-06. This conflict contributed to the growing disunity as the outsideworld moved in closer to the isolated Mennonite villages.School DevelopmentsSchool developments contributed substantially to the growingunease among Rhineland's Mennonites before World War 1. Up untilthis point conflict over schools had been largely confined to the Mennonites.It was brought on not by direct interference of state authorities,but by differing ideas about education among the Mennonites themselves.By 1902 the Bergthaler Church together with the SommerfelderChurch had largely accepted district schools and had even developed acurriculum for religious instruction in the public schools. I The Rein-_laender Church, on the other hand, was still unalterably opposed todistrict schools. When the opening of a new district school caused theclosing of a private school, because residents could not pay for both,Reinlaender children were simply educated at home. 2Friends and enemies of the public school barely spoke to each other, and eachaccused the other of heresy and treason, or of indolence and ignorance; the onegroup sought ever closer co-operation with the larger society while the otherretired in stubborn isolation.'In 1907, however, the Manitoba Government entered the Mennoniteschool conflict. Disturbed at the growing non-British, non­English population in Manitoba, the Conservative Roblin Governmentannounced in 1906, that the Union Jack, the symbol of the British94

Empire, be flown over every public school building. This measure wasintended to inculcate feelings of patriotism and materially assist inblending the various nationalities into one common citizenship.4Speaking at a meeting of young Conservatives Roblin said; "Ithink the man who comes from a foreign country in order to benefit hiscircumstances and who objects to perpetuating the glories of our flagand declines to have his children infused with British patriotism, is aman that is undesirable".5 Going into effect on May 24, 1907 this lawaroused the fears of Manitoba's Mennonites who regarded a flag as amilitary emblem, which if accepted, would be the first step to the loss oftheir principle of non-resistance and military exemption.Some Bergthaler leaders, including H. H. Ewert and Bishop Funk,presented petitions to Premier Roblin asking to be exempted from theflag legislation, claiming their "Privilegium" exempted them, but wereunsuccessful. In response to this flag legislation, 11 Mennonite districtschools reverted to private status in 1907, two in Rhineland, and thosewho had been slow to accept public schools became even more adamant.By 1916 district school enrollment in Rhineland was lower than ithad been in 1906.Year18961901190619111916Fig. 14 R.M. of Rhineland District School Population1896-1916TotalEnrollment725879980904905Source: John Jacob Bergen, M. Ed. Thesis, 1959.No. per 1000 ofPop. in School98.9115.6105.6101.0AverageAttendance43543959447664This decline in attendance led to the passage of the School AttendanceAct and it became clear that the Manitoba Government was readytei make even more drastic changes to the School Act. While many ofRhineland's inhabitants accepted these conditions, the more conservativeMennonites perceived these actions as a direct threat to theircorporate rights and their right to live according to their faith. Thesefears seemed more than justified in the years following.Municipal Developments and PoliticsThough the issue of Nationalism and government control of educationwas thrusting itself forward, it was at this point still a question95

R.M. of Rhineland Municipal Office in Altona in 1913. H. H. Hamm who is standing onthe porch served as Secretary-Treasurer of the Municipality from 1913-1943.Credit: CMCAwhich had not been resolved. The day to day concerns of farming andmunicipal business were still predominant, but even here the provincialgovernment was becoming increasingly involved.Annual flooding of the Rosenfeld and Plum Coulee area duringspring run-off convinced residents to petition the provincial governmentto bring part of the municipality under the Drainage Act.Between 1902 and 1904 spring flood waters covered farm lands inthe Rosenfeld area for almost two weeks making farming extremelyprecarius in the area. 6 This problem was caused by a gradual drop inelevation in the area. During spring run-off water was carried from theescarpment by three large coulees, Buffalo Creek, Plum Coulee, andHespeler Creek, which had well defined channels until they reached the96

flatter land in Rhineland. Here the creek beds disappeared and as aresult the water spread evenly over the land. 7By 1902 the Public Works Department had sent out hydrographicengineers to survey the area and a drainage district encompassing over120,000 acres was defined. (See map.) Lands to be used for drainagecanals were then listed in area newspapers and bought by the municipality.8The planned drainage ignored local drainage and concentratedon digging channels for the water from the point where the coulees lostthemselves in marshes, to a point where the channels were once againwell defined near the Red River. 9Actual dredging was commenced in 1903 as 60 miles of drainswere finally located and dredges, including a floating dredge, were1904DRAINAGEWINKLER.4WoW2WIWIED MUNICIPALBOUNDARYDDRAINAGEDISTRICT 1297DRAINS PROPOSEDDRAINS COMPLETED

ought in. These dredges were steam powered, burning the woodwhich had been stockpiled the winter before. Since a floating dredgerequired a minimum of four feet of water, dykes were constructed a halfa mile ahead of the dredge to maintain adequate water levels. 10 That firstyear approximately 17 miles of drains were completed along with fiveplatform truss bridges and six culverts. 11In 1904 severe spring flooding retarded drainage work, but a 6mile canal was dug in an easterly direction from Buffalo Lake providingconsiderable relief to adjoining lands and the village of Rosenfeld. Thedredge was then moved to Plum Coulee and a channel was commencedto connect that coulee with the Hespeler Coulee, two and a half milesfurther north. This was stopped for the season after constructing half amile. 12 By 1907 most of the proposed drainage work in the district hadbeen completed. In all, 33 miles of dredge canals and 57.55 miles oflateral drains had been dug benefitting over 132,836 acres.13 It wasduring this period that Lutheran settlers around Rosenfeld and PlumCoulee began farming the lands in the northern part of the municipality.This large drainage project had involved close co-operation betweenthe municipality and the provincial government, and while thisincreased government involvement was welcomed by the municipalcouncil it was not without its problems. The Public Works Departmenthad helped fund and construct the drains in the drainage district, but itwas left to the municipality to maintain the drains. This became moreand more of a problem as teams and labour in the municipality wereunavailable during the summer months, and wind erosion partiallyfilled the drains with silt.Roads presented less of a headache at this point since there werefew automobiles and roads were only roughly graded. Despite this,most road allowances in Rhineland had been graded by 1914. This workwas accomplished with the use of graders hauled by steam tractors up to1907 and gasoline tractors thereafter.If the provincial government was becoming more involved in theaffairs of Rhineland, so were Rhineland's inhabitants becoming moreinvolved in provincial and federal politics. The number of actual votersincreased throughout the period but the school issue did have an effecton the number of registered voters. Previous to the flag legislation in1907 there were over 900 registered voters in the provincial constituencyof Rhineland, and 2,104 registered Mennonite voters in the federalconstituency of Lisgar. After the flag legislation, however, registeredvoters in Rhineland dropped to 845 and the number of registeredMennonite voters in Lisgar dropped to 769. 14In the provincial constituency of Rhineland voters continued to98

Valentine Winkler. Born near Neustadt inGrey County, Upper Canada in 1864, Valentinemoved to Emerson, Manitoba in1879 to work in his brother, Enoch's, lumberyard.When Enoch moved to Gretna in1883, Valentine came with him andopened his own grain and lumber businessin Morden shortly thereafter. He alsobegan farming in 1888 and was electedthe first Reeve of the R.M. of Stanley servingfrom 1890 to 1892. The village ofWinkler was named after him and heopened a grain and lumber businessthere in 1892. He was elected to theProvincial Legislature as a Liberal, andserved the Rhineland Constituency from1892-1920. He also served as Minister ofAgriculture and Immigration from 1915 to1920. In 1900 he ran for a seat in theHouse of Commons but was defeated. Hewas a Mason and a member of the I. 0.0. F.Credil: PAMreturn the Liberal candidate, Valentine Winkler, despite the fact thatRoblin's Conservatives were in power. Winkler's main attraction, otherthan the fact that he was of German descent, was that he was seen as afriend of the Mennonites at a time when Mennonites were still hesitantat electing one of their own members. Roblin's Conservatives, however,were winning over more Mennonite adherents as time went on. In fact inthe 1907 provincial election Cornelius Bergman, a former reeve, ran asa Conservative against the Liberal, Valentine Winkler.In the federal riding of Lisgar, Rhineland voters also supported theLiberal Party, but were usually outvoted by the Conservative EnglishCanadians in the western half of the riding where there was a muchlarger turnout. Mennonite support for the Liberals held up throughoutthe period, but by 1911 this support was waning. In the election of thatyear only 51.1 per cent of the Mennonite voters in Lisgar voted Liberal/4 despite the fact that the Conservative candidate W. H. Sharpe wasseen as an enemy of Mennonite privileges.In the municipal sphere politics were still controlled by theBergthaler and Sommerfelder Mennonites, with few of the ReinlaenderChurch members voting. Elections for reeve were held regularly everyyear and from 287 to 526 men voted annually depending on the issuesand interest. The most important issue during this period was drainage.One interesting development in municipal politics during this99

period was the beginning of long terms in office for individual reeves.Previous to this no reeve had held office for more than five years.Beginning with the election of H. 1. Friesen as reeve in 1908, however,long terms in office became the norm. Between 1908 and 1983 only 11men have served as reeve.One of the reasons for this in the period before 1930 was the almostblock voting of the Sommerfeld Mennonites. Meetings were often heldin the various Sommerfelder Churches to survey Church membership asto which candidate should be supported in the election. 15 This practiceoften resulted in an overlapping of municipal and Sommerfeld villageand church leadership. This represented one of the adaptive strategies ofthe Sommerfelder Mennonites in dealing with municipal government.It is interesting to note that H. 1. Friesen (reeve for 8 years, 1908-1916)and P. A. Toews (reeve for 10 years, 1920-1929) both later becameSommerfelder Bishops.Agriculture and Village BreakupThe years of farm prosperity in the 1890's continued for a numberof years in the early 20th century, but by 1914 agriculture was ip decline.The year 1902 was the last bumper crop of the decade in Rhineland,producing wheat fields of 30 bushels to the acre. 16 Farm labour flockedto the municipality that fall and farmers influenced by these returnsbought new threshing machines and built new homes. 17Altona Machinery Co. Ltd. -1905. This picture features Advance Machines.Credit: D. K. Friesen100

Advance Steam Threshing Outfit owned by Peter J. Kehler and Henry Harder in1905. This outfit operated in the Gretna-Gruenthal area.Credit: Tina RempelRepeated croppings of wheat and other grains, however, began toexhaust the land and by 1906 weed problems began to reappear furtherlowering yields. 18 Between 1902 and 1914 yields were never more thanaverage, with wheat prices ranging between 60 and 90 cents a bushel. 19The year 1912, in fact, produced a significant crop failure as haildestroyed the crops of a number of villages and a wet summer and fallprevented the harvest in many other fields. 20 This downturn in agriculturecorresponded with the end of farm prosperity in the rest of WesternCanada as land and wheat prices dropped.Fig. IS Farm Statistics R.M. of Rhineland 1901-1914Year190119061914Pop. Farmers9157 10748080 11988344 1325Source: Assessment RollsUnderCultivation162470173422178458Horses619061186956Cattle591835226456Sheep710831697Pigs551240465211There was some expansion in the land brought under cultivation,but not as much as the growth of the 1890 's. The most significant changecame in the Plum Coulee and Rosenfeld area where drainage openednew lands to grain farming. By 1909 Plum Coulee had become one ofthe premier grain shipment centers in Rhineland.101

EtilLLenC\l.~.c()C\lNQ):51i:iC\lQ.enC\lLLC:::lEQ)()Q):515E.3Q):51i:i"0~CQ)en00::....C\lQ)CQ)CQ)()Cf)OJc:cen~.cf-102

Fig. 16 Elevator Capacity 1909GretnaAltonaRosenfeldPlum CouleeNo. ofElevators6456Capacityin bushels128,000131,00079,000182,000Source: John Warkentin, Mennonite Settlements of Southern Manitoba. page 307.More significant was the population loss in the municipality asmigration to Saskatchewan and Alberta continued. Young farmers,unable to make a start in Rhineland, were steadily leaving for the cheaplands in the west. This problem was most acute in the Reinlaender orOld Colony areas in township 1 range 3, township 1 range 4 andtownship 2 range 4 west, where farms were most concentrated.Fig. 17 Agricultural Statistics by Township 1906TownshipI-IEI-IW1-2W1-3W1-4W2-IW2-2W2-3W2-4W3-IW3-2W3-3WSource: Census of Canada 1906.Acres ofField Crops16,56217,44813,88512,16716,64414,96115,09215,60816,1226,19010,77614,876Field CropsPer Farm184162138102110164150140124162118148No. of Farms90108101119151911051121303890100Every spring before W. W.I., newspapers mentioned trainloads offamilies leaving for Saskatchewan and Alberta. At different timesalmost the entire villages of Blumenort and Blumenfeld were planning toemigrate. 21 This emigration was further facilitated by the reservation of21 townships for Mennonite settlement around Swift Current and QuillLake in 1903. In 1906 alone, the Reinlaender Church listed 78 farmerswishing to relocate. 22With this continued emigration land transfers and subdivisionsalso increased, peaking in 1904 and 1910-1911. 23 These land sales andtransfers speeded up the dissolution of Mennonite farm villages. Thereasons for village breakup have already been touched upon, but in 1902103

the government entered the picture. In that year the Manitoba Legislaturepassed an act that not only reflected the growing dissolution ofMennonite villages, but aided their disintegration.This act dealt with Mennonite Village Agreements and stated thatall village agreements could be cancelled at any time on the agreementof two-thirds of the parties that had entered into the agreement. It alsostipulated that proceedings in mortgage suits or sales need only beserved on three persons, rather than all members. This facilitated theprocess of foreclosure and the sale of village lands and hence thebreakup of these villages. 24By 1912 the open field economy of almost all Bergthal villages hadbeen discontinued, though many farmers continued to live on theirresurveyed village lots.25 For many the social advantages of living inthese villages still outweighed the economic advantages of moving totheir quarter sections. Only in the Old Colony villages in the westernend of Rhineland was the open field system retained.While the outside world had been making incursions into rurallife, village life was still a world apart from town life. Commercial grainfarming inevitably linked the farmer to the outside world, but thisextended little further than the elevator and stores. Little social communicationexisted between town and village and individuals who grewup in villages or on farms during this period, still remember feeling outof place when in town. 26 Farmers were willing to buy the latest agriculturalequipment, but balked at accepting new cultural practices. Closerties between rural and urban centers would have to await the beginningof the co-operative movement in the 1930's.Town DevelopmentsThe rapid growth of towns in Rhineland before 1900, slowed in theearly decades of the 20th century as the agricultural economy began tofalter.Fig. 18 Population of Towns 1901-1914AltonaGretnaRosenfeldPlum Coulee190123866684394190411380064325190622470785498Source: Assessment Rolls, Census of Canada, Municipal Census.19112615193801914400575Although Gretna remained the social center of the municipalityuntil World War I, it began to decline in importance after 1900. It104419

eached its zenith in 1902 when the population rose to 880, but thetown's location on the International Boundary, along with the tariffgreatly reduced its hinterland. Gretna's aspirations to greater status werebriefly revived in 1906 when the town received its second railwayconnection to the United States.This new railway, known as the Midland Railway, was part of theGreat Northern's scheme to redirect part of the annual Canadian graincrop to Chicago instead of Winnipeg. 27 This railway also connectedGretna to Plum Coulee, Carman, and Portage la Prairie, raising expectationsof growth in these centers. The failure of reciprocity and thedecline in the prairie economy doomed many of these lines and by 1926the Gretna line had been sold to the CPR. Shortly thereafter the trackbetween Gretna and Plum Coulee was removed.Fig. 19 Origin and Religion of Gretna Inhabitants 1901 & 1911Origin 1901 1911 Religion 1901 1911British 126 102 Roman Catholic 137 50French 1 0 Anglican 19 19German 503 366 Presbyterian 118 86Scandinavian 12 5 Methodist 22 10Russian 6 6 Baptist II 2Jewish 7 2 Mennonite 118 124Belgian 6 I Lutheran 223 208Chinese 1 0 Jewish 7 2Other 3 31 Other II 13Source: Census of CanadaThe first major blow to the fortunes of Gretna, however, was thelarge fire of 1913 which destroyed half of the town's business section.The fire broke out in the Hespeler Avenue office of Christian Pieper onApril 28, 1913 and because of the high winds that day, threatened toengulf not only the entire business section, but also a substantialresidential section of the town. Plagued by malfunctioning fire fightingequipment and a scarcity of water, the Gretna fire brigade was fortunateto receive aid from the towns of Neche and Altona. While the residentialsection and some businesses were saved, most of Main Street was razedincluding the Post Office, Telephone Office, Bank of Montreal, OgilvieElevator, C. Wahn warehouse, Coblentz warehouse, six houses and anumber of smaller business establishments. 28 Many of these businesseswere never replaced and some of the older proprietors retired frombusiness altogether. For many years the corner where the Post Officehad stood looked like a trash heap.Altona, while it grew slowly, made the most solid gains during this105

period. Strategically placed as a farming center, Altona slowly increasedits number of businesses to serve the yet untapped outlyingMennonite villages. The town also contained the administrative officesof the municipality and an aggressive business elite. It was during thisperiod that D. W. Friesen established his confectionary shop and postoffice that would later become one of Manitoba's largest printery andschool supply businesses. While Altona also had its share of fires duringthis period, businesses were usually quickly rebuilt.Plum Coulee, like Gretna, grew little in the period after 1900,largely because it was located too close to Winkler. Most of the financialpower in the town was concentrated in the hands of a few businessD. W. Friesen Store and Post Office in Altona in 1916. Left to right: Peter H. Dueck,clerk; D. W. Friesen; and Peter Winter, clerk. Born in 1879, D. W. Friesen moved toAltona around 1905 from the village of Lichtfeld west of Altona where he had been ateacher. He had originally come to the West Reserve in 1893 with his step-parents,Mr. and Mrs. Cornelius Bergman. His first marriage to Maria Kroeker ended with herdeath in 1907, he later married the young widow Sarah Striemer. Having come toAltona as an implement dealer, Friesen soon changed occupations buying the PostOffice and Confectionary Store from John B. Schwartz. Overthe years this businessexpanded to include a school supply business, wholesale and commercial stationeryand a printery. He was also the Altona agent for the Manitoba TelephoneCompany. In 1948 his business was bought out by his three sons who incorporated itas D. W. Friesen and Sons Ltd. D. W. Friesen was also active in community affairsserving as Deacon and Treasurer of the Altona Bergthaler Church. He was also theCanadian Treasurer of the General Conference, Foreign Mission Board.Credit: D. K. Friesen107

Barbershop and pool hall in Plum Coulee in which W. Reichert barbered for 40years. It was in this pool hall in 1913 that Reichert pleaded with Jacob Krofchenko,the bank robber, to go straight. The very next day Krofchenko robbed the PlumCoulee bank and shot and killed the manager.people, providing little of the competitive commerce that typifiedWinkler. Plum Coulee also suffered a setback when Homdean wasestablished four miles to the east of it. The CPR had not really wanted toerect a siding at this point, but local farmers' petitions won out and by1911 a siding along with a store and elevator had been built. WhileHomdean never developed into much more than a grain shipping point,it seriously cut into Plum Coulee's hinterland. 29Fig. 20 Origin and Religion of Plum Coulee Inhabitants 1901 & 19l1OriginBritishGermanPolishRussianJewishOtherSource: Census of Canada190142308o737o191124260204702ReligionRoman CatholicAnglicanPresbyterianMethodistBaptistMennoniteLutheranJewishOther19011057613231191053761911421121521181007020Rosenfeld, like the other centers, grew little after 1900 despite theopening of new farm lands through improved drainage. Drainage,however, did not help Rosenfeld's fortunes as much as had been expectedand it failed to lure much trade from Plum Coulee.108

The decline in urban growth combined with high expectations,increased inter-town rivalries in the area. Many of these rivalries wereplayed out on the sports fields. Because of the significant non-Mennonitepopulation in most towns, sport was considered an integral partof the community, building the health and character of its young people.The performance of a town's sport teams was seen to reflect themoral character of the town and sport was taken very seriously. In theearly 20th century football (soccer) and hockey were the most popularsports, as teams from Plum Coulee, Rosenfeld, Altona, Winkler andGretna travelled to rival towns on special sports days to battle for townhonours. By 1910 soccer had given way to baseball and Gretna and PlumCoulee regularly fielded strong teams. In the 1920's Gretna and Neche,Gretna's sister town across the border, jointly entered a team called the"Internationals" in a semi-professional league.Town rivalries, however, also took less playful forms. The mostintense inter-town rivalry in Rhineland occurred between Gretna andAltona and encompassed the dispute over the MELGretna vs. Altona Hockey Game 1904.109Credit: W. J. Kehler

The MEl ControversyThe Mennonite Educational Institute, founded in 1889, had by1900 developed into an effective teacher training center. Its principal,H. H. Ewert, and its location, Gretna, however, were not without theirdetractors. Ewert and the Bergthaler Lehrdienst had, in their oppositionto a movement of evangelical fundamentalism in the area, caused somelaymen in Rhineland to oppose the Bergthaler power structure and bycorollary the Gretna school. 30 Others in the community carried a longstanding personal dislike of H. H. Ewert, considering him arrogant anddictatorial. Some of Ewert's opponents in the area had secured hisdismissal as school inspector by helping defeat the Provincial LiberalGovernment in 1903. 31 With the appointment of Johann M. Friesen ofAltona as School Inspector, a new power alignment began to emergeand Bishop Johann Funk of Bergthaler Church changed sides, breakingwith Ewert and the Gretna Board.This simmering theological and personal conflict turned into abitter inter-town rivalry in 1903, when it became evident that the oldMEl building would have to be replaced. As plans were formulated for anew building program, the supporters from the towns of Altona andWinkler argued that the school should be relocated. The strongest groupfavouring relocation was the Altona group led by Bishop Johann Funk,Peter B. Wiebe, Cornelius Bergman, and H. D. Dueck. Funk arguedthat the school had failed to gain public acceptance in Gretna and shouldnow be tried in Altona.The issue came to a head at the 1905 MEl annual meeting inAltona, where the future school location was on the agenda. Held onMay 22 in the Altona Pulblic School, this meeting was characterized byone maneuver after the other to steer the vote in the desired direction.Since the school constitution granted one vote for every ten dollarsdonated by a school society member, there was a great deal of room formaneuvering.The first motion dealing with school location proposed that onevote be given for every five dollar donation, instead of the previous tendollar limit. This was followed by a motion proposed by H. H. Ewertand John Baergen to extend voting privileges to those that had signedpromissory notes for the building or endowment fund. This seemed tofavour the Gretna group as it apparently gave a large block of votes toErdman Penner, a Gretna Merchant. The Gretna faction, led by Baergenand Erdman Wiebe, then proposed a motion barring from voting allthose who had made donations between May 1 and May 22. This moveeffectively eliminated up to thirty Altona votes.110

The Altona group, however, was not without recourse. This grouppassed a motion stating that the school location be decided by the townreceiving the highest number of votes, rather than the two-thirds majoritycalled for in the constitution. When the vote was finally taken,Altona was the preferred location with 179 votes. Gretna followed with151 votes and Winkler trailed with 119. Upon hearing these results, H.H. Ewert rose to his feet and moved that the election be made unanimous,which it was.Following this vote the MEl Board proceeded to purchase tenacres of land on the west side of Altona and sent H. H. Ewert andGerhard Wiebe to Brandon to study a similar institution, and formulatea building plan. By 1907 a decision had been made to build a threestorey building costing $10,000.This, however, did not end the controversy. The school was consideredboth a business asset and a sign of prestige and some Gretnabusinessmen had given considerable sums of money in support of theschool. These Gretna leaders had never accepted the decision taken onMay 22 and a few weeks after the meeting rumours were heard thatM.E.1. Altona Opening 1908.111Credit: CMCA

Mennonite Collegiate Institute in 1938. It was built in 1908.Credit: CMCAErdman Penners' votes on his promissory note had not been counted.Whether or not there was a promissory note, or whether it had beencounted has never been substantiated, but the rumour did re-open theconflict. In early 1906 Enoch Winkler, a lumber merchant in Gretna,offered to donate ten acres to the school if it was built in Gretna. 32 Thisoffer and the Gretna position was ridiculed by Altona businessmanJohann Schwartz. In a satirical poem published in Der NordwestenSchwartz concluded;Drum haltet fest an Eurem WortUnd macht Euch keine SorgeAltona ist der Beste OrtDie Kirche bleibt im Dorfe. 33In a last ditch effort to keep the school in Gretna three petitionswere presented to the MEl board asking that construction be delayeduntil another vote could be taken. The board, having made its decision,ignored the petitions. When the Gretna group obtained a court injunctionto halt the construction, the board fought it in court and won theright to continue building.These and other actions had, by the end of 1907, made conciliationimpossible and Henry Reimer, Jacob Heppner, and H. H. Ewert re-112

signed from the six member board. Many other members withdrewfrom the MEl Society and on March 12, 1908, a number of people,unhappy with the Altona location, met in Plum Coulee and formed anew society whose aim it was to build a new school in Gretna. Thisschool later became the Mennonite Collegiate Institute (MCI). H. H.Ewert, who had never been enthusiastic about the decision to relocate inAltona, resigned as principal of MElon April 1, and shortly thereafterbecame principal of the newly formed MCI.In September of 1908 the MEl was officiall y opened in Altona, andshortly thereafter the newly built MCI also opened its doors. Bothoperated with the purpose of producing qualified teachers for Mennoniteschools, both offered a similar curriculum, and both competedfor the same students. Competition and acrimony were rife as accusationsof political and moral turpitude were hurled by both sides and bothschools claimed to the the true successor of the original MEL Gretnasupporters were particularly incensed when an Altona group dismantledthe old MEl building in Gretna and rebuilt it as a teacherage in Altona.This last move was considered unforgivable by Ewert and was toantagonize Gretna people for decades.The appointment of 1. 1. Balzer, a Minnesota minister and longtime theological opponent of Ewert, to head the MEl only exacerbatedthe situation. This controversy not only split the Bergthaler Church, butpoisoned the already intense rivalry between Gretna and Altona. TheBergthaler rift slowly healed after Bishop Funk resigned in 1911, andJacob Heppner, a Winkler man and Ewert supporter became bishop. Theschool and town rivalry, however, continued for many years and itslegacy is still evident today.The Gathering StormBy 1911 many of the traditional social and settlement patterns inthe R.M. of Rhineland had been disrupted. Municipal government had·in large part taken over the duties of village government (roads, drainage,taxation for schools) and many villages had abandoned theirtraditional open field economies. Similarly, Church control overschools slowly eroded as English Canadian Nationalism increasinglyinvolved the state in Mennonite education. Some of the effects of thesedevelopments had been mitigated, but no group completely escaped theincursions of the larger society. The Reinlaender Church membersignored the district school and legislation and the Sommerfelder Churchto some extent combined church and municipal leadership. All that wasneeded to tum these developments into a serious crisis was a catalyst.This the War provided.113

When World War I broke out Mennonite communities in Rhinelandwere ill equipped to deal with the disruptions which followed in itswake. Serious divisions throughout the community prevented a concerteddefense of their privileges and values. Not only were theredivisions between the Bergthaler and Reinlaender Churches, but theMEl controversy had created divisions in the Bergthaler community.There were rural-urban divisions, rivalries between towns, and whenthe Mennonites spoke to governments it was not as a single voice but asa number of individual groups. Even in the political realm Mennoniteswere almost evenly split among the Conservative and Liberal camps.The war, however, also created a climate of opinion among EnglishCanadians, who had little tolerance for the educational concerns ofGerman speaking pacifists. Delegations and petitions went unheededand the residents of Rhineland were faced with a decision to eitheraccommodate or emigrate.FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER IV1. Adolf Ens, "Mennonite Relations with Governments: Western Canada 1870-1925",(Ph.D. Thesis, University of Ottawa, 1978), page 182.2. Nordwesten, March 31,1909.3. E. K. Francis, "The Mennonite School Problem in Manitoba 1874-1919", MennoniteQuarterly Review, 27 (1953), page 223.4. Ibid., page 220.5. Quoted in Adolf Ens, op. cit., page 184.6. Nordwesten, April 14, 1904.7. John Warkentin, "The Mennonite Settlements of Southern Manitoba", (Ph. D. Thesis,University of Toronto, 1960), page 293.8. Nordwesten, March 12, 1903.9. John Warkentin, op. cit., page 293.10. Interview with William Toews, Plum Coulee, July 9, 1983.11. Annual Report of the Department of Public Works for the year 1903, ManitobaSessional Papers #10 (1904).12. Annual Report of the Department of Public Works for the year 1904, ManitobaSessional Papers #16 (1905).13. Annual Report of the Department of Public Works for the year 1907, ManitobaSessional Papers #18-19 (1908).14. Barry Heinrichs, "Voting trends among Mennonites of the West Reserve", (Unpublishedresearch paper, Canadian Mennonite Bible College, 1979); Statistical Appendixto Manitoba Statement of Votes, 1977.IS. One such meeting was reported in Der Nordwesten, Jan. 6, 1898; Interview with D. K.Friesen, Aug. 25, 1983.16. Nordwesten, September II, 1902.17. Ibid., May-July, 1902.18. Ibid., October 10,1906; August 28,1907; May 24,1908.19. Ibid., 1902-1914.20. Ibid., Aug. 7, 1912; Altona Echo, June 28, 1944.21. Nordwesten, March 13, 1902; Feb. I, 1906.114

22. Ibid., March 14, 1906.23. D. DeG. DeLisle, "The Spatial Organization and Intensity of Agriculture in theMennonite Villages of Southern Manitoba", (Ph.D. Thesis, McGill University, 1975),Figure 5.2 and 5.10.24. Statutes of Manitoba, 1-2 Edward VII, Chapter 25 (1902).25. Interview with Abraham Wiebe, June 8, 1983.26. Interview with Elizabeth Bergen and William Kehler.27. John Warkentin, op. cit., page 286.28. Nordwesten, April 30 and May 7,1913; Winnipeg Free Press, April 29,1913.29. John Warkentin, op. cit., page 281.30. The following account of the MEl dispute has been reconstructed largely from theaccount in Henry 1. Gerbrandt, Adventure in Faith, (Altona, 1970), and MEl records in theCanadian Mennonite Heritage Center Archives, Winnipeg.31. Henry 1. Gerbrandt, op. cit., page 259.32. Nordwesten, March 7, 1906.33. Ibid., March 21, 1906.115

Chapter VThe World We Have Lost:Rhineland 1914-1929 1The period from the beginning of the First World War until theconclusion of the 1920's saw the end of a way of life in the R.M. ofRhineland. Theocratic Mennonite village life, with its open field economy,had been in retreat since the late 19th century, but developmentsafter 1914 spelt its end. Nationalism, war, and technological changewould alter the very face of Rhineland society. Even Rhineland'sboundaries, encompassing most of the Mennonite settlements in thearea, were altered with the western half of the former West Reservetransferred to the R.M. of Stanley in 1916.World War I did not, in most cases, directly affect the lives ofRhineland's residents, but it did indirectly change many things. EnglishCanadian nationalism, evident before the war, became even more intenseafter the war broke out and led to changes in Manitoba's schoollaws. This new legislation wiped out many Mennonite school privilegescausing large numbers of Mennonites to emigrate to Mexico and Paraguay.With them went the last vestiges of the open field economy,organized village government and the Mennonite private school system.Most of the Mennonites who remained chose to accommodate tothe modem Canadian society.The War also had other indirect effects on the R.M. of Rhineland.In Russia, war and revolution ended another way of life for Mennonitesthere and many of these refugees found their way to Rhineland in the1920's. While these immigrants represented some continuity with theworld that was lost, their settlement in Rhineland never restored thisworld.There was one other development in this period which speeded the117

The R.M. of Rhineland Municipal Council 1916. Left to Right: Peter Kroeker, HenryPenner, A. Sawatsky, Henry J. Friesen, Issac Hildebrand, A. P. Hiebert, A. Hiebert,H. H. Hamm.R.M. of Rhineland Municipal Council - 1924. Members from left to right: (SackRow) Jacob J. Friesen (Ward 1), Jacob J. Dyck (Ward 2), Ed Pokrant (Ward 5), H. H.Hamm (Secretary-Treasurer). (Front Row) John D. Giesbrecht (Ward 3), Peter A.Toews (Reeve), Jacob J. Wiebe (Ward 4), Jacob J. Rempel (Ward 6).Credit: CMHC118

passage of the traditional way of life in Rhineland. This was thetechnological transformation within rural Canada. The automobile andtelephone brought the outside world to the farmer's doorstep, whilemechanization and agricultural education began to change the farmer'sattitude toward farming. All pointed towards a new way of life inRhineland.The Effects of WarThe outbreak of World War I, in August of 1914, was regardedquite differently by the various groups in Rhineland. The EnglishCanadians, residing mainly in Gretna and Plum Coulee, reacted withthe patriotic fervor of most other English Canadians, wholeheartedlysupporting the war effort as a prime opportunity to defend the BritishEmpire. Mennonites, on the other hand, reacted with dismay thatcivilized nations would resort to bloodshed. 2 Their strong commitmentto pacifism, moreover, made them resist active participation in the wareffort. This divergent reaction caused some friction in Gretna and PlumCoulee, but no serious incident resulted, due in part to the overwhelmingpreponderance of Mennonites in the municipality. 3While the Mennonites were dismayed at the outbreak of war, theydid little in the way of voicing their objection to the war. They were far. more concerned with maintaining their exemption from military serviceand keeping their young people from voluntarily joining the militaryservice. As early as 1916 the Bergthaler Church served notice that anymember who volunteered for active service was automatically excommunicated.4The first threat to the Mennonites' military exemption came in late1916, with the announcement that a national service registration wouldtake place in 1917 to make an inventory of available manpower inCanada. Under this program all males 16-65 years of age were asked tofill out registry cards. Fearing that this was the beginning of conscription,a delegation of Mennonite leaders travelled to Ottawa toinvestigate the matter.These delegates, including Abraham Doerksen of the SommerfelderChurch and Benjamin Ewert of the Bergthaler Church, wereassured that their exemption from military service would be fullyrespected, but the cards had to be filled out. The Reinlaender opposingany form of registration sent no delegate. Reassured by these promises,the Mennonite group represented by this delegation, co-operated withregistration. It is interesting to note that the Reinlaender Church,refusing to either register their men or provide the government with alist of males 16-65, was not forced to comply.5119

The introduction of conscription on August 29, 1917, presentedanother threat to Mennonite exemption from military service. WhileMennonites were among the categories of persons exempted from theAct's provisions, Military Service Act, difficulties began to develop.Problems arose particularly when young Mennonites appeared beforelocal tribunals to prove their identity as members of the MennoniteChurch.Much of the problem was the uncertainty among governmentofficials as to who was a Mennonite. It became evident that somegovernment officials were restricting military exemption to those whohad been baptized. Since the legal age of induction was eighteen andmany Mennonite youths were not baptized until twenty or twenty-oneyears of age, quite a number of youths were in danger of induction.This was finally clarified in 1918 when Abraham Dyck of LoweFarm was inducted into the military as a test case. Leaders of theMennonite Church in Manitoba were called to Winnipeg to testify onthe Church status of an unbaptized Me~monite child. This testimonyconfirmed that the Mennonite Church considered its unbaptized childrenand young people its own as much as the baptized members andwere accepted as such by the government.The last threat to the Mennonites' exemption from military servicein Manitoba came with the national registration of 1918. Finding difficultyin securing recruits for service overseas, the Canadian governmentcalled for universal registration to facilitate this objective.Mennonites were assured that the government would fully honour itspromises to the Mennonites but insisted that all, without exception,must register. With these assurances even the Reinlaender Church wasprevailed upon to register its members. 6While Mennonites in Rhineland took all necessary measures toavoid active service, they were willing to financially support organizationssuch as the Red Cross and the Patriotic Fund. In this they weremotivated both by their desire to provide relief to war victims and also"to secure the goodwill of their Canadian neighbours who would be lesslikely to press for Mennonite enlistment if they saw evidence of voluntarysacrifice".7 The Bergthaler Mennonite Church went so far as tomake these contributions to the Red Cross a carefully planned annualaffair, developing an informal property tax by 1918. Mennonite contributionsto these relief organizations amounted to close to $150,000. The6,452 Manitoba Sommerfelders alone contributed $46,000, or overseven dollars per member. 8The purchase of victory bonds in Rhineland was a more controversialissue, since this clearly represented financial support for the war120

effort. The Bergthaler Church leaders considered it their duty to financiallysupport the government and accordingly left the decision up toindividual members whether they wished to participate. The Sommerfelder,Reinlaender, and Mennonite Brethren Churches, however, refusedto support the Victory Loan program until the governmentpromised to devote that money raised among the Mennonites to reliefpurposes. Following this concession, Manitoba Mennonites purchasedclose to $700,000 worth of Victory Bonds in less than a year. 9The favourable war time treatment of the Mennonites in Canadawas looked upon with envy by Mennonites and Hutterites in the UnitedStates. When the United States entered the War in 1917, Mennonites andHutterites had considerable difficulty gaining exemption from militaryservice and began exploring emigration to Canada. While the majorityof United States Mennonites migrating to Canada settled in Saskatchewanand Alberta, some did come to Manitoba. The Canadian Governmentstill considered Mennonites a desirable class of agriculturalistsand encouraged its U. S. agents to facilitate their migration into Canada.This policy also applied to Hutterites, who were assured of militaryexemption and religious freedom.But by 1918 local feeling began to tum against the influx ofMennonites from the United States and the government revoked itsblanket military exemption for American Mennonites and Hutterites.Digging Potatoes -1922.121Credit: Gerhard Giesbrecht

By this time, however, a large number of Mennonites and sixteenHutterite colonies had been established in western Canada. Six of theseHutterite colonies were located in Manitoba.The Hutterites that settled in Manitoba were known as theSchmiedeleut and came from South Dakota. They purchased land in theElie district, west of Winnipeg and established a number of communalcolonies. These initial colonies, however, proved too small for thegrowing population and more land was purchased. Between 1918 and1929 four additional colonies were founded in Manitoba, one of whichwas located in Rhineland. The colony became known as the BlumengartColony, since the Hutterites had purchased the Blumengart Villagelands from Mennonites departing from Mexico in 1922.The war also influenced a number of other developments whichaffected the quality of life in the R.M. of Rhineland. The demand forCanadian foodstuffs during the war stimulated agricultural productionand raised the prices of agricultural products. Receiving good prices fortheir wheat, Rhineland farmers increased their already heavy concentrationon wheat farming.This specialization in wheat continued through the 1920's and wouldcause severe dislocations in the 1930's.The greatest impact on the R.M. of Rhineland during this period,however, was caused by the changes in the educational laws of Manitobaand the Russian Revolution. The first would lead to the mass emigrationPloughing in the Strassburg area in the 1920's. John Klassen is standing behind thetractor and John Harder in front. The tractor is a International 10-20 TItan.122

of Rhineland Mennonites to Mexico and Paraguay, while the secondresulted in the immigration of Russian Mennonites to Rhineland.Fig. 21 Field Crop R.M. of Rhineland 1921-1931Year Field Crops Wheat Barley Oats Rye Flax Other1921 acre 144230 83937 22184 32946 404 1339 3420% 100 58.2 15.4 22.8 0.3 0.9 2.41926 acre 160996 81128 31603 28169 7651 8856 3589% 100 50.5 19.6 17.5 4.7 5.5 2.21931 acre 151004 84537 22378 28055 471 4309 11254% 100 56 14.8 18.6 0.3 2.9 7.4Source: Census of CanadaSchool Legislation and CrisisAttempts to make the public school an agent of assimilationamong the newer Canadian immigrants preceded the war. The Flaglegislation of 1907 and the School Attendance Act of 1914, had alreadytaken steps in this direction. War time feelings intensified these effortsand threatened traditional Mennonite school privileges.When the war spirit got hold of the west, and to poor equipment were added thedual sins of pacifism and German speech, the patience of the public andofficials would no longer stand the strain. Recourse was had to compulsion. 10In February of 1916 the Liberal Government ofT.C. Norris abolishedthe Bilingual Clause of 1897. This in effect replaced bilingualschools, with government supervised district schools offering instructionin English only. A revised School Attendance Act was also passedat this time, requiring compulsory attendance of all school age childrenunless it could be demonstrated that a satisfactory education could beprovided in a private school. II Because Mennonite private schools werenot directl y affected by the passage of these acts, the immediate effect ofthis legislation was the transformation of Mennonite district schoolsinto Mennonite private schools. The Reinlaender group, who had successfullyresisted district schools up until this point, were not greatlyaffected, but both the Sommerfelder and Bergthaler Churches decidedto convert all their district schools into private schools. 12This changeover was initially tolerated by the Manitoba Government,since the legislation of 1916 had not been exclusively directedagainst Mennonite bilingual schools, with Mennonite schools regardedas a minor problem. 13 By 1918, however, this attitude had begun tochange as the government began to see this Mennonite action as anattempt to destroy the public school system. To halt this reversion toprivate school status the Department of Education appointed a specialagent, in the person of 1. F. Greenway, to act as official trustee in123

districts attempting to revert to private schools. Under his directionprovincial district schools were forced to operate as public schools. InRhineland the school districts of Eigenhof, Edenburg, Neuhoffnung,Kleinstadt, Amsterdam and Edenthal were kept open in this way.Further provincial action in 1918-1920 forced the discontinued R.M. ofRhineland district schools of Grossweide, Neubergthal, Altbergthal,Blumenort, Blumenhof, Neukronsthal, Houston, Halbstadt, Weidenfeld,Reichenbach, Silberfeld, Gruenthal, Gnadenfeld, Rudnerweideand Hoffnungsort to reopen. 14This aggressive government action was also carried into the Reinlaendercommunities where no district schools had existed. Citing thegrounds that no provisions had been made for the proper education ofthe children residing in these areas, the Department of Education had,by 1920, carved ten new school districts into the heart of the Reinlaenderlands in the R.M. of Rhineland and Stanley. Showing littleconsideration for local feeling, these districts received English namessuch as Exeter, Clyde, Thames, Meath, and Grimsby.These government actions did not go unopposed and parentsboycotted the public schools where they were kept open by publictrusteeship. In 1919, the Reichenbach community near Rosenfeld decidedto continue its private school claiming it fulfilled governmentstandards. IS The official trustee, J. F. Greenway, replied that if theschool remained private, a new school would be erected in the ReichenbachSchool District. When the Weidenfeld community tried to keep itsprivate school open the Department of Education sent a teacher to theschool to evict the private school teacher and take possession of theschool. After this action had occurred several times, the Weidenfeldcommunity sent a letter to the Department of Education protesting thisunwarranted interference and persecution. 16Protests and appeals were also sent to Rhineland's M.L.A. ValentineWinkler, but to little avail. When Mennonite parents continued towithhold their children from public schools, court action and fines wereinitiated by the government. These fines pushed a number of Mennonitefamilies to the brink of economic ruin and those that refused to pay thefines had their personal chattels and livestock seized .17The entire question of public school attendance and Mennoniteeducational rights came before the Manitoba Courts in 1919, when theManitoba Department of Education laid charges against a number offamilies in the Houston School District for violation of the SchoolAttendance Act. The conviction of two of these defendants, DietrichDoerksen and John Hildebrand, was appealed by the SommerfelderChurch.124

The Mennonite case was based on the 1873 letter of John Lowe tothe Mennonites, which outlined the Mennonites' privileges in Canada.The Mennonites argued that the Immigration Act of 1869 and the BritishNorth America Act had placed immigration under the control of theFederal Department of Agriculture and therefore it was the duty of theDominion Minister of Agriculture to carry out the promises made to theMennonites.The Provincial Government on the other hand, objected to theMennonite Privilegium promulgated by John Lowe's letter and theOrder in Council of 1873, on the grounds that the Federal Governmenthad no power to give these promises. It was the province, they argued,which had jurisdiction in educational matters. The province also dismissedJohn Lowe's letter as an insufficient claim, contending thedocument was at variance with the Order in Council which legallyconstituted Mennonite privileges. They argued that the rights conferredon the Mennonites were in no way infringed upon by the SchoolAttendance Act, since the matter of language was not mentioned at alland the act did not interfere with the teaching of religion. 18The Manitoba Court of Appeals ruled in the government's favourcontending that John Lowe's letter and the Order in Council of August13, 1873, were to be accepted as merged, and further, that the differencein wording was largely irrelevant, since the Manitoba Act gave theProvince exclusive rights to legislate in matters of education. The judgeexplained that the Mennonites were entitled only to the unhampered andunrestrictive privileges of educating their children in schools providedby the laws of the country. This did not permit them to retain anindependent school system outside the reach of provincial law. 19A final appeal was made to the Judicial Committee of the PrivyCouncil in London, but in July of 1920 this body also ruled in favour ofthe Government of Manitoba. This ruling gave the Manitoba Legislationof 1916 full legal sanction and determined that the Mennonites weresubject to the School Attendance Act despite their Privilegium.Even while the court battles were being fought, a number ofMennonite groups were petitioning the Manitoba Government tohonour the promises made in 1873. These petitions stated that as amatter of conscience, Mennonites could not delegate the responsibilityof educating their children and the right to teach religion in their schoolswas essential. 20 The Manitoba Government, however, remained unmoved.In setting a patriotic standard for accredited schools, it had in effect made allMennonite Private Schools, no matter how strong pedagogically, unacceptable.'l125

The only choice left for Mennonites was acceptance of the new schoollaws, or to carry through their threat to emigrate.The possibility of emigration over the issue of schools had beendiscussed as early as 1910, but it was only in 1919 that the Reinlaendergroups in Saskatchewan and Manitoba made their decision to emigrate.The prospect of losing control over their schools and way of life wasenough to convince them to risk the perils of emigration. A number ofSommerfelder people from the R.M. of Rhineland also decided toleave, but the Bergthaler decided to accept government controlledpublic schools. The Bergthaler in Rhineland were the most open tochange, and had by 1916 largely accommodated to Canadian society.The loss of their school privileges was a blow, but was no longerconsidered crucial to their way of life.Emigration and its Impact on RhinelandBy the summer of 1919 the Reinlaender Church had dispatched sixdelegates to South America to look for suitable land and negotiate theirrights to entry. Receiving few concessions in South America, however,they began to look in the southern United States. Receiving assurancesof religious freedom and exemption from military service in a combatantcapacity, the Reinlaender Church formally decided to emigrate tothe Mississippi. Mysterious difficulties in gaining admission to theUnited States to close the deal, however, convinced them that it was thewill of God not to go to the States. 23Locations in Quebec and Northern Manitoba were also considered,but were eventually abandoned in favour of Mexico. A scoutingMennonite Emigrants leaving Altona for Mexico in the 1920's.126Credit: W. J. Kehler

party to Mexico had returned with a favourable report and two delegationslater, the last of which met with President Alvaro Obregon, thedecision was made to move to Mexico. The privileges they had beenpromised included complete exemption from military service, andunrestricted right to religious principles and the authority to conductschools without government interference. 24 Armed with these promisesthe Reinlaender leaders in Manitoba and Saskatchewan proceeded topurchase adjacent tracts of 155,000 and 74,125 acres in the state ofChihuahua in 1921.Mennonite Emigrants leaving Altona for Paraguay in the 1920's.Credit: CMCAFollowing the purchase of lands it became the responsibility ofBishop lohan Friesen of Manitoba to convince his people to acceptemigration. It was made clear that faithfulness required emigration toMexico, since the government in Manitoba was using the public schoolsto assimilate the Mennonites. Compulsion in school matters, however,was not the only reason for emigration. The encroaching outside worldwas leading to conformity in other matters, to such an extent that churchleaders felt it necessary to emigrate to avoid absorption into the world. 25To ascertain who would remain loyal to the Church and emigrate,Reinlaender Church members were asked to register with the Bishop.This made it difficult for those who did not wish to leave Manitoba andmany registered only to stay in Canada, or return shortly after emigrat-127

ing to Mexico. Most members did not need a great deal of convincing.Reasons of faith were buttressed by acute land shortages in Rhineland,convincing many that emigration was beneficial.The first trainload of Reinlaender Mennonites left Manitoba fromPlum Coulee on March 1,1922. Between 1922 and 1925, 3,200 ReinlaenderChurch members left Manitoba for the Chihuahua settlement.This represented 64 per cent of all Reinlaender Church members inManitoba. 26 Approximately 600 Sommerfelder Mennonites in Rhinelandalso emigrated to Mexico, while another 357 left for Paraguay.The Sommerfelder decision to emigrate was made in December of1920. Ajoint Sommerfelder, Chortitzer and Bergthaler delegation wentto Paraguay to search for potential settlement sites in February of 1921.Before the end of July a Mennonite Privilegium had been ratified by theSenate and Congress of Paraguay opening the way for settlement in theChaco. The privileges granted these Mennonites resembled the concessionsthe Reinlaender had obtained from Mexico, with the addedguarantee of having been ratified by the Congress of Paraguay.Not all the Sommerfelder who emigrated went to Paraguay,however. The enthusiasm of the Reinlaender groups for Mexico, supportedby the reports of individual Sommerfelder who had settled inMexico, created a division among the Manitoba Sommerfelder, withsome choosing Paraguay and some Mexico. A group, headed by AbrahamDoerksen, decided Mexico was the better homeland and by 1922had secured a Privilegium and purchased 12,000 acres just north of theReinlaender settlement in Mexico. Between 1922 and 1925 nearly 600Sommerfelder from Rhineland left for Mexico and between 1926 and1930, 357 more left for the Paraguayan Chaco. This exodus of approximately900 Sommerfelder represented 13 per cent of the SommerfelderpopUlation in Rhineland.The impact of the emigrations to Mexico and Paraguay was immediatelyfelt in the R.M. of Rhineland. Many of the Reinlaender andSommerfelder Mennonites who remained in Rhineland were left withoutchurch leaders and only gradually re-established a sense of corporateidentity. Bishop Johan Friesen and almost all of the Reinlaenderministers migrated to Mexico leaving no successors to serve the approximate36 per cent of the Reinlaender group who had remained inManitoba. Since Bishop Friesen had made it clear that only those goingto Mexico would remain members of the Church, those that stayedbehind in Manitoba were left in limbo or joined other Mennonitecongregations until they re-organized as the Old Colony Mennonitechurch in 1936. The exodus of Sommerfelder leaders was not nearly as128

disruptive since over 70 per cent of the Sommerfelder membershipremained behind.The exodus of approximately 4,000 Mennonites from what hadbeen the West Reserve sounded the death knell for the open field villageeconomy. In fact a number of villages ceased to exist completely whileothers were weakened. All twenty-one Eichenfeld families left forMexico as did most of the inhabitants of the villages of Kronsthal andBlumengart. Rosengart lost 25 families, Blumenort 20, while Reinlandand Schoen wiese also lost a significant number of families. 27 In the caseof Blumenort 20 of the 24 families left between 1922 and 1925 effectivelydissolving all village organizations and disrupting life as it hadbeen. The Mennonite system of private schools also ended with themove to Mexico. Since the decision to emigrate had been a corporateone in most cases, those remaining behind had, by doing so, taken astand of greater individualism. This emigration and accommodation notonly broke any remaining resistance to the public schools, but made anyunited action virtually impossible until World War II. 27In some villages the cessation of village government also resultedin disputes among those that remained in Manitoba. Following thebreakup of village government, villagers on the east side of the villageof Reinland threatened to fence in all their land, including land that hadbeen used as a street and schoolyard. This would have prevented anumber of farmers from reaching their fields and petitions were sent tothe Municipal council to prevent this. 28The disappearance of the open field system was not the onlyeconomic consequence of the emigration. When the Reinlaender andSommerfelder groups left they took all their belongings, livestock andcash assets with them. In the case ofthe Reinlaender Church, the entireWaisenamt relocated to Mexico. While the Sommerfelder Waisenamtremained in Manitoba, large amounts were withdrawn with it and fromthe Bergthaler Waisenamt. Both took years to recover from this cashoutflow. 29Business in Rhineland towns was also significantly affected by theexodus to Mexico. Particularly hard hit were the towns of Gretna andPlum Coulee, which had depended on the loyal business of the prosperousReinlaender villages. Altona did not suffer as great a declinesince most of the Bergthaler and Sommerfelder farmers that patronizedthe town's businesses, remained in Rhineland. While the existing Reinlaendersettlers were eventually replaced by incoming Russian Mennoniteimmigrants, business did not return to what it once was in Gretnaand Plum Coulee. 3D Thus, by the late 1920's Rhineland's trading hinterlandhad been significantly altered.129

Rosenfeld in 1916.Credit: A. J. ThiessenRusslaender Immigration 1923-1930World War I also had momentous effects in Russia, where theupheavals of war would precipitate a revolution against the Tsaristregime. The new communist government which emerged was notfavourably disposed to religious groups, foreign colonies within Russia,or prosperous individual landowners. The Mennonites, who hadremained in Russia at the time of the migration to North America in1874, had become very prosperous in their old homeland and fit allthree of the unfavourable categories listed above. These circumstances,along with the ravages of civil war and famine, eventually led to theemigration of 20,000 Mennonites to Canada. For those that were able toleave and for many more that could not, the Russia they had known wasa lost world. Economic devastation, physical violence, disease andarbitrary policies poisoned the social and moral atmosphere of theMennonite colonies and "destroyed the Mennonite sense of identificationwith Russia" . 31 To them, Russia was a "Lost Fatherland". ThoseRussian Mennonite emigres who eventually settled in the R.M. ofRhineland in the 1920's, brought with them this sense of a lost Commonwealth/2 and tried to recreate it in Manitoba.The 40,000 Mennonites who had chosen to remain in Russiaduring the 1870's, had by 1914 grown to a population of 120,000 with 50settlements and 440 villages encompassing over 3,000,000 acres ofland. 33 They had become affluent and boasted large private estates,130

sizable factories and a modem flour milling and food processing industry.This economic growth, however, had also brought some of the lessadmirable features of capitalism including: hereditary factory, landownership and the exploitation of the landless proletariat for low costlabour. 34 These developments became important factors in the repressionof the Mennonite colonies following the Bolshevik seizure ofpower.The February Revolution of 1917 had little direct influence on theMennonites since the Provisional Government was committed to continuingthe war. It was only after the Bolshevik seizure of power inNovember of 1917 and the Treaty of Brest Litovsk, that the full ramificationsof the Revolution began to be felt in the Mennonite Colonies. Thetransfer of authority to local soviets effectively ended Mennonite localself-government. These soviets, composed largely of the poorer workersand peasants, eagerly exploited their new rights and exacted a heavyprice from the Mennonite colonies, and almost everywhere lawlesselements created a reign of terror. 35The protracted civil war, in which battle lines see sawed back andforth across the Mennonite lands, devasted Mennonite villages in theUkraine. Farms were stripped of grain and livestock, famine and diseaseflourished and terror ruled the countryside. More damaging in the longterm, however, was the support the Mennonites gave the invadingGerman Army, the formation of the Mennonite Selbstschutz, a militaryorganization for self defense, and the identification of this body with theWhite Army. These actions not only led to severe reprisals, but implicatedmost Mennonites in the area as counter-revolutionaries. While theformation of the Selbstschutz and support of the White Army can beunderstood against the background of anarchy, terror and civil war,these actions permanently affected Bolshevik attitudes towards theMennonites.Even without these physical conflicts, there was a deep seatedideological antithesis separating the Mennonites from the new Bolshevikrulers.Thus, economic collapse, famine, disease, terror, loss of local controlof schools and villages, and fundamental ideological differences withthe new Soviet regime, convinced more and more Mennonites that theonly available alternative was emigration.By late 1919 a study commission had been formed in the MolotchnaColony and dispatched to Europe and North America. Its taskwas fourfold: to report on the conditions in Russia; secure immediatematerial aid for the sick and starving; seek long term assistance torebuild the colonies; and investigate the possibilities of emigration.131

In Canada and the United States organizations quickly sprang upto co-ordinate and facilitate the sending of aid to the Soviet Union. TheCanadian Mennonite Central Committee solicited aid from variousMennonite groups in Western Canada, including congregations in theR.M. of Rhineland. The Bergthaler Church encouraged each memberto give one dollar a month and donate one bushel of wheat for every 500bushels harvested, to the relief program. In Altona D. W. Friesen and C.C. Bergman went from home to home collecting donations and peopleall over the municipality contributed clothing and money. Even themunicipal council made grants to pay shipping costs for clothing andmedicine sent to Russia. 37While in North America the study commission had exploredsettlement possibilities in Canada, United States and Mexico, and haddecided that Canada offered the best possibilities because of Federalrestrictions on immigration in the United States and the political instabilityin Mexico. 38 While Canada also had restrictions barring theentry of Mennonite immigrants, the return to power of the Liberal Partyin the federal election of 1921 brought a change. By June of 1922William Lyon Mackenzie King, holding true to his promise made toMennonite representatives, repealed the 1919 Order in Council that hadbarred Mennonite immigration.Even before the federal government had opened its doors, preparationshad been made to receive the immigrants. A Mennonite delegationhad already received assurances from Premier Norris of Manitoba thatthe Russian immigrants were welcome and an inter-Mennonite immigrationadministration had been organized. 39 This administration,named the Canadian Mennonite Board of Colonization, had beenorganized on May 17, 1922 at a meeting held in the Gretna home of H.H. Ewert. Led by its chairman, David Toews, this board would over thenext years fund and co-ordinate the massive immigration.On June 22, 1923 the first group of 738 persons left Chortitza bytrain for the Baltic Port of Libau. Here medical inspections by Canadianofficials revealed some distressing findings. The ravages of civil warand the ensuing hygienic decay had taken its toll and close scrutiny ofthe Mennonite groups arriving at Libau revealed a high incidence oftrachoma, an extremely contagious eye disease. Almost 13 per cent ofthat year's 3,000 emigrants were detained and prevented from continuingon to Canada. 40 This caused a great deal of anguish as familieswere temporarily broken up. Those who passed the medical examinations,boarded the CPR boats and embarked for England and Canada.The first five hundred immigrants arrived at Quebec City on July16, 1923. There they were met by Peter P. Epp of Altona and Gerhard132

Ens of Rosthern and directed to the train that would take them west.Most travelled directly to Rosthern, but over a hundred decided to makeManitoba their home. Of this first group 30 disembarked at Steinbach,66 at Winkler and 47 at Altona. More arrived during the months ofAugust and September and continued to arrive until 1928. In 1924, 300arrived in Altona alone. 41After 1926, however, few were allowed toleave by the Soviet Government and by 1928 the door had been completelyclosed. In 1927 only 847 arrived in Canada and in 1928 only 511arrived. 42This is the statistical story of the coming of the Russian Mennonitesin the 1920's, but statistics do not explain the motivation of thosewho settled in the R.M. of Rhineland. One of the personal storiesconcern Wilhelm Goertzen and his father-in-law Rev. Jacob 1. Klassen.Wilhelm and Anna Goertzen had escaped Russia in the summer of 1921,eventually arriving in the village of Blumenort in 1922. Pleased with theland in southern Manitoba, Goertzen sent reports back to his father-inlawthat land around Blumenort was good for farming and that a largenumber of Reinlaender Mennonites were planning to emigrate to Mexico.In the event of this emigration, a great deal of land would beavailable for purchase. On the basis of these reports, Rev. Jacob Klassenand his congregation decided to settle in the R.M. of Rhineland. Manyhad preferred Saskatchewan, but when Klassen decided in favor ofManitoba they opted to follow his lead and keep the group together. 43On arriving at the various train depots in Rhineland, the immigrantswere met by the local minister, friends, relatives and farmerslooking for harvest help. After the official welcome and some singingand prayers, the immigrants were usually taken home by the varioussponsoring families. The top priority of the new arrivals was to findwork to pay for their Reiseschuld (travel debt). Many of the able-bodiedRusslaender were billeted on farms where they assisted with the fallharvest. Some also found work in the towns of Gretna, Altona, PlumCoulee, Rosenfeld and Winkler, while others went to Saskatchewan towork on the railway. Teenage girls were also often sent to Winnipeg towork as domestic help and were expected to send most of their wagesback to their parents in order to assist their families in repaying theReiseschuld. 44Eventually, some Russlaender settled in Rhineland's towns, butmost purchased the farms vacated by the departing Sommerfelder andReinlaender Mennonites. A final count showed that 191 families hadsettled in the villages of Blumenfeld, Blumenort, Chortitz, Gnadenthal,Gnadenfeld, Hochfeld, Osterwick, Reinland, Rosenort, Rosengart andSchoenwiese. 45 The settlement of these families did much to save many133

of these Mennonite villages. In fact most of the villages that haveremained intact in Rhineland are those that were heavily populated bythe Russian immigrants of the 1920 's. They came from Russia hoping tore-establish the Mennonite Commonwealth they had lost in Russia andwhile they were not successful, the strong tradition of village life theybrought to Manitoba endured the abolition of the open field system.They genuinely liked the village life they found in Manitoba, thus,affording them a more gradual adjustment to Canadian society.While some of the Russian immigrants settled in Rhineland townsmost engaged in farming. More would settle in Winkler which showedthe greatest gain from this most recent immigration. Russian immigrantsmade significant contributions to the growth of Winkler as acultural center, founding a Bible school, establishing a choir andorganizing a musical festival. 46 Since the areas of Russian Mennonitesettlement corresponded roughly to the area vacated by the Reinlaenderand Sommerfelder, most new settlement occurred in the western portionof Rhineland and eastern Stanley.Fig. 22 Immigrant Settlements in Rhineland and StanleyDistrictAltona 47Blumenfeld 9Blumenort 25Burwalde 15Chortitz 14Gretna 4Gnadenthal 34Gnadenfeld 17Hochfeld 19Homdean 9110rden 49Neuhorst 2Plum Coulee 11Reinland 17Reinfeld 13Rosenort 12Rosenfeld 13HouseholdsSchoenwiese1 IWinkler 124Source: F. H. Epp Mennonites in Canada 1920-1940, pp. 208-209.This allowed Gretna and Plum Coulee to regain some of thebusiness they had lost because of the Mexico emigration, but not nearlyall. Firstly, the new immigrants were very poor and saved most of theirmoney to payoff their Reiseschuld and secondly the Russlaender whoreplaced the Reinlaender, had no established town loyalties and patronizedthe most convenient center. 47 In most cases this was Winklerand in others it was Altona. Plum Coulee was further handicapped in134

that the nearby village of Blumengart was settled by Hutterites whobought most of their supplies wholesale in Winnipeg.The Russlaender immigration, however, did strengthen the positionof the MCI at the expense of the MEL H. H. Ewert's involvement inthe immigration gave MCI, rather than MEl, the goodwill of thenumerous school teachers who came from Russia. 48 Many of theseteachers would receive their retraining at the MCl. The MEl had, overthe years, also begun to hire non-Mennonite teachers and utilized theEnglish language, to a greater extent than the MCl. The Russianimmigrants, still strongly attached to the German language and culture,were thus more attracted to the MCl. When the MEl burnt down in 1926it was never rebuilt due in part to severe financial difficulties, but also toinsufficient support from the Mennonites themselves. The closing ofthe MEl, however, did little to reconcile Gretna and Altona residents.Many years passed before Altona families began sending their childrento the MCl. In fact, the year that the Altona school burnt, enrollment atMCI dropped. 49The Russian immigrants were themselves a cause for some tensionin the area. Some Russlaender, especially those who had known considerablewealth in Russia, considered their Canadian brethren primitiveand naive. The Canadian Mennonites, on the other hand, regardedsome of the Russian Mennonites as snobbish and of questionablehonesty. The basis of the tension between these two groups of Mennoniteswas the cultural gap that had been created by fifty years ofdivergent development.The Russian colonies, especially the Chortitza and Molotschna,had been under the influence of highly developed schools and trainedministers and this led to feelings of superiority among the Russianimmigrants and feelings of inferiority among the Canadian Mennonites.50 Economic development in the Russian colonies had alsoproduced a significant amount of industrialization as opposed to thestrictly agricultural economy of the Manitoba Mennonites.While too much can be made of this conflict, the cultural gapbetween the two groups was very real. While many of the recentimmigrants joined existing churches, especially the Bergthaler andMennonite Brethren, some did not feel at home in the Canadian MennoniteChurches. Separated from their home church in Russia and notwishing to be lost in larger Canadian congregations, a number Joffamilies from the Reinland, Blumenort, Rosenort, Gnadenthal andHochfeld areas formed a new immigrant church. Worshipping togetherin private homes at first, this group formed the Blumenorter Church in1925 and purchased the old Reinlaender Church buildings in Reinland135

and Rosenort. In Blumenort, however, some residents of the villagepurchased one of the village farmyards, disposed of most of the otherbuildings and part of the lot but converted the residence (house) to achurch building and made it available for church services to the variousdenominations of Mennonites represented in the village. The Russlaender,being a majority in the village at the time, usually held Sundaymorning services there. Wishing to maintain a small intimate atmosphereand keep the congregations culturally homogenous, onlyMennonites recently arrived from Russia were initially accepted.Thus, Mennonite emigration to Mexico and immigration fromRussia in the 1920's transformed some of the economic and socialdynamics in the- R.M. of Rhineland. These changes, along with thetechnological innovations of the 1920's, altered the way of life inRhineland.The telephone coming to Altona 1904-05. Abram A. Thiessen is the mule driver.Credit: A. J. ThiessenTechnology and the World we have LostThe proliferation ofthe automobile, tractor, telephone, movies andradio in the 1920's produced a technological transformation in ruralCanada. Travelling through rural Manitoba before the war one wouldhave seen farms worked by large teams of horses, farm homes lit withcoal oil lamps and farmers travelling to town in a buckboard. By the endof the decade following the war the picture had changed. Although136

Broncos imported to Rosenfeld in 1916. These broncos were a cheap source ofhorsepower and continued to be used in Rhineland until the 1930's.Credit: A. J. ThiessenAn early automobile in Rhineland. Peter F. Enns and Elizabeth and Abraham Nickel.Credit:CMCA137

Bob Calder and his team of Drivers in 1920.Credit: Lawrence Calderhorses, buckboard and coal oil lamps had not disappeared they werebeing replaced wherever possible, with modem tractors, combines,motor cars and electrical fixtures. This transformation also affectedattitudes towards farming as a way of life. Farmers were increasinglyurged to utilize new technology and scientific methods to tum farminginto a business, the farm into a factory.51 These changes in technologyand attitudes were particularly revolutionary in the R.M. of Rhinelandwhere the open field system and closed village society had been norm.The advent of the automobile brought the world to the farmer'sdoorstep. It now became possible to participate in town social life anddrew the town and country closer together. Even trips to Winnipeg, ararity before the automobile, became more and more common.Rosenfeld group stopping for lunch on the way to Winnipeg around 1915. The littleboy on the far right is Abram J. Thiessen.Credit: A. J. Thiessen138

Rumely Oil Pull Tractor. This oil cooled tractor was quite common in the area duringthe 1920's.Credit: W. J. KehlerThe tractor and new combines likewise changed farm productionin Rhineland in the late twenties. While the tractor had been introducedinto the municipality as early as 1915, it wasn't until the late twentiesthat tractors began to be used to any extent. The introduction of smallerless expensive tractors and the boom years of the late 1920's led toincreasing tractor sales in Rhineland. This new farm technology combinedwith the emigrations to Mexico and Paraguay, led to furtherfragmentation of village lands and increased farm size as farmerspurchased more land from departing Mennonites. Between 1921 and1936 the average farm size increased 25 per cent. 5By 1927-28 car and tractor sales in Rhineland boomed. Gasolineand oil dealerships, and garages became fixtures in all towns in themunicipality. Within six weeks of opening in 1927, the Rhineland Carcompany had sold sixteen new Ford automobiles. The following yearthe company sold thirty-five new and twenty-eight used vehicles. 53The automobile revolution also brought with it some less desirableresults. Municipal residents were now faced with a new noise problem,towns experienced parking problems and accidents became more commonin Rhineland. By 1916 the municipal council had passed a bylawregulating the speed of autos on streets and by the 1920's was faced withrising costs for road grading. Road construction henceforth became asteady process pushed by the public's insistence on better communication.139

Bike riding was a very popular form of transportation in the 1920's.Credit: W. J. KehlerThe Wild Ones -circa 1920's. The driver is Abram Schmidt.140Credit: W. J. Kehler

By the time the twenties ended not only had external eventscompletely shattered the traditional way of life in Rhineland, but technologicalinnovations had brought the modem and secular world to thevillage and homestead. These forces, combined with the economiccrisis of the 1930's led to a reformulation of Rhineland society.FOOTNOTES FOR CHAPTER VI. The chapter heading "The World We Have Lost" is taken from a book by that name,written by Peter Laslett. Laslett uses that term to describe the structure of English Societybefore the Industrial Revolution. The term is here used in a more general sense toencompass the passing of traditional Mennonite village and colony life, in the face ofencroaching modern society.2. H. H. Ewert quoted in Adolf Ens, "Mennonite Relations with Governments: WesternCanada 1870-1925", (Ph.D. Thesis, University of Ottawa, 1978), page 280.3. Interview with Elizabeth Bergen, July 28, 1983.4. Adolf Ens, op. cit., page 281.5. Ibid., pages 282-286.6. Ibid., pages 292-308.7. Ibid., page 287.8. Esther Epp-Tiessen, Altona: The Story oj a Prairie Town. (Altona: D. W. Friesen andSons, 1982), page 105.9. Adolf Ens, op. cit., page 315.10. C. B. Sissons quoted in E. K. Francis,lnSearch oJUtopia. (Altona: D. W. Friesen andSons, 1957), page 180.I I. Statutes oj Manitoba 1916, 6 Geo. V Chap. 88 and 97.12. Adolf Ens, op. cit., pages 202-203.13. E. K. Francis, opt. cit., page 183.14. Adolf Ens, op. cit., pages 209-213.15. Letter to Valentine Winkler April I, 1919. Valentine Winkler collection, PAM.16. Letter to the Department of Education May 2, 1919; Valentine Winkler Collection,PAM.17. F. H. Epp, Mennonites in Canada 1920-1940: A People's Struggle Jor Survival.(Toronto: Macmillan of Canada, 1982), page 105.18. Adolf Ens, op, cit., pages 239-241.19. F. H. Epp, op. cit., page 107.20. Adolf Ens, op. cit., page 273.21. F. H. Epp, op. cit., page 108.23. Adolf Ens, op. cit., page 334.24. F. H. Epp, op. cit., page 113.25. Ibid., page 117.26. Adolf Ens, op. cit., page 342.27. Peter D. Zacharias, Reinland: An Experience in Community, (Reinland CentennialCommittee, 1976), page 202; F. H. Epp, op. cit., page 124; Interview with Jacob Rempel,June 8, 1983.28. R.M. Rhineland Municipal Correspondence, March 3, 1926.29. Esther Epp-Tiessen, op. cit., page 109.30. Interview with Henry F. Friesen, Aug. 3, 1983, and Elizabeth Bergen, July 28, 1983.31. John B. Toews, Lost Fatherland: The Story oj the Mennonite EmigrationJrom SovietRussia 1921-1927, (Kitchener: Herald Press, 1967), page 83.32. The term "Commonwealth" here refers to the system of colony self government141

afforded to the Mennonites in Russia. Previous to 1917 the Mennonite Colonies in Russiawere a state within a state, exercising almost total self government.33. F. H. Epp, op. cit., pages 140-144.34. John B. Toews, op. cit., page 22.35. Ibid., page 26.36. Ibid., page 43.37. Esther Epp-Tiessen, op. cit., pages 112-113.38. Frank H. Epp, Mennonite Exodus: The Rescue and Resettlement of Russian Mennonitessince the Communist Revolution. (Altona: D. W. Friesen and Sons, 1962), pages 70-71.39. F. H. Epp, Mennonites in Canada 1920-1940, page 105.40. Ibid., page 170.41. Esther Epp-Tiessen, op, cit., page 113.42. F. H. Epp, Mennonites in Canada 1920-1940, page 178.43. Peter D. Zacharias, unpublished manuscript of the History of the Blumenorter Mennonitechurch.44. Esther Epp-Tiessen, op. cit., page 115.45. F. H. Epp, Mennonites in Canada 1920-1940, page 199.46. John H. Warkentin, "The Mennonite Settlements of Southern Manitoba", (Ph.D.Thesis, University of Toronto, 1960), page 278.47. Ibid., page 280.48. Henry 1. Gerbrandt, Adventure in Faith, (Altona: D. W. Friesen and Sons, 1970), page278.49. Ibid., page 270.50. Ibid., page 292; Esther Epp-Tiessen, op. cit., page 117.51. James Forbes Newman, "The Impact of Technology upon Rural Southwestern Manitoba1920-30", (M.A. Thesis, Queen's University, 1971), pages 87-93.52. D. De G. DeLisle, "The Spatial Organization and intensity of Agriculture in MennoniteVillages of Southern Manitoba", (Ph.D. Thesis, McGill University, 1975), page197.53. Esther Epp-Tiessen, op. cit., pages 132-133.142

Chapter VIThe Great Depression andthe Reaaintegration ofRhineland Society 1929-39The decade from 1929 to 1939 was more than a period of economicrecession in the R.M. of Rhineland. Plummeting farm prices, drought,grasshoppers and high farm indebtedness made mere survival an accomplishment.As farmers struggled to retain ownership of their farms,many came to lose faith in stability and security. Along with this loss offaith came a questioning of the values of political and economic life inCanadian society, which produced a significant restructuring of societyin Rhineland.Since World War I, school legislation, immigration and technologicaladvances had weakened Mennonite social and economicinstitutions. While the Mennonite Church remained a prominent elementin Rhineland society, it no longer directly affected all spheres ofdaily life. Agriculture, schools, and social relations became moresecular and individualistic as residents adapted to the Canadian way oflife. When the economy collapsed in 1929, the Mennonite Church wasno longer able to respond economically in the tradition of mutual aid. Infact, the most prominent Mennonite mutual aid institution, theWaisenamt, collapsed with the onset of the depression.Thus, faced with the failure of both individualistic, competitivecapitalism and traditional church mutual aid institutions, many of theresidents of Rhineland turned to secular co-operative action to meetlocal and community needs. While the Mennonite tradition of mutualaid eased the acceptance of co-operative action, it was not the mainimpetus behind it. This came from the idea of community self help and143

Jacob Schwartz lumberyard in Altona -Sommerfelder Waisenamt office.1920's. The small white building is theCredit: D. K. Friesenthe co-operative ideology espoused by institutions like the RhinelandAgricultural Society and leaders such as 1. 1. Siemens. Mennonites didnot naturally accept the co-operative principle, but had to be persuadedthat it was a solution to their social and economic problems.'The new socio-economic institutions which began emerging inRhineland in the 1930's were neither religious nor individualistic, butbased on a secular ethic of co-operation in business and community life.This co-operative action not only began to redefine the relationshipsbetween farmers in the municipality, but also the relationship betweenthe towns and the countryside. When farmers and town residents beganto perceive their interests as interdependent and as they began toparticipate in co-operative ventures, the Mennonite dichotomy of villageand farm versus the town began to break down.Drought and DepressionAll parts of Canada experienced hard times during the 1930's, butparticularly hard hit were the prairies. The prairie economy, based as itwas on agriculture, was especially vulnerable to the vagaries of weatherand export markets. With the collapse of the stock market in 1929,foreign markets for Canadian foodstuffs collapsed, and prices for allagricultural products dropped rapidly. Wheat that had sold for $1.06 abushel in 1929 sold for only 38 cents in 1932.2 Farmers in Rhineland,144

who by the 1930's were primarily wheat farmers, were particularly hardhit by this drop of the wheat market.The decline of this market, however, was not the only problemRhineland farmers had to face. Throughout most of the thirties rainfallin the area was well below normal and crop failures due to lack ofmoisture were common. 3 Wells in the area ran dry and farmers wereforced to haul water by barrel or tank for both livestock and householdneeds. These drought conditions convinced many farmers in Rhinelandto dig new ponds. This was generally accomplished with a team ofhorses and a scraper, but later in the decade the municipality purchaseda dragline that was made available to farmers at the cost of $23 a pond.The balance of the cost was paid by the Prairie Farm RehabilitationAdministration (PFRA). Moving from one farm to the next, this draglineoften operated 24 hours a day.4If wheat prices and drought were not enough to drive a farmer todespair, the grasshoppers and rust might. Thriving in hot weather,grasshoppers would destroy whole fields of grain. At the height of thegrasshopper plague the R.M. of Rhineland and the Manitoba Departmentof Agriculture went to great lengths to combat the problem.Carloads of bran were shipped to Rhineland towns where it was mixedwith poison and distributed to farmers. Farmers then spread this mixtureon road allowances. Some farmers even built grasshopper catchingmachines, consisting of a trough containing used crankcase oil, pulledDigging a Dugout near Rosenfeld early in the century.145Credit: D. Zacharias

R.M. of Rhineland Dragline circa 1930's.Credit: W. J. Kehlerby a horse. As it moved along, the grasshoppers would leap or tumbleinto the trough of oil and smother. While a large number of grasshopperswere destroyed, the overall effect was not very noticeable and grasshopperscontributed significantly to crop failures during these years. Thegrasshoppers were eventually destroyed by a parasite and they disappearedalmost as suddenly as they had appeared. 5Rust also presented problems for farmers during the depression. In1935 abundant rainfall produced stands of wheat that promised 25bushels to the acre yields, only to be destroyed by rust. Many cropswere in fact burnt to the ground because the actual yields did not pay forthe harvesting. 6Being primarily grain farmers, the residents of Rhineland had littleto fall back on. Farm income plummeted while indebtedness rosequickly. Farmers who had invested heavily in land and new farmmachinery in the 1920's, now stood to lose everything. By 1936, 626 of1,240 farmers in the R.M. of Rhineland were in danger of losing all oftheir holdings through foreclosure or bankruptcy. Another 455 werepaying a third of their crop to mortgage holders. Tenant farming alsoincreased as mortgage indebtedness rose to over $1,356,000. 7 Farmersin these dire straits could no longer look to the Church for aid as bothBergthaler and Sommerfelder Waisenamts had themselves gone bankrupt.The Waisenamt's original purpose had been to administer the146

Grasshoppers of 1934 -A. M. Wiebe Farm.Credit: W. J. Kehlerestates of orphans and widows, but by the 1920's they had also becomelending institutions. They accepted deposits and issued loans at interestrates comparable to other Canadian banks. Unlike banking institutions,however, no securities were needed for loans other than promissorynotes signed by two reputable church members. 8With this policyalmost all money on deposit was loaned out. In 1921 the BergthalerWaisenamt had all but $312.20 of $1 ,267,078 out on loan,9 and by 1924the Sommerfelder Waisenamt had $1,072,000 out on loan. IO This lendingpractice could not survive the depression of the 1930's, whendepositors panicked and tried to withdraw their money. The Waisenamtswith few cash reserves and too many uncollectable loans, were unableto repay their depositors and went bankrupt.The losses incurred by these bankruptcies shook the entire community.While some gained by not having to repay old debts, many losttheir life savings. Four hundred and twelve creditors of the BergthalerWaisenamt lost a total of $508,099.91 and approximately nine hundredcreditors of the Sommerfelder Waisenamt lost $560,674.54. Eventuallythe Sommerfelder did recover over half of their losses while theBergthaler recovered 10 per cent. II These figures clearly illustrate thatthe churches were in no financial shape to come to the aid of debt riddenfarmers. In fact, the churches had difficulty meeting their own budgets.As the depression worsened quite a few families in Rhineland wereunable to feed or clothe their families and turned to the municipality forrelief. This relief program was made possible by the Unemployment147

The Manure Press -1930's. Although this machine was invented in the 1930's, theuse of manure as fuel dates back much earlier. In the records of the Hochstadtprivate school around the turn of the century, several loads of manure are mentionedas part of the teacher's salary. This machine improved on the method of processingfor use. Previously the practice had been to scatter the manure in a 10 or 12 inchlayer with pitchforks, then walk a team of horses around and around to pack it down,harrow it to make it even, and then every available member of the family would join instamping it down with their feet (usually barefoot), for a smooth top. After a dryingperiod the patch was cut up in squares with a spade and set on edge for final drying.This machine enabled the whole process to be accomplished in one operation. Themanure was fed into a hopper, an auger carried it along a tube to the other end whereit emerged in a continuous ribbon. One man with a long handled cutter, cut thestream in squares and a crew of men with pitchforks picked up a square in turn andset it on edge on the ground, for drying.Credit: W. J. Kehler148

Drying manure bricks near Altona -1931. These bricks provided cheap fuel for areafarmers during the depression.Credit: PAMRelief Act of 1931, whereby relief costs were shared equally by themunicipal, provincial and federal governments. All those who had ayear's residency in the municipality could apply to the municipalcouncil for food, fuel, clothing, rent and seed grain when in need.By 1934, 255 Rhineland residents were on the municipal relief roleand in the years 1937-39 this had risen to 351. 12 The municipality alsogave municipal residents the opportunity to payoff their taxes byworking for the municipality. Highway 30, between Gretna and Rosenfeld,was constructed with this labour. Other projects included cleaningout drainage ditches and the construction of wells and ponds. 13Not all applications for relief could be met, because as farmincome shrank so too did municipal revenue as farmers were unable topay their taxes. Funds for relief were limited and had to be prudentlyadministered. The merits of each case were carefully weighed by thewhole council and some requests were turned down.14One Gretna area farmer, cut off from seed grain, appealed to theMunicipal Commissioner to intercede with the council on his behalf.On receiving a request from the Municipal Commissioner to look intothe case, H. H. Hamm angrily replied that the farmer did not meet theguidelines for relief and that all further parties petitioning the Commissionershould be told to go to a place that begins with an "H" and endwith an "L" - the Hospital. 15While this was somewhat of an intolerant response, it reflected the149

financial straits the municipality was experiencing itself. By 1932arrears in taxes were over $150,000 and the municipality was unable topay its municipal levy, or pay individual school districts the amountsthey requisitioned. 16Most applications were well merited but abuses did occur, with theresult that relief was terminated. One particular problem concerned thelarge number of migrants in the municipality as people moved from onemunicipality to the other in search of work. At times it was difficult todetermine which municipality was liable for the relief bill. All throughthe depression, in fact, Rhineland's population increased as urbanMennonites returned to the country and farm as job opportunities in thecity decreased. In some cases persons on relief in the city were sent backto their home municipality, where it was cheaper to provide relief.Relief, however, was just a stop-gap measure and solved fewproblems in the municipality. In some cases, accepting charity from thegovernment was in fact a humiliating experience. As it became evidentthat the depression was no temporary slump some residents in themunicipality lost their illusions about Canadian society and saw that theadoption of the profit economy had been a mistake. Out of these feelingsand out of the practical concerns of self-help, co-operatives woulddevelop in the R.M. of Rhineland.The Toews family grading Rhinelands roads in 1921. Featured here is an AltmanTaylor Tractor.Credit: Peter Toews150

Peter J. Toews - "Grader Toews". Succeeding his father John in doing road work forthe R.M. of Rhineland, Peter J. Toews worked twelve years on municipal contractsas well as private projects. In 1936 he was joined by his son Clarence who still worksfor the municipality to this day. In all, three generations of Toews have worked for themunicipality continuously for 64 years. Peter J. Toews is presently retired and was 78in 1983.Credit: Peter Toews151

These Russel and Adams Graders owned by the Toews family were used to gradeRhineland's roads in the 1920's. The work was done by contract and the men hired byToews lived in the Caboose. When road construction came to a halt in the Depressionthe machinery was sold for scrap. When conditions improved, the Municipalitybought their own machines but the Toews family continued to work for Rhineland.Credit: Peter ToewsFig. 23 Population R.M. Rhineland 1926-19411926 1931 1936Rhineland8201 8314 8537Gretna591 541 515Plum Coulee420 456 480TotalSource: Census of Canada9212 9311 9532194189365074409883The Rhineland Agricultural Society and Co-operationAlthough collective purchasing and buying clubs had been activein Rhineland much earlier, it was not until the 1930 's that formal cooperationbegan in the municipality. As early as 1900 farmers in theGretna area had banded together to erect a Farmers' Elevator as analternative to what was seen as the elevator monopoly and in 1921 abuying association had been formed by Gretna-Altona farmers to combatexorbitant petroleum prices. While effective in the short term, theseenterprises were not well organized or managed.152

It was not until the depression that co-operative associations, as weknow them, were organized in Rhineland. Hard hit by low prices, cropfailures and impending foreclosures, farmers began to examine ways ofimproving their economic situation. In January of 1931 a small group ofmen met in Altona to see what could be done locally to alleviate thecommunity crisis. This group, including farmers, businessmen andteachers, concluded that some sort of mutual aid or community actionwas necessary. Towards this end, another meeting was called to determinea specific course of action.This second meeting was held a few days later and was attended bytwelve persons representing both farmers and town residents. At thismeeting it was agreed that efforts should be made to improve theagricultural situation. It was decided that an agricultural society beorganized to study the farmers' problems in the district and work towarda solution. Out of this proposal emerged the Rhineland AgriculturalSociety (RAS). Its first meeting was held January 17, 1931 in Altona,and attracted twenty-three people from the Gretna, Halbstadt, Homdean,Plum Coulee, Rosenfeld and Lowe Farm areas. 17Headed by Jacob G. Neufeld (president), Jacob 1. Siemens (vicepresident)and Peter D. Reimer (secretary-treasurer), the RAS tookimmediate steps to alleviate the economic plight of area farmers.Convinced that the one crop economy had undermined agriculture inthe area, society members believed that diversification would relievethe impact of the depression; mixed farming would not leave the farmeras vulnerable in the event of crop failure or low prices, and crop rotationwould improve the land. To this end the Agricultural Society requestedSweet Clover Stacks near Gretna -common cattle feed in the 1930's.1931. Sweet clover mixed with oats was a153Credit: PAM

that the Department of Agriculture station an agricultural representativein the area to assist farmers.The RAS, in conjunction with the Extension Service of the Departmentof Agriculture, also established agricultural clubs to encouragegood farming practices and experiment with new crops. These clubsincluded poultry, calf, hog, garden, vegetable, field crops and sugarbeet clubs and by 1939 there were 75 clubs with over 700 members inthe R.M. of Rhineland. 18 In 1931 the RAS also established an annual fallfair to display agricultural products and popularize agricultural innovations.The RAS also founded a periodical, the Rhineland AgriculturalSociety Quarterly, to broadcast new agricultural practices and promoteco-operation.Rosenort-Kronsthal Crop Improvement Club. This picture was taken at a Field Dayin Neuhorst in the 1950's.Credit: W. J. SiemensThe educational policies of the RAS and the Department of Agricultureslowly began to change farming practices in the R.M. ofRhineland. Crop clubs introduced new rust resistant grains and popularizedcrops such as com, potatoes, rapeseed, peas and sugar beets inthe area. Pure bred livestock was also brought in to improve area herds.By 1941 the agricultural base in Rhineland was much broader and lessreliant on wheat and other cereal grains.Ironically, the open field system, which had been abandoned in the1920's because of its inadequacy for large scale wheat growing, would154

Fig. 24 Field Crops R.M. Rhineland 1926-41Seed FodderYear Field Crops Wheat Barley Oats Rye Flax Crops Roots Other1926 162996 81128 31603 28169 7651 8856 4672 236 6811931 151004 84537 22378 28055 471 4309 5643 410 52011936 170988 89820 29423 29585 4722 1626 13819 301 16921941 176648 59290 37861 25725 5321 5838 6939 1803 33871Source: Census of CanadaFig. 25 Livestock R.M. of Rhineland 1931-1941OtherMilk Beef HornedYear Horses Cows Cattle Cattle Sheep Swine Chicken1931 6828 3896 0 4394 2026 9084 1745261941 4717 5593 92 3075 1528 17344 250564Source: Census of CanadaKronsthal 4-H Seed Club in the 1940's.Credit: W. J. Siemenshave been perfectly suited to the intensive cultivation of such crops ascom and sugar beets. But if the open field system was gone, otherdevelopments in Rhineland's farm villages aided the diversification ofcrops in the 1930's. With the emigration to Mexico over the schoolquestion and the expansion of farms in the 1920's, land transfers in themunicipality had increased. The result of these transfers was that theland bases of the remaining villages were divided into smaller separatelyheld tracts. This fragmentation of properties around farm villagesencouraged the development of an infield-outfield system of agricultur-155

Tractor vs. Horses. A number of factors were instrumental in bringing about thetransition from horses to tractors as a means of farm power. Not least of these was anoutbreak of equine encephalomyelitis in the 1930's when one out of every eighthorses died. Farmers felt that replacing horses was a gamble so they turned theireyes toward tractors instead. Machinery manufacturers were also building a smallermotor running at higher speeds, to deliver more power per pound of weight. This wasan attractive feature since many farmers had considered the older, heavier tractorsobjectionable because they packed the land too much. These small tractorsseemed to fill the requirements ideally. They were the right size to handle existingfour horse equipment thereby eliminating the need to purchase new equipment, andwere much more maneuverable than the older more cumbersome tractors. Whenthe farmer considered the acreage that had previously been seeded to feed grain forthe horses and which now could produce a marketable crop, the end figure oftenfavoured the low fuel consuming tractor.al production, which in tum encouraged intensification and diversificationof agriculture. On the land around farm villages, where propertieswere fragmented and small and operational costs were high, intenselycultivated special crops were increasingly grown. On the larger fieldsfurther from the village where operational costs were lower, less intenselycultivated grains continued to be grown. 19Agricultural reform, however, was not the only aim of the RAS.Through its activities and through the influence of its quarterly, the RASalso promoted economic co-operation. Instead of accepting their fate,farmers were encouraged to unite, analyze their problems and deviseco-operative solutions. The framework and ideology within which thistook place was the international co-operative movement.156

Threshing scene -threshing machine.1930. Pictured here is the steam engine which powered theCredit: Elizabeth ZachariasCo-operative EnterprisesA number of the men who had been instrumental in forming theRAS also became involved in the co-operative movement. Men such as1. 1. Siemens believed that, in addition to agricultural reform, areafarmers and businessmen should also set up co-operatively ownedbusinesses. Siemens, formerly a teacher in the Halbstadt, Grossweide,Lowe Farm areas, had taken over the family farm in 1929 just before theadvent of the depression. As the depression deepened Siemens becameinvolved in the RAS and became a fervent exponent of the principles ofco-operation established by the weavers of Rochdale, England: openmembership, one member one vote and payment of dividends to membersaccording to patronage. 201. 1. Siemens was an idealistic person, who envisaged a society where cooperationwould be the mode of life. People would work together, not only tofurther their own interests, but also to the benefit of others. Through cooperation,Siemens believed man could live in harmony and peace. 2 ]Siemens's dynamic personality encouraged other farmers to takeup the challenge of establishing a co-operative even though many didnot fully understand or believe in all its principles. Many were very poorand were ready to embark on any venture that might save them money157

J. J. Siemens - A leading figure in theCommunity life of the Altona area. He wasborn in 1896 on the Schoenthal homesteadof his father Johann Siemens. Afterfinishing grade school, he took his highschool education in the MEl in Altona, andthen attended Normal School in Altona inpreparation for a teaching career. Afterteaching for ten years he took over thefamily farm when his father retired justbefore the depression. An ardent co-operatorSiemens helped organize the RhinelandAgricultural Society in 1931, theRhineland Consumers' Co-operative, andCo-op Vegetable Oils Ltd. He was also thefounder of the Manitoba Co-operativeWholesale and a charter member of theManitoba Sugar Beet Growers Association.He died on July 7, 1963 at the age of67.Credit: CSP Foodsand their farms. 22 Like the co-operative movement in Great Britain andEurope, where it had first asserted itself, the co-operative movement insouthern Manitoba arose as a reaction to the economic and socialproblems confronting small farmers.As industrialization and urbanization altered European civilization, as technologicaladvances and the development of large scale farming underminedtraditional European agriculture, many people were left victimized and rootlessin societies they did not understand. 23These same forces were in operation in Rhineland in the 1920's and1930's and when the depression aggravated the lot of farmers manyturned to co-operative enterprises.The first co-operative business venture in Rhineland wasorganized in 1931 with the formation of the Rhineland Consumers Cooperative.The need for relief from high oil prices had been obvioussince the 1920's when the Farmers' Oil Company had been formed. Runby volunteers, however, this Company had been plagued with managerialproblems. By 1931 farmers in Rhineland were ready to organizea new co-operative gasoline business. Following a series of meetings aprovisional board of directors was elected to proceed with the organizationof a co-operative which would sell gas, oil, grease, binder twineand other items needed by farmers in large quantities.158

By May of 1931 this business was incorporated as the RhinelandConsumers Co-operative Limited, with 1. 1. Siemens serving as president,P. B. Sawatsky as vice-president and W. W. Heinrichs as secretary.The Board immediately bought the oil station and gasolineinventory of the Farmers' Oil Company and managed to borrow $7,500from the bank to begin operation.Despite early difficulties and a shortage of working capital, theRhineland Consumers Co-operative managed to stay in business bycareful management and close attention to detail. Purchasing wasrestricted to cash transactions, employees were paid according to grossincome and all profits were used to reduce the company's debt andtowards further expansion. By 1935 final payment had been made on theoil station and membership had risen to 235. Even the 1936 fire, whichdestroyed the oil station, did not keep the business closed for long. Fourmonths after the fire, a brand new building had been erected and the cooperativecontinued to gain strength. By 1937, $1,599 had been paid individends and by 1939 membership stood at 573. 24Success in the oil station venture encouraged members of theRhineland Consumers Co-operative to establish another co-operativeassociation to provide additional goods and services to consumers.Co-op fire of 1936. At 2 p.m. on July 11,1936, while temperatures were soaring from108 to 110°F, fire believed to have been caused by a stationary gas engine used forpumping gasoline from a railroad tank car into storage, destroyed the RhinelandConsumers' Co-operative Ltd. office, equipment and stock. In the latter part ofAugust 1936, a new building equipped with electric bowzer, gasoline, kerosene, anddistillate pumps as well as an electric air-compressor, was built at a cost of approximately$6000.00.Credit: W. J. Kehler159

Rhineland Consumers' Co-operative -Altona.Credit: D. K. FriesenBelieving co-operation played an important role in the community, anumber of interested persons invested five dollars each to start theAltona Co-operative store in 1937. This group was able to secure a $600loan to purchase inventory and before the end of June 1937 opened astore on the former premises of Jacob P. Harder.The Altona Co-op store experienced many of the problems commonto consumer co-operative stores in other parts of Manitoba, such asshortage of working capital and the hostility of private enterprise. Theconcept of a consumer owned retail store was entirely foreign to theAltona area and was a direct challenge to private merchants. Threatenedby this new competition, town merchants tried to undermine the cooperativeconcept through ridicule and distortion. 25Lacking capital and the membership to insure a sufficient volumeof business, the store found it difficult to effect significant savings for itsmembership. Careful management by D. K. Friesen (president), P. 1.Friesen (secretary), D. H. Loewen (vice-president), and Jacob C.Sawatsky (manager), however, produced steady progress. By 1940 thestore had 446 members and merchandise sales of $58,749.36. 26 Thesuccess of this store persuaded additional townspeople to get furtherinvolved in the co-operative movement and initiated greater interactionbetween Rhineland's rural and town populations. This co-operationbecame instrumental in the formation of credit union societies.The advent of the depression and the collapse of both theBergthaler and Sommerfelder Waisenamts had created a serious short-160

age of farm and consumer credit in the municipality. The farmer,needing credit for the production and marketing of crops and thepurchase of land and equipment, was particularly hard hit by the failureof these credit institutions. By the winter of 1937-38 a number of Altonaresidents had requested the Rhineland Agricultural Society to teach acourse pertaining to the principles of credit unions. Taught by E. T.Howe, the principal of the Rhineland Agricultural Institute, this courseintroduced the concept of credit unions to the residents of the municipalityand by 1939 the Altona Credit U'lion Society had become areality.Organized on February 4,1939, this credit union society consistedof 20 members whose pooled assets in shares and deposits amounted to$23.25. Of these 20, six were farmers, seven were clerks, two wereprinters, two were truck drivers, along with a jeweller, a labourer and agrain buyer. Through this enterprise farmers and townspeople discoveredthey had much in common and that they could solve their owncredit problems. By December of 1939, after only 10 months of operation,the Altona Credit Union had 51 members, its assets stood at $300and twenty-one loans had been granted totalling $519. 27 Not only werefarmers and consumers getting access to credit, but money was circulatingin the community.While Altona was clearly emerging as the leading co-operativecentre in the R.M. of Rhineland, co-ops were also springing up in othercentres. In 1936 the Reinland Co-operative Dairy Society was formed inthe Village of Reinland to cope with the problem of a milk surplus in thearea. Farmers, anxious to diversify their farming operations, had increasedtheir dairy herds creating both a milk surplus and a decrease inthe price of milk. 28In an attempt to solve this problem a number of farmers in theReinland area organized to establish a cheese factory. The first generalmeeting of this marketing co-operative was held on December 30, 1936and by February 11, 1937, it had received its charter of incorporation.The fifty shareholders who made up this co-op investigated othercheese factories in the province and began building their own plant inearly 1937. A permanent board of directors consisting of Peter W.Thiessen of S choenwiese (president), Abraham N. Friesen of Reinland(vice-president), and G. G. H. Ens of Reinland (secretary-treasurer),were elected. John Unger was hired as cheesemaker shortly thereafter,and production began in 1937. 29 Strictly speaking the village of Reinlandwas no longer in the R.M. of Rhineland, but the operaton of itscheese factory affected Rhineland farmers, as the Co-op drew milkfrom six surrounding villages. 3o By the end of the 1930's milk process-161

ing at the plant had reached 14,000 pounds yielding 1,400 pounds ofcheese per season. This operation not only provided area farmers withan outlet for their milk production, but paid out dividends to members.The 1930's also saw the establishment of another consumer co-opstore in the town of Gretna. Having seen the benefits of co-operation atAltona, Gretna area residents opened their own co-operative in Gretnain 1939, with John Gross as manager. The Gretna store suffered many ofthe same problems as the Altona Co-op, but was able to make slow butsteady progress and by 1942 the Gretna Consumers Co-operative wasable to purchase the Coblentz General Store in town.By the end of the 1930's, co-operatives in the R.M. of Rhinelandhad established a number of new enterprises and aided in the rebuildingof the agricultural economy in the area. The formation of the oil station,the stores, cheese factory and credit union, however, not only openednew economic opportunities for farmers and businessmen, but initiatedother dynamics in the area.Co-operation and Community BuildingPrevious to the 1920's when the Mennonite church was still thecontrolling social and economic institution in Rhineland, relationsbetween village and town had been strained. The Church's emphasis onseparation from the world and the maintenance of traditional villagelife, had created two separate spheres of life in Rhineland. The ReinlaenderChurch, in fact, excommunicated those who went to live intowns. This village-town dichotomy continued up until the 1930's, eventhough the most conservative Reinlaender and Sommerfelder membersemigrated to Mexico in the mid 1920's. Farmers, especially from theMennonite villages, had little to do with townspeople and came to townonly to purchase supplies.This division in Rhineland society began to change during thedepression through the work of the Rhineland Agricultural Society andthe various co-operative enterprises. Educational efforts of the RhinelandAgricultural Institute along with those of the Department of AgricultureExtension Services brought both farmer and town residenttogether. The depression had also emphasized the towns' dependenceon the agricultural economy and the necessity of playing a more activerole in helping the farmer. Farmers and townspeople worked together onalmost all co-operative boards and they slowly began to realize, not onlythat they had a great deal in common, but also, the greater effectivenessin working together. This experience of working together also broughtabout more social interaction between the town and village and wasmost evident in the area of sports.162

Altona Hockey Team 1920's. Left to Right: Diedrich H. Loewen, Ben Hamm, Peter N.Friesen, John N. Friesen, Henry H. Epp, John Fehr, Jake H. Penner, David K.Friesen, Alf Loewen, David J. Harder, Eddie Epp.Credit: W. J. KehlerMel Hockey Team in the 1930's.Credit: CMCAThe depression years witnessed an upswing in recreational activityin Rhineland due in part to the poor economic situation. Since peoplehad a great deal of time on their hands and not much money to spend,sports were a natural outlet. The growing popularity of sports inRhinelanc1'" Mennonite villages, however, was also due to the lesseningof church control in those villages which had experienced significant163

Rosenfeld Hawks Softball Team - 1932. Renowned for their prowess on the fieldthis team won many of the daylong tournaments that were held through the 1930's.While baseball was also avidly played in the 1930's, softball was more popular andmore economical as only the catcher was allowed to use a glove. Left to Right: (BackRow) Peter Thiessen, William Enns, John Thiessen, Louis Pokrant, Abe Funk, RolfMcDonald. (Front Row) Abe Neufeld, Walter Martel, John Kehler, Oscar Martel,Peter Neufeld, Abram J. Thiessen.Credit: Louis Pokrantmigration. By the 1930's Mennonite villages had organized hockeyteams which not only played other villages, but travelled to area townsto compete. School baseball teams also travelled to surrounding communitiesto find competition and village teams began to enter VictoriaDay tournaments. This increase in sports activity not only drew townsand villages closer together but reflected the greater interaction betweenMennonites and non-Mennonites.Tennis and curling also became more popular in Rhineland'stowns during the 1930's. Tennis had been played extensively since thetum ofthe century, but had been the preserve ofthe non-Mennonite. Bythe 1930's it had become one of the most popular sports with Mennonitesavidly taking part. Tournaments between club teams fromAltona, Gretna, Plum Coulee, Winkler, Morden and Morris were regular,popularly attended events. Curling also became more prevalentduring the depression, when memberhip dues dropped allowing mostresidents to participate.The Mennonite entry into the larger secular society, signalled bytheir participation in co-operatives and sports, carried over into politics.164

Dr. C. Wiebe of Winkler became the firstMennonite to sit in the Manitoba Legislaturewhen he was elected in 1932.Between 1920 and 1932 voter registration in the provincial riding ofMorden-Rhineland increased from 2,835 to 7,453 and for the first timea Mennonite, Dr. Cornelius W. Wiebe, was elected to the ProvincialLegislature in 1932.32During the years of the school crisis many Mennonites had withdrawnfrom provincial politics and non-Mennonite, non-German representativeswere elected in the riding between 1920 and 1932. The exodusof the most conservative Mennonites and the arrival of the more progressiveRussian Mennonites in the 1920's, however, did much tochange attitudes in Rhineland. Similarly, the growth of the co-operativemovement in Rhineland, raised the political consciousness in the Municipality.The co-operative movement also affected town dynamics in theR.M. of Rhineland. Altona had been ascendant in Rhineland since thetum of the century, but it was the co-operatives of the 1930's that clearlyestablished it as the district's commercial and trade center. The first twoco-operative ventures in the area, an Oil Station and a Store, wereestablished in Altona, enlarging its trading hinterland. Farmers whocame to buy their oil, gasoline and binder twine from RhinelandConsumers Co-operative, also did their other business in Altona. Manyof the original members of the Rhineland Consumers Co-op came fromthe Edenthal, Edenburg, Halbstadt, Silberfeld, Schoenhorst areas,which were or had been in Gretna's trading hinterland. When the cooperativeoil station was established in Altona, many of the farmersfrom these areas made Altona their trade center.165

While it may be argued that Altona was the logical place for thestation with its central location and the presence of the Farmers' OilCompany, some of the Gretna area farmers had, in fact, wanted toestablish the co-op service in Gretna, but were prevented by a smallgroup of influential merchants in the town. 33 This probably was not thecrucial factor in the station's eventual location in Altona, but the failureto establish a co-operative enterprise in Gretna before 1939 hurt Gretna'sbusiness prospects. By 1939 Altona was the undisputed co-operativebusiness center in the area.While the co-operative enterprises facilitated Rhineland's recoveryin the 1930's, they did not go unopposed. Merchants in all townsopposed the co-ops as detrimental to their business. This was particularlyevident among non-Mennonite merchants. 34 It is interesting tonote that co-operatives got their initial foothold in Altona, the town withthe largest Mennonite population in the municipality. Some of those thatopposed the co-operatives branded them communistic, citing theirsecular philosophy of mutual aid. 35 This was a particularly virulentcharge at the time, with the recent flight of Russian Mennonites fromCommunist Russia. Some members of the Rhineland Agricultural Society,in fact, left the organization, because of its close link with cooperatives.The most concerted opposition to the co-operatives in Rhinelandcame from the merchants who saw it as a threat to private enterprise.When the Rhineland Consumers Co-operative opened for business in1931, it immediately cut into the business of fuel dealers, garages andhardware stores, whose prices were considerably higher than thoseoffered by the Co-op. When the co-operators opened a grocery store inAltona, merchants such as Sam Nitikman, Morris Goldberg, and DaveLoewen were in the forefront of the opposition, and predicted that thestore would fail. 36 These merchants, however, did not have the power tokeep the co-ops out of Altona. In Gretna and possibly other area towns,private merchants were able to keep the co-ops out until the end of the1930's.37That most of the opposition to co-operation came from privateenterprise is born out by the experience of the credit unions whichexperienced little opposition. The credit union, it is argued, did notthreaten anyone's business and therefore was more acceptable. Bankswere unconcerned with the development of a credit union, since theydid not cater primarily to the needs of ordinary people. 38The Mennonite churches, while they did not promote the cooperativemovement, did not actively oppose it. The emigration of themost conservative Sommerfelder and Reinlaender Mennonites, com-166

ined with the collapse of the Waisenamts in the 1930's, had largelyextricated the Church from the socio-economic realm in Rhineland.Participation in the co-ops did not threaten church unity and in fact anumber of Sommerfelder Church ministers sat on co-op boards. Accordingto one early Rhineland co-operator, almost all Sommerfelderand Bergthaler ministers utilized the co-operative oil station when itopened. The lone exception to this was Bishop David Schulz of theBergthaler Church, who had personal differences with co-op leader 1. 1.Siemens. 39 David Schulz - Bishop of the BergthalerMennonite Church 1925-1964. DavidSchulz was born in 1895 and married onJuly 24, 1919. Ordained a minister of theBergthaler Mennonite Church in 1920, hewas elected Bishop of the Church whenJacob Hoeppner stepped down in 1925.Ordained while still comparatively young,Schulz took control of the Church with astrong hand. Charismatic, intelligent anda shrewd administrator he was dedicatedto the cause of Evangelism and Christianeducation, and fulfilled the role of a MennoniteElder who led his people throughserious problems and difficulties. DuringWorld War II he worked tirelessly for draftageMennonite boys often re-establishingC.O. status for those who had carelesslylost it. He was also the last of the traditionalelders of the Bergthaler Churchwho felt they had a duty to lead all localchurches and keep the central Churchstrong enough so that the local church would remain under the central Lehrdienst.He also watched his Lehrdienst carefully so that no false teaching might creep in.Under his direction the Bergthaler Church grew from three houses of worship and1,162 members to twenty houses of worship and more than 3,000 members. Heretired in 1964 due to poor health.Schulz's dispute with Siemens and Siemens's disassociation withthe Mennonite Church first arose in connection with the BergthalerWaisenamt. During the depression when the Waisenamt had begun toexperience financial difficulties, 1. 1. Siemen's father, lohan Siemens,had criticized the use of orphan funds to cover bad loans. 1. 1. Siemensthen publicly questioned the ethics of this policy and in the processattacked one of the Waisenamt's directors, David Schulz. In the controversythat followed, a major split occurred between the Bergthaler167

Church hierarchy and 1. 1. Siemens. 40 Thus, while the BergthalerMennonite Church did not oppose co-operation, this dispute cost Siemensand by extension the co-operative movement some credibility inthe Mennonite community.41Other DevelopmentsThrough the work of the ladies' section of the Rhineland AgriculturalSociety, women in Rhineland also became involved in thecommunity building process. Courses conducted in food preparationand homemaking skills eventually led to the formation of the AltonaWomen's Institute in 1936. Women's Institutes were begun in Canada in1897, in Stony Creek, Ontario, to help rural women in the spheres ofhomemaking and motherhood. Their central purpose, however, was tounite women in an effort to improve their homes and communities.Because of the non-sectarian and non-partisan nature of the Women'sInstitute, women from all religions and groups joined the Altona chapter,easing some of the ethnic tensions in the area. Women's Institutesalso did extensive community service work; in Altona it providedassistance to the needy, aided blood donor clinics, raised funds for thehospital and charities, along with other voluntary work.42One indication of the growing spirit of co-operation in Rhinelandwas the establishment ofthe Bethania Hospital in 1936. The necessity ofa community hospital was widely accepted and a variety of groups cooperatedto bring this about. The Rhineland Municipal Council donatedthe old H. C. Epp property, townspeople and farmers contributed cashand produce, the Bergthaler Church Sewing Circle and AltonaWomen's Institute raised funds for the hospital, while others helpedrenovate the building. A board of directors was appointed to run thehospital in 1936 and included a member from the Municipal Council,the Bergthaler Lehrdienst, the Sommerfelder Lehrdienst and the RhinelandAgricultural Society: Abraham Janzen, 1. D. Giesbrecht, Rev. W.H. Falk, F. F. Enns, S. H. Sobering, B. 1. Klippenstein, and Rev. DavidSchulz.The Hospital opened in 1936 with a staff of five headed by Dr.Breidenbach and was run on the mutual aid principle. Instead of billingindividual patients for the care they had received, the hospital soldcontracts which covered services for an entire family, working in theform of health care insurance. 43Religious revival movements, possibly arising in reaction to growingsecularism and the hard times of the depression, also affectedMennonite Churches in Rhineland during the 1930's. Most affected wasthe Sommerfelder Church. A revival movement emphasizing con-168

Dr. H. McGavin. One of Plum Coulee'sbest remembered figures is Dr. HughMcGavin. Born November 14, 1874 atPaisly, Ontario, McGavin moved to PrairieGrove, Manitoba in 1877. After completingMedical College in 1902 he came toPlum Coulee because he heard that thetown needed a doctor. From that point onuntil March 18, 1958, when he died,McGavin served the Plum Coulee areadelivering an estimated 6,000 babies.During the severe outbreak of influenza in1918 he often worked twenty four hours aday. Always keenly interested in politics,Dr. McGavin also served as MLA for theMorden-Rhineland Constituency from1926-1930.version, a separated Christian life and a missionary spirit swept throughSommerfelder congregations. In 1934, revival meetings led by Rev.Issac P. Friesen from Rosthem, Saskatchewan introduced new forms ofworship such as evening meetings to the area. This growing movementeventually led to a split in the Sommerfelder Church.Dr. Lambert Breidenbach. Raised in Kenora,Ontario, Dr. Breidenbach enteredMedical College in Winnipeg in 1906 andgraduated in 1912. After Graduation heset up his practice in Altona and for manyyears was the public health officer in themunicipality. He retired in 1952 after 40years of dedicated service.Credit: W. J. Kehler169

The revival movement was supported by four SommerfelderChurch ministers: W. H. Falk of Schoenthal, P. S. Zacharias of Reinland,Gerhard J. Froese of Reinfeld and Isaak Hoeppner of Waldheimwhich caused deep divisions in the Church. Consequently, brotherhoodmeetings were called to decide the issue of evening services which therevival meetings had introduced. At these meetings evening serviceswere rejected and the Sommerfelder Lehrdienst decided to hold a newregistration of church members so that members could decide whetherto remain with the Sommerfelder church, or follow the four dissentingministers. Eventually, approximately 1,200 members chose to join thisnew group which became known as the Rudnerweider MennoniteChurch. An election was held to elect the church leaders and onFebruary 4, 1937, Bishop David Schulz of the Bergthaler MennoniteChurch ordained W. H. Falk as Bishop of the Rudnerweider Church.44While the Sommerfelder Mennonite Church was splitting up in the1930's, the Reinlaender Mennonite church was reforming itself. Eversince the Reinlaender emigration to Mexico in the 1920's, the approximate30-40 per cent of this group who had stayed in Manitoba, hadexisted in limbo. Some had joined the Sommerfelder or other areachurches, but many others had ceased going to church, or had heldprivate church services. These members re-organized themselves in the1930's and in 1936 officially named their church the Old ColonyMennonite church. Bishop Loeppky travelled to Manitoba from Saskatchewanto help with the re-organization and stayed to ordain Jacob J.Froese as Bishop of the Church. 45New BeginningsBy 1937 the agricultural outlook in Rhineland had begun to improve.Bumper crops raised the hopes of area farmers who again beganto buy land and machinery. Prospects continued to improve in 1938 and1939 and with the onset of the Second World War agricultural pricesrose initiating a new era of growth.The depression had caused severe hardships in the R.M. of Rhineland,but had also initiated new developments which helped rebuild theagricultural economy and re-integrate Rhineland society. The RhinelandAgricultural Society, through its courses and crop clubs, helpedfarmers diversify their farms and introduced new crops to the area. Cooperativeenterprises, on the other hand, not only effected savings forfarmers and consumers, but promoted a greater co-operation betweentowns and rural residents, between Mennonites and non-Mennonitesand between the municipality and the larger society.170

Waiting for a train in Rosenfeld.Credit: W. J. KehlerBy the end of the 1930's the Mennonite Church was still a stronginfluence in the municipality, but it had largely withdrawn from mosteconomic activities and no longer exercised the degree of social controlthat it had in the past. The passing of the Church's dominance in socioeconomicmatters, however, did not herald the rise of individualisticcapitalism; rather it was superceded by a secular co-operative ethic ofcommunity self-help and growth. As will be seen later, even privatebusinesses in the municipality paid at least lip service to the cooperativeethic.Fast and Thiessen Business in Rosenfeld -1937.171Credit: A. J. Thiessen

FOOTNOTES FOR CHAPTER VI1. Henry Dyck, "Jacob John Siemens and the Co-operative Movement in SouthernManitoba 1929-1955" , (M.A. Thesis, University of Manitoba, 1982), pages 35-37.2. Ibid., page 32.3. Esther Epp-Tiessen, Altona: The Story of a Prairie Town, (Altona: D. W. Friesen andSons, 1982), page 150.4. History of the Houston, Halbstadt, Strassberg School Districts.5. Communication with William 1. Kehler, Summer 1983.6. History oj the Houston . .. School Districts.7. Robert Meyers, The Spirit of the Post Road: A Story of Self Help Communitie e (Altona:Federation of Southern Manitoba Co-operatives, 1955), pages 11-12; Henry Dyck, op. cit.,page 44.8. Henry Dyck, op. cit., page 31.9. Henry 1. Gerbrandt, Adventure in Faith, (Altona: D. W. Friesen and Sons, 1970), page284.10. Jake Peters, "The Sommerfelder Waisenamt: Origins, Development and Dissolutions",Mennonite Life (35) Dec. 1980, page 11.11. Ibid.; Esther Epp-Tiessen, op. cit., pages 155-156.12. Tabulated from Municipal Relief Cards.13. Interview with William 1. Kehler, 1983.14. Interview with John G. Stoesz, 1983.15. H. H. Hamm to Municipal Commissioner, March 13,1935. Municipal Commissioner'sCorrespondence, Rhineland File, Box 41, PAM.16. R.M. Of Rhineland Municipal Correspondence, January 5, 1932; Aug. I, 1933.17. Esther Epp-Tiessen, op. cit., page 160.18. Ibid., Most of the information on the RAS was found in this account.19. D. De G. De Lisle, "The Spatial Organization and Intensity of Agriculture in MennoniteVillages of Southern Manitoba", (Ph.D. Thesis, McGill University, 1975), page185; pages 245-247.20. Ian MacPherson, Each for All: A History of the Co-operative Movement in EnglishCanada, 1900-1945, (Toronto: Macmillan of Canada, 1979), pages 2-3.21. Henry Dyck, op. cit., page 41.22. Esther Epp-Tiessen, op cit., page 166.23. Ian MacPherson, op. cit., page 3.24. Esther Epp-Tiessen, op. cit., pages 167-168.25. Henry Dyck, op. cit., page 179.26. Ibid., page 80.27. Esther Epp-Tiessen, op. cit., pages 171-173.28. Henry Dyck, op. cit., page 81.29. Peter D. Zacharias, Reinland: An Experience in Community, (Reinland CentennialCommittee, 1976), page 170.30. Henry Dyck, op. cit.,31. Peter D. Zacharias, op. cit., pages 285-288.32. Appendix to Manitoba Statement of Votes Thirty-first General Election October 11,1977: Report of The Chief Electoral Officer.33. Interview with H. F. Friesen, Gretna, 1983.34. Ibid.; Interview with D. K. Friesen, Altona, 1983.35. Esther Epp-Tiessen, op. cit., page 176.36. Interview with D. K. Friesen, 1983.37. Interview with H. F. Friesen, 1983.38. Esther Epp-Tiessen, op. cit., page 175.39. Interview with Abraham Wiebe, June 8, 1983.172

40. Henry Dyck, op. cit., page 55.41. Henry Dyck, op. cit., page 56.42. Esther Epp-Tiessen, op. cit., page 181.43. Ibid., page 179.44. Peter D. Zacharias, op. cit., pages 215-216.45. Interview with Jacob Rempel, June 8, 1983.173

Chapte:r VIIIndustry, Modernity,Continuity 1939-1960World War II not only created another crisis of faith for theMennonites in Rhineland, but also marked the beginning of a longperiod of prosperity for the area. Despite the problems in marketingwheat, agricultural prices rose during the war making farming veryprofitable again. The demand for vegetable oils during the war also ledto the introduction of oil seed crops, which in turn resulted in theestablishment of an oil seed crushing plant in Altona. The rationing ofgasoline during the war, on the other hand, gave new life to the smallertowns in the municipality as the trading areas of Winnipeg and largerarea towns shrank.R.M. of Rhineland Offices during the 1940's. These offices were built in 1944 thesame year the municipality celebrated its 60th Anniversary. The standing figure isDavid Stobbe a long time secretary-treasurer of the municipality.Credit: W. J. Kehler175

Post war agricultural expansion, on the other hand, combined withcontinued high prices to encourage greater farm mechanization and theadoption of new technologies which increased yields. Farms grew largeras farming became more efficient and the population of the R.M. ofRhineland dropped steadily.Along with these changes there was also a good deal of continuityin Rhineland. Mennonite villages which had survived the migration ofthe 1920's and the depression of the 1930's, continued to function asfarm operator villages. Common cultural traditions, a common languageand a common faith fostered strong community ties in Rhineland'svillages where the modern world co-existed with the traditional.Fig. 26 Population of the R.M. of Rhineland and IncorporatedTowns 1941-19611941 1946 1951 1956 1961Altona 1065 1438 1698 2026Gretna 507 482 608 603 575Plum Coulee 440 433 467 498 510R.M. of Rhineland 8936 7406 6730 6451 6003Total Population 9883 9386 9243 9250 9114Source: Census of Canada.Co-operation was another force of continuity during the period upto 1960. While co-operation and co-operative leaders became lessideological and more pragmatic, I the co-operative ethic remainedstrong in the municipality. Altona, the main urban center in Rhineland,was in fact more of a benevolent company town than a center ofcompetition. 2World War II and RhinelandThis ambivalence between modernity and tradition was evident inthe Mennonite reaction to World War II. The outbreak of the war in 1939presented another crisis for Mennonite leaders and communities in theR.M. of Rhineland. Not only was there the external question of whetherthe government would honour their exemption from military service,but there was the internal question of Mennonite youths willinglyjoining the armed services. In fact World War II presented manychallenges different from those of World War I. As one Mennonitehistorian has pointed out, closer contact with the larger world and thegreater awareness of the international crisis, brought the war front muchcloser in 1939 than it had been in 1914. 3176

Pioneers David W. Schellenberg (age 92) and Johann Siemens (age 89) meetingon the 60th Anniversary of the R.M. of Rhineland in 1944.Credit:CMCAWith war seeming ever more imminent, representatives of Mennonitedenominations in Canada met for a conference on May 15, 1939,to discuss possible Mennonite responses to the war. Chaired by DavidToews of the Rosenorter Mennonite Church in Rosthern, Saskatchewan,this conference, included delegations from the Canadian Conference,the Mennonite Brethren Church, the Old Mennonites ofOntario, the Bruderthaler (Evangelical Mennonite Brethren), KleineGemeinde, Old Colony, Rudnerweider, Church of God in Christ and theHutterian Brethren. Only the Manitoba Sommerfelder declined to senda representative. Discussed at this meeting was the question of nonresistanceand possible forms of alternative service and the urgency inteaching non-resistance more thoroughly, especially to the young.There was also a special concern that the Mennonites present a united177

esponse since divisions had caused considerable difficulties in W. W.1. 4 Unity, however, continued to be a problem for Mennonites duringWorld War II and stemmed largely through the widely divergent experiencesof the different Mennonite groups during World War I. TheRusslaender Group, having come to Canada in the 1920's when publicopinion had been against them and when provisions for exemptionsfrom military service had not been made explicit, felt they should offerto do alternative service. They had done alternative service in Russiaand felt that offering to do the same in Canada would ensure that theywould not be called upon for active service. 5The Kanadier group (those Mennonites that had come to Canadabefore 1920) were divided on the question of alternative service. Manyof the Kanadier west of Manitoba also favoured offering to do alternativeservice. 6The Kanadier of Manitoba, however, held that theirPrivilegium of 1873 exempted them from all military service and noservice should be offered. They were prepared to go along with alternativeservice if required, but insisted the initiative must come from thegovernment. 7 This division made it impossible to present a unifiedMennonite position and resulted in two separate Mennonite organizationsnegotiating with the government.In the R.M. of Rhineland these divisions were not as much of aproblem. When war broke out representatives of Manitoba MennoniteChurches from southern Manitoba formed a committee of Elders torepresent their concerns to the government. This committee included,among others, Peter A. Toews of the Sommerfelder Church, lacobFroese of the Old Colony Church, David Schulz of the BergthalerChurch, W. H. Falk of the Rudnerweider Church, lohan P. Bueckert ofthe Blumenorter Church and Heinrich S. Voth of the MennoniteBrethren Church. Most of these groups opposed all forms of alternativeservice, though the Blumenorter Church did withdraw from the EldersCommittee briefly before 1942 to join the Manitoba Executive, headedby Elder lohan Enns and C. F. Klassen of Winnipeg, which wasadvocating alternative service. 8Alternative service ceased to be a divisive issue after February of1941 when the Federal Government announced that all Mennonites,regardless of when they had come to Canada, would be required to servein alternative service work camps. Eventually, both organizations cameto take a similar stand; both had to make concessions, both rejected allforms of service in uniforms and under military command and bothaccepted various forms of civilian alternative service. 9After 1941 all Rhineland draftees who did not want to enlist were178

equired to appear before a judge at the county court in Morden toobtain conscientious objector (e.o.) status. If all procedures werefollowed properly e.o. status was routinely granted and the applicantwas assigned some form of alternative service. Those who failed thetrial were sentenced to a few months in the Headingly jail. 10In negotiation with the government three alternative service possibilitieswere presented to the Elders Committee: Non-combatant servicewithout arms under military supervision; hospital care, care for thewounded under military perhaps civilian jurisdiction; work in parks orroad projects under civilian jurisdiction. The representatives fromsouthern Manitoba reluctantly chose the third alternative. II Thereafter,Rhineland e. 0. 's worked on road construction and repair work inRiding Mountain National Park, fire fighting and lumbering in BritishColumbia and Ontario, while others worked in hospitals, mental institutions,coal mines and on farms. 12Not all Mennonite youths chose alternative service and a significantnumber volunteered to join the armed services. By the end of thewar the Altona Echo had listed 105 enlistments from the Altona area, 82from the Gretna area, 12 from the Halbstadt vicinity, 17 from Horndeanand 70 from Plum Coulee. 13 While some of these 286 enlistments werenon-Mennonite, the majority were Mennonites who had either left theChurch or had joined in spite of their Church's objection. In Altonamore than 50 per cent of the eligible boys from the Bergthaler Churchenlisted. 14Those Mennonites who did join the armed service did so inviolation of the Church's position on non-resistance and as a result lostfavour with their congregations. Both the Bergthaler and SommerfelderChurches held that returning soldiers would only be re-admitted to theChurch when they appeared before the Church Lehrdienst and confessedthey had erred. If they refused their names were to be removedfrom the Church register. IS Most felt they had nothing to confess. ThoseMennonites that had joined generally felt themselves to be Canadianswith a duty to serve their country. While there were some hard feelingsdirected towards those that joined, veterans were generally welcomedback to their communities after the war.16 It was at this time that theUnited Church was formed in Altona and its membership consistedlargely of returned Mennonite soldiers. Clearly, the Mennonite Churchwas no longer the dominant influence it had once been and many ofRhineland's communities now considered themselves in the mainstreamof Canadian society.Rhineland residents were certainly sensitive to criticism aimed atthem for not being more patriotic. They contributed liberally to relief179

During World War II, Rhineland residentsparticipated actively in the sale of VictoryBonds. In 1942 Rosenfeld received a flagin recognition of the highest war bondsales that year. Left to right: L. M. Flett, A.J. Thiessen, Ed Pokrant, A. H. Funk, J. P.Loewen, W. Coblentz.Credit: A. J. Thiessenorganizations such as the Canadian Mennonite Relief Committee, theRed Cross and purchased Victory Bonds in record numbers. Whilethese contributions were one way of witnessing to their non-resistantfaith, they were also an attempt to placate feelings that Mennonites werenot doing their part for the country.German in language and culture, Mennonites were also open tocharges of sympathizing with Germany. After the war broke out mosttried to play down their Germanic roots and their connections toGermany. Subscriptions to German newspapers were cancelled, someschools stopped teaching German and almost all changed their designationon census forms from German to Dutch. In 1936, 9,263 Rhinelandresidents listed their origin as German but in 1941 only 77 listedthemselves as German. 17While most of Rhineland's residents tried to make the distinctionbetween their attachment to the German language and support for thepolitical aims of Nazi Germany, there were exceptions. B. 1. Klippensteinwas attracted to the anti-semitism of the Nazi ideology and did nothesitate to argue it. 1. 1. Krueger on the other hand found the Nazi cause180

attractive because of its stand on Communism. "Like many of theMennonites who had experienced the Russian Revolution first hand,Krueger viewed communism as the greatest of evils. . . If the Germanswere determined to destroy communism there could be no question theywere fighting for a righteous cause. "18While most did not agree with these views it is clear that they werenot solitary exceptions, causing considerable concern to the Mennoniteleadership. The Nazi Movement was discussed at a Hochfeld meeting ofthe Blumenorter Ministerial in February of 1934 and it was agreed thatmembers of the Church should not be permitted to be registered asmembers of this party. 19Wartime AgricultureThe war years were also an important time for agriculture in theR.M. of Rhineland as diversification and mechanization continued.The labour shortage occasioned by enlistments and alternative servicework also produced hardships in the municipality. To ease the labourshortage the Mennonite Advisory Committee was formed to lobby thegovernment to gain postponements for C.O.'s who were needed on thefarm. This committee, along with Church Elders, the municipal council,Howard Winkler (MP) and Wally Miller (MLA) also worked hard toconvince the government that taking Mennonite youths for selectiveservice would seriously hurt the farming effort in Rhineland. 20 Thislobbying eventually succeeded in 1943 in getting the government toallow C.o.'s to fill their alternative service requirements by performingagricultural duties.Despite these postponements and alternative service in agriculture,a shortage of farm labour persisted in the municipality. To solvethis problem farmers increasingly shifted away from horsepower totractors. The number of horses in the municipality fell from 4,717 in1941 to only 2,644 in 1946 and by 1956 there were only 500 horses inRhineland. 21The war also had an effect on the acreage devoted to wheat. Withthe difficulty in marketing wheat during the war, coarse grains and rowcrops, which had maintained their improved prices, were increasinglygrown. Com, introduced by the Morden Experimental Farm in the1920's and 1930's gained popularity in Rhineland as an alternative tosummerfallow allowing the ground to retain moisture and preventingsoil drifting. It was especially well suited to the small fields aroundMennonite villages which had been fragmented after years of subdivision.In 1940 the Echo reported that 50 per cent more com was being181

grown than in 1939. 22 With com production increasing producers werefaced with the problem of shelling, drying and marketing the grain. Inorder to solve these problems, area farmers organized the SouthernManitoba Com Co-op Association in 1941 and shelling and cleaningplants were built at Altona, Winkler and Horndean. 22 Unfortunately,com did not continue long as a viable crop in the 1940's, as early frostsin 1942 and a number of wet years cut into com acreage. 23 As a result thecom marketing co-op discontinued its operation in 1944.More acreage also began to be devoted to sugar beets during theearly forties but labour shortages precluded any expansion until afterthe war and the advent of mechanical harvesting. The most importantchange in Agricultural production in Rhineland, however, was in oilseed crops. Prior to the war Canada had imported most of its vegetableoil needs, but the war had led to a shortage of vegetable oils as importswere cut off. Concerned with the situation and seeking an alternative towheat, the Federal Government began to encourage the production ofdomestic oil seed crops such as flax, soy beans, rapeseed and sunflowers,offering attractive support prices and freight subsidies to shipthe raw seeds to processing plants in eastern Canada. 25Fig. 27Field Crops in Rhineland 1941-1946 (in Acres)FieldRootCrops Wheat Barley Oats Rye Flax Fodder Crop Other1936 170988 89820 29423 29585 4722 1626 13819 301 16921941 176648 59290 37861 25725 5321 5838 6939 1803 338711946 162495 59395 38821 27738 377 10162 6013 2551 17438Source: Census of CanadaEager to grow additional cash crops, farmers in Rhineland begangrowing more flax and experimented with soy beans. But it was sunflowersthat made the most drastic impact on the area. Not only weresunflowers well suited to intertillage allowing the farmer to keep theland free of weeds, but the crop also was in accord with the local croprotations. Since it was late maturing it did not interfere with the harvestingof grain or sugar beets and it gave area farmers a third cash crop.Having grown sunflowers in Russia, Mennonites were also well acquaintedwith the crop.25 By 1943 southern Manitoba farmers wereplanting 5,000 acres of sunflowers and had formed a co-operative tohandle the marketing. 26The first few sunflower crops produced in the area were shipped toa soybean crushing plant in Hamilton for processing and growers wereaided by the government freight subsidy. This soon proved bothersomeas there were technical problems adapting to the different crushingrequirements and farmers realized that as soon as government shippingsubsidies were removed after the war, the crop would be uneconomical182

Sunflower Crop near Altona -1955.Credit: PAMto groW. For these reasons Altona area farmers began to considerbuilding their own sunflower processing plant. Not only would such aplant secure the future of the new crop, but it would offer badly neededemployment opportunities. Although there was a manpower shortageduring the war the people in the area feared that when the C. O. 's andservicemen returned there would be serious unemployment. The idea ofpromoting industry to preserve the local community thus became alogical extension of the co-ops of the 1930's.Rural Industrial Development and Co-op Vegetable OilsThe first public suggestion that a crushing plant might be built inAltona came from the Premier of Manitoba in an address given inAltona during the early years of the wartime incentive program.27 Theprospects of a local plant, however, were unfavourable as no sunflowerseed crushing plant had ever operated in North America. Undeterred,farmers in the area continued to promote the construction of the plantanyway.Spurred on by 1. 1. Siemens, who was convinced that only cooperativeaction could undertake the project, the idea of a plant owned183

y local farmers became a likelihood. 28 On August 7, 1943, Siemensintroduced this idea to a meeting of the Mennonite Agricultural AdvisoryCommittee with the result that a five member sub-committee was setup to investigate the feasibility of such a plant. The results of this studywere heard on September 11, 1943, whereupon it was agreed to proceedwith the organization and construction of a processing plant called CoopVegetable Oils.To solicit broad support from the community, advocates of thescheme also held schoolhouse meetings with farmers and businessmenthroughout the area. Farmers were told that sunflowers would give themcontrol of their destiny and the scheme was represented to the rest of thecommunity as an opportunity for rural industrial development. It wouldcreate work for the young people leaving the farm, it would foster theexpansion of business and finally, it was presented as an opportunity forthe whole community to help themselves through co-operation. 29On March 18, 1944, the company was incorporated with the firstannual meeting held in April of the same year. The first Board ofDirectors was elected at this meeting and Altona was chosen for thelocation of the plant. While 1. 1. Siemens had earlier advocated Winnipeg,Brandon or Portage la Prairie as logical sites for the plant, byApril of 1944, it was the general concensus of the shareholders that itshould be built where the leadership and support base were. In voting onthe site Rhineland towns received 220 out of 227 votes with most goingto Altona. (Altona 187, Horndean 18, Plum Coulee 15, and Winkler7.)30One of the first actions of the new Board of Directors headed by 1.1. Siemens (President), and D. K. Friesen (Vice-President), was to raisemoney for the new venture. Fund raising was a necessity because theManitoba Government was becoming less and less co-operative. WhilePremier Garson promised that the government would guarantee a$40,000 bond in August 1944, this only covered a portion of the rapidlyrising cost of construction which would reach $160,000 before the plantwas completed. The Rhineland Consumer's Co-operative had providedthe initial research funds to examine the feasibility of the plant and otherarea co-operatives contributed $45,545, but much more was needed tobring the plant into operation. 31 Partly because of the desire to retain cooperativecontrol of the plant, but also because outside investments werenot forthcoming, much of the needed capital was raised locally.1. 1. Siemens and D. K. Friesen canvassed the countryside on fundraising drives and the combination of Siemens' enthusiasm andFriesen's business acumen opened people's purses even when there waslittle money to give.184

CVO Plant in the late 1940's.Credit: W. J. KehlerCo-op Vegetable Oils New Plant -1957.185Credit: PAM

It was funny ... When we went out individually, Mr. Siemens could arousethe enthusiasm but couldn't close the deal. I went out but I couldn't arouse theenthusiasm like he could, you know, and therefore couldn't close the deal. Ifwe went out together, we went like a house on fire, and people would put inlarge amounts of money. 32This type of local commitment was especially crucial in the earlygoing when the machinery purchased for six thousand dollars in 1944turned out to be useless. This along with cost overruns in constructionnecessitated numerous fund raising drives. By the spring of 1946, theplant was finally completed, financed almost wholly from localsources. 33This was not the end of the plant's financial problems since thecompany had no operating capital. Since the banks would not advance aloan to evo, the Board had to approach Manitoba Pool Elevators andpersuade them to underwrite a $100,000 loan so that the eo-op couldbuy sunflowers to process.Going into operation in the spring of 1946 the plant operated on aco-operative basis paying an initial price to farmers for their crop beforeprocessing and then paying the rest, less the operating cost, at the end ofthe year. 34 By the end of the first year of operation evo had cleared itsentire debt load relieving the Provinial Government of its loan guaranteeobligations and repayed the many people who had invested their hardearned savings in bonds and debentures. Over the next four years theplant expanded rapidly bringing its processing capacity from twenty tosixty tons per day. By 1949 construction had also begun on a new oilrefinery which would enable evo to market refined as well as crude oiland to introduce its first consumer product - Safflo salad oil. 35While evo would later experience serious problems, the basis ofan important rural industry had been laid. evo not only served as acatalyst for crop diversification in the area and created employment, butestablished a precedent of locally based and co-operatively ownedindustry and business.The 'Renaissance' of the Rural Community and the Riseof AltonaThe return to prosperity signalled by the war led to the renewedgrowth of Rhineland's towns. The reason for this renaissance was notonly the result of renewed agricultural prosperity but also the effect of anumber of other economic and social factors. The mechanization offarming and increasing farm size after the war meant that many ofRhineland's younger generation had to leave the farm. While quite anumber left the municipality to farm elsewhere or to find work in186

3W 2W 1W 1ER.M. of Rhineland showing main roads and schools in the 1950's.Winnipeg, a significant number migrated to area towns to find workthere and stay in the community. The establishment of new businessesand industries, such as CVO, provided jobs for those leaving the farmand made possible the provision of more services.Increased road building after the war improved connections betweenthe major centers and their trading areas, increasing both trafficand business. The Provincial Government took over the highway betweenGretna and Rosenfeld, Rosenfeld and Morden, re-grading andgravelling them after the war and paving it in 1956. The municipalityalso built a number of all weather market roads and by 1952 had 100miles of gravelled roads in the municipality. 36 These improved roads notonly increased the trade of the major towns in the municipality, but alsomade possible the inauguration of bus transportation. In 1946 A. 1.Thiessen of Rosenfeld was awarded a franchise to operate a bus servicebetween Gretna, Altona, Rosenfeld and Hopefarm and a second servicebetween Winkler, Plum Coulee and Horndean along with daily serviceto Winnipeg. 37The most important urban development in Rhineland between187

First bus owned by A. J. Thiessen of Rosenfeld 1946.Credit: A. J. ThiessenBorn on December 12, 1910 in Rosenfeld,A. J. Thiessen embarked on a businesscareer during the 1930's as an agentof the Wawanesa Fire Insurance Company.He later bought an Overland Carwhich he converted into a truck inauguratinghis trucking and transportation ventures.In 1932 he entered into a partnershipwith G. H. Fast buying, selling andtransporting chickens and eggs, whichquickly grew into a daily truck service servingAltona, Gretna, Rosenfeld, PlumCoulee and Horndean. In 1936 Fast andThiessen were awarded a Chrysler­Plymouth dealership and they expandedinto automobile and machinery business.In 1945 Thiessen entered the transportationbusiness when he was granted thecharter to provide bus service, for Gretna,Altona and Winkler areas on the newly constructed highways. Thiessen Bus Linesexpanded rapidly after that acquiring Grey Goose Buslines and a number of otherregional bus lines. By 1983 Grey Goose Corporation, of which Thiessen wasChairman of the Board, was a multi-million dollar business. Over the years A. J.Thiessen was also very active in Rhineland community affairs. He has served on theRosenfeld School Board, and for a number of years was also President of theManitoba School Trustees Association, and the Rhineland School Trustees Association.He also sat on the MCI Board of Directors for 18 years, four years of which hewas Chairman. He also helped organize the CFAM Radio Station in the 1950's. AConservative in politics, he served as Vice-President of Lisgar Conservative Organization,and was an unsuccessful candidate for the Provincial Legislature. He nowresides in Winnipeg.188

Altona Main Street from top of the cva elevator.Credit: W. J. KehlerAltona Co-op Service Ltd. -1942.Credit: D. K. Friesen1939 and 1960 was the rapid growth of Altona. Not only was Altona theadministrative and co-operative center of the municipality by the1940's, but with the construction of the Co-op Vegetable Oils Plant andthe expansion of D. W. Friesen and Sons, it also became the businessand industrial center of the municipality.189

After the 1930's business leaders quickly realized Altona's potentialand began to take steps to insure its development. In 1940 D. K.Friesen bought a press and established a newspaper that not onlyprovided area residents with national and local news, but activelypromoted the development of the area. From the first issue coming outon January 15, 1941, the Altona Echo unabashedly promoted communityimprovement and industrial development.Over the years Friesen's editorials actively promoted the RhinelandAgricultural Society, the building of the evo plant in Altona,sewer and water development in Altona, the formation of a Board ofTrade and a town planning scheme. He also called for town improvementssuch as a new hospital, the construction of a community centerand the creation of a park. In many of these ventures his editorials werecrucial in bringing them to fruition.While the paper was intended to serve the larger communityinterests outside of Altona, a number of incidents clearly demonstratedits outright promotion and advocacy of Altona's interests. In both theanniversary editions of 1949 and 1956 the Echo gave general coverage tothe history of Altona, the municipality, the Mennonite villages andother centers such as Winkler, but said nothing about Gretna. In 1956Gretna residents angrily wrote letters to the paper complaining thatGretna had been deliberately left out of the paper. 38 While these omissionswere part of the legacy of the school controversy of 1905, theywere also a result of business competition.In addition to the Altona Echo, the Altona Board of Trade also tooksteps to insure Altona's growth. Established in 1944 the Board set upcommittees to deal with publicity, town planning, business relations,recreation, education, roads and publicized and campaigned for manyof the projects that D. K. Friesen had advocated in the Echo. They wereso active that eventually the village committee "advised the Board notto try to duplicate the work of the council and thus contribute tomisunderstanding".39The conservatism of the Altona village council, however, did nothold the town back. Rapid growth in the early 40's and the demand formore services quickly made residents aware of the need for systematictown planning and incorporation. In actuality, Altona could have incorporatedas early as the 1920's since it had reached the required populationminimum of 500. However, the depression quickly quashed anyhopes of incorporation as existing taxes were already difficult enough topay.Other reasons for the delay in incorporation might have hadsomething to do with earlier strategies of town building. When Gretna190

incorporated in 1896, Altona had benefitted through the relocation ofthe municipal office to Altona and had worked closely together with themunicipality for many years. An indication of this close relationshipwas the fact that H. H. Hamm served not only the municipality assecretary-treasurer from 1913 to 1943, but also served as village secretaryfrom 1919 to 1936.By the 1940's, however, town interests had begun to diverge fromthose of the municipality. Rapid population growth and new subdivisionshad convinced the town council that if the town was to provide thisgrowing population with appropriate services it would need more revenue.This could only be accomplished by incorporation. The problemcame to a head in 1942 when residents outside of the unincorporatedvillage districts requested to be included within the village boundaries.Because a village district was limited to 500 acres, this would have beenimpossible without a special act of the legislature or incorporation. 40The idea of incorporating continued to gain popularity and in 1945 itwas approved by Altona residents 26 to 10. 41 By May of 1945 the councilhad gathered the necessary 150 signatures and in November an Orderin-Councilincorporating the village of Altona received Cabinet approvaland elections were held for the first council. Meeting for the firsttime on January 2, 1946, this council immediately attempted to have itsshare of mUriicipal assets returned to them. Following an audit$9,597.97 was eventually paid to Altona on May 6,1946. Dismayed atthe small amount received, many Altona residents felt the adjustmenthad been unfair. 42The advantages of incorporation were immediately felt as thecouncil undertook public works projects that had been postponed foryears. The council also began to embark on more systematic planning,enacting a By-law which made building permits mandatory in town. 43Town planning became even more imperative in the late 1940's and early1950's as the town's expanding population increased the need forstreets, drainage, water supply and more schools. In view of these needsthe town hired an assessor and planner to draw up plans for furtherdevelopment. 44The main reasons for Altona's growth after the war was the successof the CVO plant and the expanding business of D. W. Friesen and Sons.The one tied Altona firmly to its agricultural hinterland and the cooperativeethic and the other was a tribute to the business acumen andambitions of the Friesen family.By 1960 Altona was one of only four centers in south centralManitoba to show appreciable growth and a government study attributedthis to the fact that Altona was located in an area where191

II.The Altona Hospital. One of Altona's first large building projects was the constructionof the new hospital in 1948, and it was the first hospital started under theNew Manitoba Health Care Scheme. With the construction of this building, healthcare in Rhineland became the domain of a Government Approved Board rather thana private society. The Altona Hospital District #24 came into being in 1945 and wasrun by a board consisting of representatives from the R.M. of Rhineland, R.M. ofMorris, R.M. of Montcalm, and the towns of Gretna and Altona.Credit: W. J. Kehlerintensive agriculture was practised. Sunflowers, sugar beets, com andother special crops made smaller farms and thus denser populationspossible. This denser rural population, in tum, contributed to Altona'sgrowth by its demands for goods and services. 45 While Rhineland'sfarm size was increasing, it was doing so at a much slower rate thanother areas in Manitoba and the west.Altona further benefitted from its agriculture hinterland in that itwas able to process one of the crops right in town. By 1956 theDepartment of Commerce indicated that CVO's employees and familiesaccounted for at least 30 per cent of Altona's population increase in theprevious ten years and over 13 per cent of its annual retail trade. Inaddition to this, taxes paid by the plant accounted for 13 per cent of thetown's revenues. 46From 1946 to 1949 the CVO plant had dramatically increased itsprocessing capacity, but in 1949 the Co-op nearly suffered financial ruinas grasshoppers, caterpillars and rust destroyed that year's crop. Inaddition to this, the Government support plan had been lifted endingfreight subsidization and subjecting crop prices to the world market.192

evo Lab technician - Bill Kehler1946-47.Credit: W. J. KehlerThe combination of rust, lower prices and the floods of 1950 convincedfarmers that growing sunflowers was no longer profitable and by 1952only 3,000 acres were seeded to sunflowers. With the plant standing idlethe directors looked to other crops and in 1950 began importing soybeans from the United States. Soy beans kept the plant solvent and inlarge part were responsible for the co-op's gradual recovery. By 1956evo was again expanding its plant.Although evo had turned to an imported crop to survive, itcontinued to work on a rust resistant variety of sunflower to be grownlocally. In 1948 evo had hired an agronomist to initiate its ownresearch program and by 1952 had developed a rust resistant variety ofsunflower. Thereafter, sunflower acreage again rose, albeit, slowly.The other major industry in town was D. W. Friesen and Sonsprinting business. Expansion began in 1948 when D. W. Friesen's threeD. W. Friesen and Sons Ltd. - New Printing Plant -1953.193Credit: D. K. Friesen

sons Dave, Ted and Ray purchased their father's share of the business.In 1951 they incorporated the various departments, (bookstore, schoolsupplies, stationery, printery and the Echo) under the name D. W.Friesen and Sons Ltd. and a success story had begun. Throughout the1950's additions and renovations were made as the printing plant expandedand the Echo's circulation grew. By 1955 the Altona Echo hadmerged with the Morris Herald to become the Red River Valley Echoputting its subscription over 3,000 and bringing the firm's staff to over20. By the end of the 1950's the firm was employing fifty people andwas paying out $130,000 in wages and salaries annually. 47 This was onlythe beginning and in the next two decades the firm would more thanquintuple in size.David K. Friesen - President and GeneralManager of D. W. Friesen and SonsLtd. Born in 1909 D. K. Friesen was educatedin Altona at the MEl. Beginningwork for his father in his confectionerystore and post office, he became involvedin the school supply business in 1930. In1933 he started up a print shop and in1941 he began publishing and editing theAltona Echo, a weekly newspaper. In1948 he and his brothers, Ted and Raymond,incorporated the various familybusiness interests as D. W. Friesen andSons Ltd., which quickly grew into a thrivingbusiness. It has since grown into amUlti-million dollar a year business.Friesen was also involved in Co-operativeventures and served as the first vice-presidentof Co-op Vegetable Oils Ltd. He wasalso the manager of this plant for sevenyears. His public service and communityactivities have included serving on the villageof Altona Council, the Red River ValleyWater Commission, the Board of Directors of the Ebenezer Home for the Agedand the Finance Committee of the MCI. He has also been actie in church affairsserving on the local Bergthaler Church, Finance Committee.The main reason for the rapid growth of this business was theentrepreneurial ability and aspirations of the Friesen family. This wasmost clearly seen in the person of D. K. Friesen. As a youth he hadaspired to move to a large eastern city to imitate Horatio Alger's climbfrom rags to riches. His father, however, convinced him that it waspossible to accomplish a great deal in his home town and kept him inAltona by promising to buy him a car so that he could move into theschool supply business. 48 194

There was more than Horatio Alger to Friesen's character,however. The depression made a deep impression on him, convincinghim that local communities could provide a much better quality of lifethan the cities. 49 He also became an ardent co-operator in the 1930's,albeit a non-ideological one, serving on numerous co-op boards andactively raising money for eVo. While D. W. Friesen and Sons becamea highly profitable business it was not untouched by the co-operativeethic. Employees over the years were allowed to enter profit sharingschemes, lending at least the appearance of co-operation. In a senseAltona reflected its premier businessman; aggressively entrepreneurialbut firmly rooted in the co-operative ethic. Altona, as an historiandescribed it, was "a benevolent company town with everything coordinatedabout the co-operative". 50While Altona demonstrated the most dramatic growth after the war,other area towns also grew. These towns, however, lacking industrialdevelopment and administrative functions remained secondary centerswith limited hinterlands. They did, however, remain important grainshipping points and served their immediate trading area with week toweek requirements. They also provided a style of residential living notfound in more industrialized towns.Fig. 27 Population of Rhineland Towns 1941-19611941 1946 1951 1956 1961Altona 1065 1438 1698 2026Gretna 507 482 608 603 575Plum Coulee 440 433 467 498 510Rosenfeld 281 337 338 316Source: Census of Canada; Statistic Canada.Gretna Main Street -1955.195Credit: PAM

The prosperity of the postwar period did give some of these townsvisions of grandeur and growth. At the war's end Gretna's prospectslooked grim. Little development had taken place during the war andwhen a fire destroyed part of the town's business section in 1946, littlerebuilding was planned. This pessimism turned to optimism in 1949when plans were unveiled to build a pipeline pumping station one halfmile north of Gretna. 51 This proved a boon to the town as constructionemployed seventy men of which twenty-nine became full time employees.Thirteen new homes were built in Gretna for company familiesand there was speculation that a refinery would also be built here at afuture date. 52Plum Coulee -1955.Credit: PAMHouses constructed just north of Gretna to house pipeline employees in the 1950's.Credit: Echo196

Pipes stacked near Gretna for Oil Pipeline.Credit: EchoThis new development led to renewed enthusiasm in the town andin 1951 Victoria Day celebrations attracted 1,500 people - the most inmany years. In the same year a new Pool Elevator was also built in townafter area farmers had objected to the choice of Altona as the sole newsite. Demonstrating proof of subscriptions and volume of grain shippedthey were able to convince the Pool Executive to build at both Gretnaand Altona. 53Dominion Government Immigration and Customs building in Gretna. This buildingwas built in 1954, and at the time had the third largest volume of business on thePrairies.Credit: Echo197

Mennonite Collegiate Institute in Gretna. - Built in 1946.CreditCMCAGretna's other main source of population and revenue came fromthe Mennonite Collegiate Institute which had operated in the town since1908. In 1946 a new school was built replacing the old MCI building thathad been built in 1908. In 1952 the school also built a new auditorium,adding a dormitory in 1955. With these additions enrollment rose from50 in 1939 to over 190 students in 1957. 54While the school's main aim had historically been to produceteachers for Manitoba's public schools, it also played a much wider roleas a center of learning for the Mennonite people of southern Manitobaand Western Canada. Teaching both the required core of the high schoolcurriculum, the school also taught both Mennonite History and religiousstudies and emphasized German and music.Plum Coulee, like Gretna, grew slowly after 1946. Because itstrading area was completely within the hinterlands of Winkler andAltona, Plum Coulee only served the district with weekly needs. Itremained an important grain shipping point and in 1958 a large seedcleaning plant was built by George Harder operating 24 hours a day.Plum Coulee also remained a strong residential community and in 1952the highway had to be rerouted to bypass residential expansion.But if improved roads and highways had increased the trade oftowns like Altona and Winkler, they relegated the area's smaller centersto grain shipment points and residential villages. Centers such asRosenfeld, Horndean, Halbstadt steadily lost businesses, though theydid manage to maintain their population.198

G. H. Peters - Principal of the MCI1935-1948 - Following the death of H.H. Ewert in 1935, G. H. Peters took overthe direction of the school and guided itthrough the rough periods of the 30'swhen it was not known if the schoolwould survive. When he took over theschool in 1935 there was only an enrollmentof 48 but by the time he retired in1948 this had risen to 114 students. Healso presided over the building of a newschool in 1946. Mr. Peters was born onDecember 14, 1889 in the village ofSchoensee, in the Molotschna Mennonitesettlement in southern Russia.Graduating from the Halbstadt PedagogicalSchool in 1908 and the PetrogradTeachers Institute in 1913, hetaught in the commercial school in Alexanderkronefor 11 years. In 1924 he andhis family emigrated to Canada and Mr.Peters continued his studies at MCI andNormal School in Winnipeg and finally atUniversity of Manitoba. In 1926 he joined the staff of MCI under H. H. Ewert wherehe remained until retirement in 1948. He continued the same principles as Mr. Ewertstressing German, Religious training and character building. He also strove againstany form of modernism which was beginning to make itself felt in Mennonite circles.This picture was taken in 1927 when Peters was a teacher at the MCI. He died in1972.Credit: CMCAFlecka Dack at Halbstadt Store -1950. Flecka Dack was a sale day in a few districtswhere large amounts of cloth remnants were sold cheap to make quilt covers.Credit: H. H. Sawatsky199

Halbstadt Store -1955.Credit: PAMRosenfeld Lutheran Church Dedication1945.Credit: Louis PokrantOne reason these towns were able to maintain their population andcommunity identity was the establishment of co-op stores and creditunions. Consumer co-operatives were established at both Plum Couleeand Homdean and while the Homdean Co-op eventually ran intoproblems, its establishment in the 1940's was indicative of the confidenceof small towns in the 1940's.200

Even more important for a number of towns was the establishmentof a credit union, which along with the grain elevator and a general storehelped maintain the viability of a number of communities. Not only didthe credit union provide a valuable service to area residents but it alsoencouraged participation in community decision making. After 1940credit unions were established in Gretna, Plum Coulee, Horndean andHalbstadt, helping to reduce pressures of centralization already at work.A limit to the growth of all towns in Rhineland throughout thisperiod was the lack of an adequate water supply. It not only held back thedevelopment of new industries but limited recreation, firefighting andsewage disposal. After the CVO plant was built in Altona in 1946, thewater problem became crucial. The absence of reliable wells necessitatedhauling water by truck and soon became a major expense. By1957, CVO was spending $35,000 a year merely for hauling water, andone company spokesman commented that CVO would never havelocated in Altona if they had known the problems the water shortagewould later create. 55 Any hopes for a creamery, a sugar beet refinery, orany other industry for that matter required some solution to the watersupply problem. It took until 1950 before the area became politicallyastute and vocal enough that the politicians started listening and eventhen the problem was a decade away from being resolved. 56A number of proposals to supply water for the area called for damson Buffalo Creek and the Pembina River, while others advocated apipeline from the Red River or Winnipeg. Feasibility studies producednegative decisions and the other alternatives also proved unsatisfactory.In 1957, however, a breakthrough occurred when the town of Neche,North Dakota, offered to supply Gretna and Altona with water fromtheir new filtration plant at forty cents per 1,000 gallons on the conditionthat a pipeline be built to the plant. In 1958 a three man Water DistrictBoard was set up to carry out these plans with financial assistance fromthe Provincial and Federal Governments. 57 A pact was finally signed bythe Water Supply Board of Manitoba and approved by Gretna andAltona residents in January of 1960. It would remain to be seen whateffect a stable water supply would have on new industry.Agriculture in the 1950'sThe most notable agricultural trends during the 1950's were thedecline of sunflower acreage, the increase in flax and sugar beet acreageand the expansion of poultry farming.From 1945 to 1949 sunflower acreage in southern Manitoba had201

Harvesting Wheat 1955.Credit: Echotripled from 20,000 acres to 60,000 acres, but a rust epidemic in 1949cut yields by over 30 per cent. Over the next few years sunfloweracreage dropped drastically and by 1952 only 3,000 acres had beenseeded to sunflowers. 58 The crop began making a slow comeback in thearea after CVO developed a rust resistant variety of sunflower in 1952,but this strain lacked the desired yield and oil content to bring notableimprovement in sunflower production. Sunflower acreage in southernManitoba stayed below 30,000 all through the 1950's and real expansiondid not come until the 1960's when newer high oil content sunflowerswere introduced by the Morden Experimental Farm. 59While sunflower production dropped during the 1950's root crops,especially sugar beets, became more popular in the area. Potatoes weretried experimentally in the mid fifties but it was not until the 1960's thatthey were grown to any extent. It was the sugar beet that became the newcash crop in the area.Sugar beets had first been tried in the 1930's after the AmericanCrystal Sugar Company built a processing plant in Grand Forks, NorthDakota, in the late 1920's. By 1930 an agreement had been reached toallow beets grown in southern Manitoba to be shipped to Grand Forksfor processing, and to have the refined sugar shipped back. In 1931twenty-six farmers in Manitoba were growing sugar beets includingDavid Schellenberg, Aron Klassen, Diedrich Klassen and 1. H. Klassenof Gretna, and Jacob Rempel and H. P. Hildebrandt of Blumenort. 6oUnfortunately, the experiment came to an end in 1933 when beetgrowers in North Dakota protested that Mantioba growers were cuttinginto their business. 61In the 1940's sugar beets again began to be grown in Rhineland202

Beet loading station with large piles of beets on either side of the railway tracks atGruenthal. From here the beets were shipped to Winnipeg by rail.Credit: W. J. KehlerFarmers delivering to a loading station in Rhineland in the early 1940's.Credit: W. J. Kehlerwhen the Manitoba Sugar Company built a refinery in Winnipeg andstarted allocating beet contracts in southern Manitoba. Wartime sugarrationing and labour shortages, however, kept acreages small in the1940's. Not only did beets have to be thinned by hand, which in itself203

was a very tedious job, but they also had to be harvested by hand. Beetswere first loosened by a horse drawn machine called a digger and thenthrown by hand into windrows consisting of eight rows of beets. Nextthey were topped with a large knife and then thrown onto a control pile.From here they were loaded onto wagons or trucks with blunt pitch forksand hauled to loading stations where they were loaded onto railway cars.Mechanical harvesting began in 1947 eliminating much of thehand labour and thereafter sugar beet acreages climbed steadily inRhineland. In 1951, 4,893 acres were seeded to sugar beets in Rhineland62 increasing rapidly thereafter. Not only were sugar beets a profitablecash crop, but they benefitted the soil in crop rotation. Being alabour intensive crop, they were also perfectly suited to the smallerfields that had developed around the Mennonite villages. Large Mennonitefamilies also proved useful in providing the considerable handlabour involved. 63 While the census ceased to give sugar beet statisticsfor Rhineland after 1951, it is notable that between 1955 and 1960, 75per cent of all Manitoba sugar beets were grown by Mennonites. 64Flax acreage also greatly increased in the 1950's jumping from18,320 acres in 1946 to over 42,000 in 1956. During the war the price offlax had risen with the demand for linseed oil, which continued into the1950's. In 1958 another stimulus to flax growers was the establishmentof a processing plant for flax straw near Morden. With this development,area farmers had another source of income. 65Dairying continued to be important in Rhineland during the 1950'seven though the number of milk cows in the municipality droppedsubstantially. While the herd size decreased, the quality of the herdincreased. This was in large part due to the herd improvement programstarted in the area in 1947, the various calf clubs that had been establishedand the introduction of artificial insemination. 66 The expansion ofthe co-op creamery in Winkler also aided the industry.Fig. 28 Field Crops in Rhineland 1951-1961 (in acres)J

Mennonite Apartment Blocks. Since the late fifties when Kimberly Clark Companybegan buying flax straw from area farmers, these stockpiled flax bales have been acommon sight.Fig. 29 R.M. Rhineland Livestock 1941-1961MilkHorses Cows1941 4717 55931946 2644 59671951 1311 38521956 501 33881961 247 2757Source: Census of Canada.OtherCattle31673338262536613619Sheep Swine Poultry1528 17344 2649771557 8343 361666245 8297 310539439 7956 374605728 11310 370598fBill Siemens - Winner of the ManitobaDairy Cattle Breeder's Association Trophyin the late 1950's.Credit: W. J. Siemens205

J. F. Klassen, of Rosenfeld with his sons Bert and Tony. J. F. Klassen did pioneeringwork in breeding high egg-producing strains of chickens in the R.M. of Rhineland. Inthe 1955 Canadian National Exhibition he was declared reserve champion for hisexhibit of eggs.Credit: J. F. KlassenRhineland Agricultural Fair 1955. With the revival of the farm economy after the war,the Rhineland Agricultural Fair regularly drew close to 4,000 visitors and had closeto 1,500 exhibits.206

Exhibits at the Fair 1955.Credit: EchoRural and Municipal DevelopmentsThe crisis of World War II and postwar agricultural developmentshad a number of significant repercussions for some of Rhineland's ruralresidents. While diversification in the 1930's and 1940's had producedmore intensive land use and made smaller farms again viable in Rhineland,farms were still increasing in size after the war. This increasingscale of farming, along with the fact that Rhineland was part of the mostdensely settled region in rural Manitoba, produced a serious landshortage aft~r the war. Between 1941 and 1961 the average farm size inRhineland increased from 183 acres to 225 acres, with the number offarms dropping from 1,249 to 1,012. 67 Because of these developmentsmany of the landless couples and younger residents began leaving themunicipality. Between 1951 and 1961 alone over 2,400 people leftRhineland.Fig. 30 Vital Statistics Rhineland and Altona 1951-1961BirthsRhineland 2072Altona 585Source: Carvalho-Page Group.Deaths347151NetIncrease1725428NetImmigration154NetEmigration2442One specific instance of large scale emigration occurred in 1948and was the result of both the land shortage in the municipality and207

encroaching modernity. During the war quite a number of the moreconservative Sommerfelder Mennonites in the municipality becameincreasingly dismayed as their younger sons and daughters, not onlydrifted away from the Church's stand on non-resistance, but also driftedaway from the farm. Unable to purchase land in the community to keepthe younger members of the Church in the area, many members decidednot to wait any longer but to emigrate to a country where they wouldkeep their own schools, language and religion. In this group were someof the most well-to-do farmers in the region. In 1948, after two years ofcareful planning, this group purchased large tracts of land in Paraguay.Of the approximate 2,000 Mennonites who left for Paraguay almost1,500 came from the Rhineland area. 68 Land shortages continued to be aproblem throughout the 1950's and by 1953 the Mennonite Land SettlementAssociation had been formed to settle the landless people in theregion. 69In spite of these problems there was an element of continuity in therural communities of Rhineland. All those villages that had survived the1920's and 1930's continued to be vital community centers. Electricity,radio, television, telephones and better roads all tied the village moreclosely to larger area towns and the larger metropolitan centers, but thesocial life for those that stayed still centered around the village churchesand schools.As farming in Rhineland became more diversified and as prosperityreturned after the war, there was increasing pressure to improvethe drainage in the area. Serious spring flooding in 1941, 1945, 1948,1950 and 1955 made drainage one of the municipality's principle concerns.Halbstadt. Mail being delivered by boatduring the 1950 flood.Credit: H. H. Sawatsky208

Aerial view of flooded land at Rosenfeld in 1948. The rapid thaw in the late spring of1948 caused such a rapid run-off from the Pembina Hills that the Hespeler dyke wasunable to handle it and broke through in several places. Much of the land betweenRosenfeld, Altona and Plum Coulee was under water.Credit: PAM1950 Flood near Halbstadt.209Credit: H. H. Sawatsky

Gretna in 1950 showing corner of Main and Hespeler at height of the 1950 flood. Thewhole town was inundated necessitating a hurried evacuation with tractors, raftsand jeeps.The floods of 1941 and 1945 convinced area farmers that theexisting drainage ditches were not sufficient to handle the run-off in thearea and they petitioned the municipality and provincial government toconstruct double dykes north of Rosenfeld. Up until this point mostfarmers had been against the double dyke system because of the land ittook out of cultivation. The double dykes consisted of 2 parallel dykesapproximately 300 feet apart. Each set of dykes were about five feethigh and were built from materials obtained by excavating ditchesbetween the dykes. Ditches carried the water as far as possible, emptyinginto the spillway between the double dykes by means of gates. 70But if there was agreement on the concept of double dykes therewas none on whose lands they would be built. Land acquisitions by themunicipality for the Hespeler Double Dyke split up fields and causedhard feelings in the Plum Coulee and Rosenfeld areas and it was to thecredit of the reeve of that time, Ed Pokrant, that the project was carriedthrough.71The floods of 1948 and 1950 demonstrated, however, that even thelarge Hespeler Dyke was not enough in years when a late spring andquick thaw caused rapid run-off from the Pembina Hills. Flood waters inboth these years spilt over the floodway washing out roads and210

idges. 72 In 1952 the provincial government announced that $250,000would be spent in the drainage district to increase the capacity of theBuffalo Creek Double Dyke, and throughout the 1950's the municipalitywas purchasing lands for public drains. Drainage was alsoimproved in the southeast comer of the municipality when the elevationof the Post Road was raised and a drain cut along section 1 in township 1,range 1 east. Many of the smaller lateral drains were dug with themunicipality's own drag line.1949DRAINAGE3W2WIWIEDMUNICIPALBOUNDARYD DRAINAGE. DISTRICT 12~ DOUBLE DYKES~ DRAINS COMPLETEDAnother of the municipality's major responsibilities and expensesafter the war was the construction of all-weather roads. In some casesthe municipality covered the cost of bridges and culverts while theprovince helped defray the cost of gravelling the roads. These marketroads were often built up ward by ward. By 1957 the municipality had211

R.M. of Rhineland Municipal Council of 1955 with Manitoba Good Roads Association2nd place trophy for best kept system of municipal roads.Credit: D. K. Friesen100 miles of gravelled roads, thirteen of which had been gravelled thatyear, and almost yearly Rhineland won a Good Roads AssociationAward.The third major expense for the municipality were rural schooldistricts. Not only did school expenditures increase in the 1950's, butother developments took place which placed added stress on the ruralschool system. According to W. L. Morton in his history of Manitoba,the elementary school system that had been created to ensure generalliteracy and assimilation had largely succeeded. The secondary schoolsystem that had been designed to furnish recruits for the profession -had also largely fulfilled its purpose. "But these restricted ends wereinsufficient for the society which had come into being. "73 As societybecame increasingly technical, public pressures for improved secondaryeducation grew. Rural schools were generally considered inferior toschools in urban centers, since communities with small tax bases wereunable to adequately equip and staff their classrooms. 74 These concernsover the quality of educational services in Manitoba led to the creationof a Royal Commission on Education in 1957.This Commission found, among other things, that rural communitiesneeded greater assistance to diversify elementary education andprovide greater opportunities for secondary education. The means toaccomplish this, the Commission held, was through larger administra-212

tive units. While the Commission did not advocate eliminating localboards of elementary schools, consolidation was implied.The findings of this Commission were buttressed by the changingdemographic picture in Rhineland which had resulted in a steadydecrease in rural enrollments. 75 Consolidation of school districts,however, was not acceptable to the majority of Rhineland residents atthis point. Most small communities were centered around their oneroom schools and churches and the loss of these schools was seen asdetrimental to community cohesiveness. Mennonites had always associatedtheir traditional values and beliefs with their schools. Any loss oflocal control of the education of their children was seen as an erosion ofthese values. Thus, despite the supposed education and monetaryadvantages, few districts took advantage of consolidation before 1960.The only exceptions were the school districts of Aesop, Exeter andKronsthal which were consolidated as Kronsthal #1994 in 1958.A more contentious issue in the 1950's was the move to largeradministrative units for secondary education. As early as 1951 theAltona Echo had called for the creation of larger secondary schools sothat a greater range of courses, including technical and business training,could be provided. 76 While Altona school trustees favoured abroader curriculum they argued they did not have the tax base to operatesuch a modem high school. A school of this type would only be possiblewith a larger school division.Ever since the late 1940's school enrollment in Altona had beenexpanding tremendously, creating a continual space shortage. Merelythe expense of providing accommodation for the expanding schoolpopulation precluded any attempt to establish a composite high schooldivision on their own. But, if a larger high school division with anenlarged tax base was to Altona's liking, it was unacceptable to mostrural districts, and in 1955 Rhineland Trustees turned down the proposal.The 1957 Royal Commission on Education re-opened the controversywith its recommendation that a provincial boundary commissionbe constituted to define tentative boundaries for enlarged units forsecondary education. Approved by the legislature, the final decisionwas left up to the various divisions. Rhineland Division was nearly coterminuswith the R.M. of Rhineland, though parts of Garden ValleySchool Division were also in the R.M. of Rhineland.In the plebiscite held throughout the province on February 28,1959, both divisions in the R.M. of Rhineland turned down the plandepsite the fact that most of the province had voted strongly in favour ofthe plan. In the Rhineland Division the vote overwhelmingly turned213

Gretna Public School. Built in 1957 this school replaced the old school built in 1910.Credit: Echodown the plan by a margin of 1,688 to 780. Much of the support for theplan had come from Altona where both the Altona Echo and the AltonaTrustees had strongly argued in favour of unitary divisions. They wereopposed by the rural trustees especially the president of the RhinelandSchool Trustees Association, A. 1. Thiessen.77 This vote clearly illustratedthat for the time being Rhineland residents did not want educationalchange.Modernization and ContinuityWhile there was still rooted opposition to modernism in schools,churches and some villages, the modem world was evident everywherein Rhineland. Rural electrification after the war produced immensechanges in farm life aiding greatly to complete the changeover to urbanstandards and urban ways. In 1945 a survey was made in Rhineland tosee if electricity was needed on area farms and by 1949 the ManitobaPower Commission entered into street lighting contracts with Altona,Gretna, Rosenfeld, Horndean, Reinland, Halbstadt and Rosengart. 78By 1950 all farms including the Mennonite villages were receivingelectricity.79 Electrification not only greatly aided farming but introduceda number of modem conveniences since each farmer had to agreeto buy at least one large and five small appliances. 8o It was not longbefore most residents had radios and soon after the area had its ownradio station.214

Electrification -1950. Setting hydro poles in the Halbstadt area.Credit: Jacob P. FriesenWith the increasing influence of the radio in Mennonite circles, theManitoba General Conference set up a committee to study the best wayof getting Mennonite and religious programming on the air. One of thecommittee members was A. 1. Thiessen of Rosenfeld who proposed theidea of starting a radio station in Altona. 81 A. 1. Thiessen, supported bya group of prominent investors that included: W. E. Kroeker (Winkler),D. K. Friesen (Altona), Peter Brown (Winkler), Jake Hooge (PlumCoulee), D. A. Fehr (Morden), 1. M. Froese (Winkler), G. H. Fast(Rosenfeld), and C. L. Neufeld (Altona), then established the southernManitoba Broadcasting Company and made an application to the CBCfor a 1000 watt station.This was approved in late 1956 and by 1957 the station was on theair. Reflecting the original impetus behind Thiessen's idea, the stationstressed religious programs, farm features and "good" music. 82 Thecommunity had not only accepted the medium, but had adapted it to itsown means.After the war, Rhineland communities, like most other rural communitiesin Canada, were faced with the consequences of the babyboom and a marked postwar trend of young people leaving for the city.In an attempt to deal with these problems community leaders turnedmore and more to sports and recreation as a solution. Not only wereincreased recreational facilities seen as a way to keep youths on the farmand instill a sense of their importance to the area, but they were alsoassociated with town progress. 83 In 1948 the Gretna Board of Trade215

organized that town's first sports day in twenty years and two years laterAltona held its first sports day. Altona also built a $21,000 communitycenter and arena in 1951 and in 1950 and 1953 Rosenfeld and PlumCoulee also built indoor curling rinks.This emphasis on recreation produced a florescence of sportsactivity in the area. Hockey was the most popular sport in Altona and inthe 1950's its team, the Maroons, won the South Eastern ManitobaHockey League (S.E.M.H.L.) Championship in 1952, 1955, 1956 and1960. Plum Coulee, on the other hand, excelled in baseball winning theSouth Central Manitoba Baseball League (S. c. M. B. L.) Championshipin 1957. Curling remained the most popular social recreation in themunicipality with bonspiels attracting participants from farm and town,but golf was also becoming popular and by 1952 the Oakview GolfClub, just north of Gretna, was started.Oakview Golf Course near Gretna in the 1950's.Credit: EchoThe idea of having a golf club in the area was the brainchild ofHugh McGavin, Ed Sunquist and Bill Falk. Leasing land from KateKlassen and operating a minuscule budget, these men started to designthe golf course. In this they were aided by the availability of heavypipeline equipment and the generous help of the R.M. of Rhineland.The early course was laid out and approved by a Scotsman, Alex(Sandy) Weir, who was a golf writer for the Winnipeg Free Press. In1952 the course consisted of 9 holes with sand greens and by the 1970'sgrass greens had been installed and a new clubhouse had been built.These modernizing influences did not go unopposed. In 1958 a216

Municipal Council of 1950 curling. The man in the hack is Ed Pokrant, Reeve of theMunicipality. He devoted his life to his family, his farming operations, his church andthe community. He held the following offices: chairman of the council of St. John'sLutheran Church, Rosenfeld; Director of the Lutheran Seminary at Saskatoon forover 30 years; member of the Rosenfeld school board for many years and theChairman for six years; councillor of the Rural Municipality of Rhineland for 28years, and its Reeve from 1947 to 1953. He was the Chairman of the Altona DistrictHospital Board from the time the hospital was built in 1948 until 1968. He also servedon the Bethania Hospital Board shortly after it was opened in 1936, except for aperiod of three years. He was one of the organizers of the Ebenezer Home for theAged in Altona serving as Chairman and Vice-Chairman until the time of his passingin 1968. He was one of the founders or founding members of the Lower Red RiverValley Water Commission established in 1958, serving as Chairman from 1960 toDecember 1967. He also held offices on various other boards and committees.Credit: D. K. Friesensplit again occurred in the Sommerfelder Mennonite Church when afaction broke away and formed the new Reinlaender MennoniteChurch. While the reasons for this schism were more complex, theostensible reason given was the installation of electric lights in theChurches. 84 Twelve of the sixteen ministers of the Sommerfelder Lehrdienstand 500 members left to form this new Reinlaender Church. Thename chosen for this church, recalling the first Mennonite Church onthe West Reserve, was a conscious identification with the past. Over theyears this church would become the most conservative MennoniteChurch in Manitoba. 85 Another indication of a reaction against modernismwas the continued popularity of revival meetings in the area. Over a217

three week period in 1957, revival meetings in Altona regularly drew200 people a night. 86In the political realm, Rhineland voters also demonstrated a certainamount of continuity. In municipal politics, elections were largelydetermined by personality and religious affiliation. From 1904 to 1948the position of reeve was continuously held by a Sommerfelder Mennonite,in part due to the close affiliation between Sommerfelder andmunicipal leadership mentioned in earlier chapters. In fact, the electionof Ed Pokrant, in 1948, the first non-Mennonite reeve since the 1880's,coincided with the large scale Sommerfelder emigration from Rhinelandto Paraguay.Municipal politics were also characterized by long terms in officewith 1. D. Giesbrecht serving as reeve from 1930 to 1947. When thereeveship changed hands it was usually because one man resigned. Anexception to this occurred in the 1954 election when a conspiracy ofsorts was hatched to unseat Ed Pokrant. Pokrant had administered muchof the land expropriation for the various drainage projects and hadthereby aroused some opposition by what some regarded as his highhanded methods. Not expecting an electoral challenge, Pokrant had notcompaigned for the 1954 municipal election. But at the eleventh hourH. P. Hildebrandt, at the instigation of August Lang and Ed Nickel,filed nomination papers and in the ensuing election Hildebrandt defeatedPokrant by 67 votes. 87 w. C. Miller. A very popular politician, W.C. Miller served Rhineland in the ProvincialLegislature from 1936 to 1959 whenhe died. Born on February 7, 1896 in WaterlooCounty, Ontario. Miller was educatedin Germany but returned to Canadato serve in the Canadian Army in France1916-1918 where he was twice wounded.Following the war Miller came to Gretna towork for the Pieper firm. While in Gretnahe served as a Notary Public, Police Magistrate,Chairman of the Gretna SchoolBoard and Clerk of the County Court andwas well known and respected in the area.He was first elected to the Legislature as aConservative in 1936 but joined the CoalitionGovernment in 1941. When the Conservativeswithdrew from the CoalitionGovernment, Miller remained with the LiberalProgressives becoming EducationMinister in 1950.Credit: PAM218

August Lang, Son of Samuel Lang andElizabeth Smith, and married to KayWiebe. August Lang is a long time farmerin the Rosenfeld area. Involved in municipalpolitics for many years, he was firstelected councillor for Ward 5 in the autumnof 1955 at the age of 40. He servedthe R.M. of Rhineland for 18 continousyears under five different reeves. For severalterms he also served as DeputyReeve and he held the position of DrainageTrustee for the combined Rhinelandand Montcalm Drainage District F untilthe new watershed council was formed inthe late sixties. August Lang also representedthe R.M. of Rhineland when thePembina Valley Development Corporationwas first formed. He also served asthe Chairman for the Rhineland CentennialCommittee for Manitoba's 1 OOth birthdaycelebrations. He was one of theleaders promoting the Altona-RhinelandPark and Swimming Pool, which todaystands out as one of the beauty spots inRhineland. August helped to organizeand establish the Manitoba Pool ElevatorLocal and was the first president of the Rosenfeld Pool Local Organization. WhenMr. Harold Sneath, the President of the Manitoba Wheat Pool presented a scroll intribute to August, Mr. Sneath stated: '1\ugust is a senior member of Manitoba PoolElevators, one of a dedicated group of men and women whose spirit and faith madepossible the realization of this our fiftieth anniversary. To him we present this scroll intribute and gratitude". August served as a director with Sun Valley Co-op for nineyears, during several of which he was appointed Vice-Chairman, and also served asa delegate to the Federated Co-op Annual meeting at Saskatoon. He promoted andhelped to organize and bring into being the senior citizens home at Rosenfeldknown as Rose Valley Villa. He served as Chairman for five years and still is on thepresent Board of Directors. August's most recent endeavor was helping to organizethe Rosenfeld Sanitation Co-op Ltd., which was incorporated on January 3,1983.This is to bring water and sewage disposal to the village of Rosenfeld.In provincial politics, Rhineland voters continued to support W.C. Miller regardless of which party he represented in the provinciallegislature. Originally a Conservative and a member of the wartimecoalition government, Miller switched to the Liberal-Progressive Partywhen the Conservatives withdrew from the coalition. In Rhineland,Miller was 'the politician' who knew most voters personally and had areputation of getting things done. 88Another significant development in Rhineland politics was theincreasing electoral support for the Social Credit candidates who gainedstrength at the expense of the Conservatives and Liberals. When W. C.219

Howard Winkler MP Lisgar 1935-1953. Son of Valentine Winkler of Morden, HowardWinkler served the Rhineland area in Ottawa for 18 years as a Liberal. He wasespecially helpful in gaining C.O. status for Mennonite youths during World War II,and allowing them to fulfill their Alternative service on farms in the municipality.Credit: PAMMiller died in 1959, 1. M. Froese, representing the Social Credit Party,narrowly won the by-election defeating D. K. Friesen and Leo Recksiedler.In federal politics the voters of the municipality generally supportedthe Liberal candidate, Howard Winkler, who had been theMember of Parliament for Lisgar since 1935. When W. C. Miller ranagainst him as a Conservative in 1945, Winkler still won the election butmost Rhineland polls supported Miller. 89 The election was bitterlyfought with Miller claiming that the Liberals under McKenzie Kingwere communist, while Winkler supporters circulated a letter in Germanclaiming Miller's stand on enlistment varied depending on whichpart of the constituency he was campaigning. 90After Winkler resigned in 1953 electoral redistribution divided theR.M. of Rhineland between the Lisgar and Provencher ridings, but the220

Liberals still won both seats. While the majority of Rhineland residentscontinued to vote Liberal in 1953, many had switched to Social Credit.When Diefenbaker and the Conservatives won the 1957 election bothLisgar and Provencher ridings returned Conservative members for thefirst time in many years. Rhineland voters, however, overwhelminglysupported the Social Credit candidate, I. A. Langtry. Rhineland votersdid not stay out of the mainstream long and in the 1958 Diefenbakersweep voted solidly Conservative. 91By 1960 the R.M. of Rhineland had lost many of its distinctiveMennonite characteristics, but in the matter of schools and politics itstill displayed a good deal of cultural continuity. Mennonites stubbornlyinsisted on retaining local control of their children's education and inpolitics they embraced the Social Credit philosophy after the party hadlargely faded from the Manitoba scene. This tum to the Social Credit inthe late 1950's was in part a reaction against modernism as it wasperceived as the party most opposed to re-organization of the schoolsystem, and best representative of Christian government. 92Peter Penner-The Free Spirit of Gnadenthal. In the midst of a community that helddear to the work ethic, Peter insisted on his own lifestyle. Winter or summer he couldbe seen on the road to Winkler or Altona. He also attended many weddings andfunerals that occurred in these towns.221

Remnants of the village of Neuendorf 1955.Credit: PAMFOOTNOTES FOR CHAPTER VII1. Henry Dyck, "Jacob John Siemens and the Co-operative Movement in SouthernManitoba 1929-1955", (M.A. Thesis, University of Manitoba, 1982).2. John H. Warkentin, "The Mennonite Settlements of Southern Manitoba", (Ph.D.Thesis, University of Toronto, 1960), page 402.3. Esther Epp-Tiessen, Altona: The Story of a Prairie Town, (Altona: D. W. Friesen andSons, 1982), page 195.4. David P. Reimer, Erfahrungen der Mennoniten in Canada Wahrend des zweiten WeltKrieges 1939-1949. (Altona: 1947), pages 42-64.5. Esther Epp-Tiessen, op. cit., page 196.6. Peter D. Zacharias, Reinland: An Experience in Community, (Reinland CentennialCommittee, 1976), page 242.7. Esther Epp-Tiessen, op. cit., page 196.8. Peter D. Zacharias, op. cit., page 243.9. Henry J. Gerbrandt, Adventure in Faith, (Altona: D. W. Friesen and Sons Ltd., 1970),page 318.10. Esther Epp-Tiessen, op. cit., page 196.11. Henry J. Gerbrandt, op. cit., page 319.12. Peter D. Zacharias, op. cit., page 244.13. Compiled from Lists in the Altona Echo 1941-46.14. Henry J. Gerbrandt, op. cit., page 319.15. Esther Epp-Tiessen, op. cit., page 200.16. Interview with Henry F. Friesen, August 3, 1983.17. Census of Canada 1936; Esther Epp-Tiessen, op. cit., page 205.18. Esther Epp-Tiessen, op. cit., page 206. Krueger's frequent discussions on the Nazicause eventually led to his detainment in detention camps from 1940-43 as a security risk.222

19. Peter D. Zacharias, unpublished manuscript of the History of the Blumenorter Church.20. Howard Winkler to H. H. Hamm, R. M. of Rhineland municipal correspondence, April11, 1942 and March 11, 1942.21. Altona Echo, August 6, 1941.22. Henry Dyck, op. cit., page 106.23. John H. Warkentin, op. cit., pages 338-339.24. Henry Dyck, op. cit., page 95.25. Esther Epp-Tiessen, page 207.26. Henry Dyck, op. cit., page 96.27. An Illustrated History of Co-op Vegetable Oils, (Altona: 1981), page 4.28. Henry Dyck, op. cit., pages 96-97.29. Ibid., page 98.30. Altona Echo, April 12, 1944.31. Henry Dyck, op. cit., page 100.32. An Illustrated History of Co-op Vegetables Oils, page 4.33. Robert Meyers, The Spirit of the Post Road: A Story of Self Help Communities, (Altona:Federation of Southern Manitoba Co-operatives, 1955), page 118.34. An Illustrated History . .. , page 5.35. Ibid., page 5.36. Altona Echo, May 21, 1947; September 10, 1952.37. Ibid., August 21,1946.38. Ibid., September 7,1949; September 19,1956.39. Esther Epp-Tiessen, op. cit., page 228.40. Letter of Municipal Solicitor to the R.M. of Rhineland May 19, 1942.41. Esther Epp-Tiessen, op. cit., page 230.42. Ibid., page 231.43. Altona Echo, September 25, 1946.44. Ibid., December 19,1953.45. Esther Epp-Tiessen, op. cit., page 259.46. Ibid., page 262.47. Esther Epp-Tiessen, op. cit., pages 253-55.48. Interview with D. K. Friesen, August 25, 1983.49. Ibid.50. John H. Warkentin, op. cit., page 402.51. Altona Echo, August 17,1949; April 19, 1950.52. Red River Valley Echo, September 5,1956.53. Altona Echo, January 17, 1951.54. Peter George Klassen, "A Short History of the Mennonite Collegiate Institl1te atGretna, Manitoba", (M. Ed. Thesis, University of Manitoba, 1956); and "Brief submittedto the Royal Commission on Education by the Mennonite Collegiate Institute", (1957).55. Esther Epp-Tiessen, op. cit., page 271.56. Interview with D. K. Friesen, August 25, 1983.57. Red River Valley Echo, November 6, 1957; June 4, 1958.58. An Illustrated History . .. , page 6.59. Ibid., page 8.60. Heather Robertson, Sugar Farmers of Manitoba, (Manitoba Beet Growers Association,1968), page 52.61. Ibid., page 55.62. Census of Canada, 1951.63. W. J. Carlyle, "Mennonite Agriculture in Manitoba", Canadian Ethnic Studies, XIII(2) 1981, page 88. In 1941 census figures showed that of2,305 farm labourers in R.M. ofRhineland, 1,805 consisted of members of family. Other municipalities in the same CensusDistrict had a much lower farm labour population.223

MunicipalityFarm LabourRhineland 2305Thompson 567Stanley 1694Roland 697Morris 1491Montcalm 776Franklin 1434De Salaberry 110264. John H. Warkentin, op. cit., page 340.65. RRVE, Nov. 12, 1958.66. John H. Warkentin, op. cit., page 348.67. Census of Canada 1941-1961.68. Altona Echo, June 23,1948; Jan. 28, 1948; Sept. 7, 1948.69. Ibid., Dec. 22, 1954.Farm Labourconsisting of family180549513004751115587114991370. Ibid., May 7,1941; March 28,1945. John Warkentin, op. cit., page 294.71. Interview with David Stobbe, June 15, 1983.72. Altona Echo, April 21, 1948; April 19, 1950.73. W. L. Morton, Manitoba: A History, (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1967),page 475.74. Albert Schmidt, "Reasons for Rejection and Acceptance of Administrative Re-organizationin Rhineland School Division 1959-1971", (M. Ed. Thesis, University of Manitoba,1975), pages 65-66.75. John Jacob Bergen, A Historical Study of Education in the Municipality of Rhineland,(M. Ed. Thesis, University of Manitoba, 1959), page 109.76. Altona Echo, Dec. 5, 1951.77. Albert Schmidt, op. cit., page 76; Esther Epp-Tiessen, op. cit., page 244.78. Altona Echo, Oct. 24, 1945; R.M. of Rhineland By-laws.79. John H. Warkentin, op. cit., page 350.80. Ibid., page 367.81. Interview with A. 1. Thiessen, Aug. 25, 1983.82. RRVE, April 14, 1957.83. Altona Echo, July 21, 1948; Feb. 23, 1949.84. RRVE, April 30, 1958.85. Peter D. Zacharias, op. cit., page 213.86. RRVE, Aug. 14,1957.87. Interview with David Stobbe, June 15, 1983.88. Interview with D. K. Friesen, Aug. 25, 1983.89. Barry Heinrichs, "Voting Trends among Mennonites of the West Reserve", (Unpublishedresearch paper, Canadian Mennonite Bible College, 1979).90. Howard W. Winkler, "Extracts from the Political Memoirs of H. W. Winkler",Manitoba Pageant, (Spring, 1973), page 19.91. Barry Heinrichs, op. cit.92. Interview with D. K. Friesen, Aug. 25, 1983.224

Chapter VIIIVolost to Municipality1960-19By the time Rhineland celebrates its centennial in 1984 it will bemore homogeneously Mennonite than it was a century before,l butmuch less distinctively Mennonite. By the 1960's Rhineland, like therest of the province, was "moving rapidly into step with the affluent, thescientific, the electronized world of the second half of the twentiethcentury".2 By the 1980's it was very much a typical western Canadianmunicipality. This could be most clearly seen in 1983 when the provincialgovernment introduced legislation to restore French as Manitoba'ssecond official language. The R. M. of Rhineland not only deplored thisaction, but stated that it wanted English as the only language of theprovince. 3 This was a far cry from the time when the municipality hadpetitioned the government to allow it to conduct its business in German.Residents now had adopted the acculturative populist ethic that whiledifferent ethnic origins and languages were something to be proud of,none should be raised above the rest.To a large extent English had also become the dominant languagein Rhineland's homes, churches and schools. This is not to say thatMennonitism ceased to be a defining characteristic in Rhineland societybut it had become much less important. The German language, separationfrom the world and a rural lifestyle were no longer consideredessential to the Mennonite faith. While Mennonite villages continued tooperate as residential farm communities, they had lost many of theirsocial functions. Not only did most villages no longer have schools,bussing their children to larger centers, but much of the village sociallife now focussed on larger area towns.225

Rhineland Pioneer Centre in Altona.Credit: EchoModern living quarters on the Blumengart Hutterite Colony 1968.Credit: PAMUrbanization and ModernizationThroughout the 1960's and 1970's the population of the R.M. ofRhineland continued to drop as people left in search of better opportunities.This emigration was not only caused by declining farmingopportunities, but also by the attractive employment and service conveniencesof larger urban centers. During the 1960's the income of aRhineland farmer was not only considered low but was dropping steadily.4226

These push and pull factors also produced changes within themunicipality. In 1961 over 50 per cent of the population in Rhinelandstill lived on the farm, but by 1966 this had dropped to 46 per cent. Morethan half of the residents of Rhineland now lived in Altona and othersmaller villages and towns. This type of urbanization is understandablewhen one realizes that in 1970 the average resident of Altona had anincome of over a thousand dollars more a year than the average Rhinelandfarmer.5 Out of a total income of approximately $3,000 thisrepresented a large differential.Fig. 311961-1981Population of the R.M. of Rhineland and Area TownsPlumAltona Gretna Coulee R.M. Rhineland Total1961 2026 575 510 6003 91141966 2129 561 531 5339 85601971 2122 522 480 4776 79801976 2480 510 477 4550 81721981 2757 545 597 4525 8424Source: Census of Canada.Modernization was also evident in the educational and politicaldevelopments in Rhineland. In 1954 Rhineland residents had turneddown the multi-district plan for secondary schools, but in the early1960's this question again came to the fore as high school enrollmentsbegan to climb. Those districts offering high school classes in Rhinelandwere experiencing serious overcrowding and began consideringrestricting enrollment to non-residents. 6Altona trustees, in particular, were convinced that the increasedgrants and larger tax base of the school division plan were necessary toprovide adequate school facilities. 7 In this they were supported by theRhineland School Trustees Association and the Altona Echo. TheRhineland School Trustees began holding meetings to investigate thepossibility of asking for a second vote regarding the division plan.The arguments presented in favour of the multi-district dealt withboth monetary considerations and the quality of education. Under thedivisional plan, it was argued, the area would be eligible for significantlymore government grants lowering the cost of education in thearea and expanding the high school curriculum. This new plan, theEcho editorial argued, was essential for the educational progress in thearea. 8 By August of 1962 the Rhineland Trustees Association had collectedthe necessary signatures to hold a second vote concerning thedivision plan and on March 29, 1963, the plan was approved by a vote of1,417 to 880. While a number of polls had small majorities, only three227

districts had rejected the plan. These were Thames, Neuhoffnung andKronstahl, all of which had their own high schools. Altona and Gretnaon the other hand voted heavily in favour of the plan. 9Trustees of the new Rhineland School Division took office onJanuary 1, 1964 and soon after proposed the construction of a newcomposite high school in Altona. This proposal was voted on in Septemberof 1964 and approved by the narrow margin of 729 to 676. OnlyAltona's heavy vote swung the decision in favour of the school. Costingover $700,000, this school, named W. C. Miller Collegiate after Rhineland'slate MLA, consolidated all public high school attendance in thedivision and offered many new options for high school education inRhineland.But if the larger division concept had been accepted for secondaryschools, there was still stiff opposition to centralizing the elementaryschool system. This question had arisen in 1963 when the MitchnerRoyal Commission recommended giving division boards the responsibilityfor elementary education and most of the administration. Whilelocal boards would not be abolished they would only operate in anadvisory capacity. Afraid of losing control of their children's educationand unwilling to give up their community schools many opposed thescheme and deplored the government's use of bribery to gain acceptance.1OWhile voluntary consolidation had been going on for a number ofyears it was still a heated issue and any attempt by the government tospeed this process raised a great deal of opposition. 11 When a provincewide referendum was held on the question, on March 10, 1967, Rhinelandvoters rejected the plan by a vote of 1,172 to 747. Despite supportfrom teachers, school trustees and the Echo, only Gretna and Altonapolls were in favour of the unitary division plan for elementary education.In an attempt to forestall any future attempt to introduce a unitaryschool division, a number of school districts including: Kleinstadt,Langevin, Neubergthal, Gnadenfeld, Schoenau, Halbstadt, Gruenthal,Strassberg, and Silberfeld consolidated with other districts. Risingteachers' salaries, tax increases and the difficulty in recruiting teachershad convinced a number of districts that the old system was no longerfeasible and the consolidation was the lesser of two evils. 12 This rash ofconsolidation, ironically, encouraged the Rhineland School TrusteesAssociation to circulate a petition to ask for another vote on the unitarydivision. When held in December of 1963, however, Rhineland votersagain turned down the plan by an almost identical margin of 1,130 to746.228

Over the next four years rising school costs forced tax increasesand combined with declining farm incomes produced severe financialstrains on municipal residents. Representations were made to theprovincial government to relieve the situation, but to no avail. Thegovernment was not prepared to pass legislation to make Rhinelandunitary and enable them to receive extra grants, but it did outline aprocedure by which trustees could make Rhineland unitary withoutbringing the matter to a vote. The unitary division plan could beachieved by a majority vote of district trustees representing a majority ofthe electors. Having gathered the required signatures for this move byJuly of 1971, Rhineland elementary schools became part of the RhinelandSchool Division on January 1, 1972. With this development centralizationbecame a fact in Rhineland and throughout the 1970's andearly 1980's local schools continued to close with students bussed to thelarger schools in Gretna, Altona and Plum Coulee.These school developments also had a parallel development inRhineland provincial politics. In 19591. M. Froese had been elected tothe provincial legislature as the Social Credit candidate for the RhinelandConstituency. Other than his support for Social Credit principles,Froese also campaigned for public support for private schools andagainst the adoption of unitary divisions. Froese's position on theJ. M. Froese - Social Credit MLA forRhineland 1959-1969.Credit: Echo229

unitary divisions was based on his opposition to the loss of local controlit would entail; the centralization of administration in an undesirablemanner and the delegation of power to the appointed finance board. Healso disliked the element of bribery in the scheme. 13 This constellationof traditional Mennonite concerns, combined with the religious appealof the Social Crdit party was enough to win Froese re-electionthroughout the 1960's. It was not coincidental that the year after elementaryschools were brought into the unitary division, Froese lost hislegislative seat to Arnold Brown, a businessman from Winkler.One indication of the attitudinal change concerning education inRhineland involved the Rhineland School Division and the MennoniteCollegiate Institute. The introduction of the unitary division in Rhinelandin the 1960's and 1970's, raised the possibility that governmentfunding might be available for the MCI through a shared servicesagreement with the Rhineland School Division. Under this plan theMCI would receive government grants based on the number of divisionstudents attending the private school. This grant would be administeredthrough the Rhineland School Division.Arnold Brown - Progressive ConservativeMLA for Rhineland 1973- .Credit: EchoWhat was notable when this idea was introduced in the mid 1970'swas that the opposition did not come from the government, but from theRhineland School Division Board. This opposition within the municipalityitself, while it encompassed a number of factors including thelegacy of the MCI-MEI controversy in 1905 and the fact that a cost230

sharing agreement might draw some students away from Miller Collegiate,pointed to a fundamental shift in the way residents viewed the roleof education. When a shared services contract was finally signed in 1978there were still quite a few reservations on the Board and provisionswere made to review the agreement annually.14Land and AgricultureLandholding in Rhineland during the 1960's and 1970's continuedthe pattern set in the 1940's and 1950's. Farms continued to grow in sizeand the number of farms in the municipality decreased. In 1961 therehad been 1,012 farms in Rhineland averaging 225 acres per farm. By1982 there were only 646 farms which averaged 360 acres per farm. 15This concentration of landholding and increased scale of farming alongwith the high cost of land and machinery made it almost impossible foryoung farmers to venture into farming. The investment in land andmachinery required to farm profitably was so prohibitive that some formof help was needed for a young farmer to succeed.In the early 1970's the NDP Government's "Rural Stay Option"made an attempt to alleviate the problem by offering low interest loansand purchasing land and leasing it to farmers. This program had littleeffect in Rhineland, however, where the spectre of state ownershiprevived visions of the Soviet experience.More effective in the long run was the return to family farming. Tosave on machinery and operational costs, more and more extendedfamilies began to share machinery and other resources. In this way ayoung person beginning to farm did not need to make any largemachinery purchases, relying instead on the resources of his father orfather-in-law. 16Since 1960 there have also been a number of agricultural developmentsin the R.M. of Rhineland. Diversification has continued with theincrease in potato, rapeseed and sunflower acreage, but Rhinelandfarmers again began to plant more wheat as prices rose. In the early andmid 1960's wheat began to make a comeback in the area as pricesremained high and larger farm acreages made wheat more profitable. Inthe late 1960's and early 1970's, however, a glut on the world wheatmarket sent prices plummeting to their lowest level since World War II,seriously affecting farm income in Rhineland.The wheat market recovered in 1972 when the Soviet Unionsuffered a major wheat crop failure resulting in increased grain purchasesby that country. Grain prices skyrocketed and wheat acreages inRhineland and throughout Western Canada rose quickly to fill the231

Harvesting near Rosenfeld in the 1970's.Credit: EchoBeet harvesting 1970's.232Credit: J. C. Fehr

Beet harvesting near Rosetown in 1970's.Credit: J. C. Fehrsudden demand. By 1976 wheat acreages in Rhineland surpassed 1920levels again accounting for almost half of all field crops.Fig. 32Field CropsWheatOatsBarleyRyeFlaxRapeOther Mixed GrainsFodderPotatoesSource: Census of Canada.Field Crops in the R.M. of Rhineland 1961-1976 (acres)1961 1966 1971 1976174288 195042 20003846112 63999 5465930263 28953 196178069 12742 34058125 187 18045440 43547 7716248 977 135642277 4454 41898869 7363 5851826 570 20679586674804602798582822176939831902Sunflowers also made a recovery in Rhineland during the 1960'swith the introduction of new Russian seeds selected and adapted forManitoba conditions at the Morden Experimental farm. These newRussian varieties "Peredovik" and ''Armavirec'' had a high oil contentand matured early, re-establishing the sunflower as the primary oil seedcrop in the municipality. Sunflower acreage in southern Manitobastabilized around the 40,000 to 60,000 acres during the 1960's, but in233

the 1970's this increased rapidly when the Soviet Union experienced asunflower crop failure and the scarcity of wheat forced a rise in prices ofall agricultural commodities. By 1976 sunflower acreage in southernManitoba had skyrocketed to 380,000 acres. 17 In 1971 alone, Rhineland'ssunflower acreage jumped from 9,470 in 1970 to over 20,000 in1971. 18Another new oil seed crop which became important in Rhinelandduring the 1970's was rapeseed. Introduced to Manitoba in the 1950's,rapeseed rapidly increased in acreage as world demand and pricesescalated. Commanding consistent high prices, higher rapeseedacreages in Rhineland have generally coincided with lower wheatprices.Rural and Municipal DevelopmentsThe continuing population decline in the rural areas of Rhinelandduring the 1960's and 1970's and the corresponding growth of Altonacreated new problems for the municipality. By the 1980's there was theperception that the provincial government had lost sight of the fact thatthe municipality was primarily rural and that its problems were agricultural.More and more it was felt that the government was serving urbanareas and neglecting the rural. 19R.M. of Rhineland Council- 1967. Back row I. to r.: Barney Gerbrandt, Ward 2;Henry Dyck, Ward 4; John Wahl, Ward 1; David Stobbe, Secretary-Treasurer. Frontrow I. to r.: Bernhard Penner, Ward 3; August Lang, Ward 5; William Dueck, Reeve;Walter Klippenstein, Ward 6.234

This lack of attention to rural issues seemed most evident indrainage matters. The main complaint here was not in the lack of capitalprojects, but rather the maintenance of existing drains. Through theFederal-Provincial Agricultural Rehabilitation and Development Administration(ARDA) agreement $4.4 million was spent on flood controland drains in the rural municipalities of Rhineland, Stanley andPembina between 1963 and 1968. 20 While these drainage projects werewelcome, to be operational the drains had to be effectively maintainedsince soil erosion and vegetation regularly clogged these drains. Themaintenance of drains had always been a concern in the municipality,but the problem became worse after the provincial government tookover the three major drains in the area, (Hespeler, Aux Marais, andBuffalo) in 1967-68. Almost yearly the municipality requested thegovernment to initiate reconstruction and clean these drains, withdisappointing results. 21A particular problem during the 1960's and 1970's was the persistentspring flooding along the international boundary when thePembina River overflowed its banks. This flooding had a number ofcauses not the least of which was the very low elevation in the Halbstadtarea. There were other issues, however, which aggravated the problemsuch as the slowness of the provincial government in reconstructing theGrading the Hespeler Drain.235Credit: Echo

Buffalo Creek Flooding -1966.Credit: EchoFlood of 1979. This flood washed out railway tracks at Rosenfeld.Credit: J. C. FehrAux Marais River Drain, the failure of the United States authorities inclearing the Pembina River channel of trees and debris and the failure ofCanadian and American authorities to arrive at any agreement on ajointwater management plan.Frustrated with the lack of action the farmers and municipalitybegan to take steps on their own building a high earthen dyke along theU.S.-Canada boundary. Since this dyke backed up water on the Americanside, it became the focus of a yearly international dispute. U.S.236

farmers claimed that the dyke interfered with the international drainageagreement, while the municipality replied that dykes on the Americanside caused increased run-off into Canada. 22Feelings reached a high point in 1966 when the dyke was dynamitedby U. S. officials causing a flash flood in the Halbstadt area.Municipal-provincial relations became further strained when it wasrevealed that the Manitoba Minister of Agriculture had consented tobreaching the dyke without warning the farmers in Rhineland. 23 In 1975the border dyke was again mysteriously broken resulting in anotherflash flood in the Halbstadt area.In 1983 the municipal council also took steps to improve drainageon the Aux Marais River by cleaning out the bottom of the drain withmunicipal equipment. It was hoped that this would provide some relieffrom flooding until the provincial government, who has jurisdictionover the drain, could complete the reconstruction job.To prevent flooding of their lands in the early 1970's Halbstadt area farmers built adyke on the International Boundary keeping most of the water on the United Statesside. Culverts in the dyke only let water through as fast as the Aux Marais systemcould handle it, causing differential water levels of up to four feel. This causedconsiderable conflict between Rhineland and North Dakota farmers, and in 1974 a20 foot break in the earthen dyke mysteriously occurred at the height of that year'sflood. This break caused flood levels in the Halbstadt area 2% feet higher than in1950.Credit: Echo237

Another major concern and expense for the municipality was roadconstruction and maintenance. The municipality remained committedto provide a gravel access road to every homestead, but increased trafficfrom heavy school buses and farm trucks necessitated provincial actionthat was slow in materializing. Provincial Trunk Highway Number 30between Gretna and Rosenfeld was eventually rebuilt and paved, butrepeated requests to improve PR 421 and PR 201 to provide a secondlink between Highway 30 and Highway 75 resulted in little action.In an effort to get some action, a citizens' committee was formedin 1968 to lobby the government to improve PR 421. Heavily used totransport grain, sugar beets, sunflowers, milk and other farm productsto market, it also served as a vital school bus route after the largersecondary and elementary divisions were introduced in 1963 and 1972.This increased traffic often left the road in hazardous condition. Withthe support of the Rural Municipality, this citizens' committee regularlypetitioned the provincial government between 1968 and 1978 with fewresults. This lack of provincial response, along with drainage problemsconvinced many that the province was ignoring rural needs. 24This dissatisfaction with the province also encompassed an incipientrural-urban division in the municipality. As Altona grew rapidly inthe 1970's conflicts between the town and rural residents arose overexpansion. One such dispute arose over the construction of the Altonalagoon. The Rural Municipality had given permission to the town tobuild a lagoon outside the town limits in 1971, after the town hadpromised the lagoon would not cause any unpleasant odours to areafarmers. Persistent complaints, however, convinced the municipality toturn down the plan to expand the lagoon in 1977. 25Municipal Snow Plow -1960's -I. to r. Ed Toews, Henry W. Dueck, Bernard W.Penner, August Lang and William E. Dueck.238

David Stobbe and Dave Harder at work on Municipal By-laws and tax estimates.David Stobbe was Secretary-Treasurer of the R.M. of Rhineland from 1948 to 1975.Credit: CMCAAnother dispute arose in 1978 when Altona proposed to annex1,840 acres from the Rural Municipality of Rhineland to accommodatea projected residential and commercial development. Opposition byarea farmers who feared higher taxes convinced the municipality toreject the plan and in 1979 Altona dropped their plans. 26The Growth of Altona and the Survival of the Small Town1960·84The acquisition of a stable water supply for the towns of Altona andGretna led to renewed hopes for industrial growth in the early 1960's.Both towns formed industrial development organizations to encouragenew industries to locate in their respective towns, but a stable watersupply did not prove to be the expected panacea. A downturn in the farmeconomy during the 1960's along with continued population loss in themunicipality, adversely affected all area towns. Between 1961 and 1971all Rhineland towns stagnated with most losing population. By 1980,however, the decline of towns such as Plum Coulee, Gretna and Rosenfeldhad halted as they assumed small local residential and servicefunctions. Altona, on the other hand, had grown rapidly in the 1970'sand in 1983 was again searching for a new and better source of water tofulfill its projected needs in the next decade.239

Aerial View of The Village of Blumenort in the 1970's.Credit: J. C. FehrGretna in the 1980's facing west. Even in 1980's Gretna had not outgrown its treecover.Credit: J. C. FehrThe official opening of the Altona waterworks in June of 1961 wasseen as crucial to industrial expansion and town development and for atime it appeared that Altona's new water supply would bring the soughtafter expansion. Construction in 1961 totalled nearly one million dollars240

and Altona Industrial Developments convinced the Aetna GannentCompany to open a clothing factory in town. Outside of this companyand a Ready Mix cement plant, Altona attracted few new industries.More and more industries locating in southern Manitoba chose Winkleror Morden.Some of the reasons for Altona's failure to attract more industryincluded the fact that the town refused to grant tax concessions to newbusinesses. There was also the growing belief that locally controlled or'homegrown' industries and businesses were more stable and committedto the community.27 A more important and encompassing reason,perhaps, was a change of attitude among the town's business elite.The Loewen Manufacturing Co. Ltd. Founder J. L. Loewen began operation ofLoewen Manufacturing Company in his garage in Rosenort in 1962 manufacturingand selling discer bearings directly to farmers and small dealers in Manitoba andSaskatchewan. In 1963, Mr. Loewen decided to expand his production, sales andfacilities, and· after reviewing local labour availability, decided to move to the villageof Old Altona. There he built a new shop and added new equipment, which allowedhim to expand the company's production and sales volume. The company now alsoproduces cylinder bars, tow bars, duplex drill hitches, feeder chains, conveyerraddle chains, bug and wind deflecters, concaves, beet puller rims, and wheels. Anexpansion, in the spring of 1977, of 8,000 sq. ft. brought the plant size to 12,000 sq.ft. The plant is shown here during further expansion in 1982, when it expanded toapproximately 35,000 sq. ft.Both CVO and D. W. Friesen and Sons profited from an overabundantsupply of non-union labour and larger industry would only createcompetition for available labour driving wages up. This large industry,D. K. Friesen noted, might have the undesirable effect of providing aperfect breeding ground for union activity.28 At any rate by the late1960's and early 1970's Altona's town building strategy had begun tochange.241

Altona's business and industrial mainstays throughout the 1960'sand 1970's continued to be D. W. Friesen's and CVO, which laterbecame CSP Foods. Both expanded tremendously during this time andby 1980 D. W. Friesen and Sons was Altona's largest employer. Its headoffice in Altona had expanded five fold since 1958 bringing the numberof its employees to approximately 300. Specializing in stationery,school supplies and specialty printing, D. W. Friesen and Sons hadsales outlets across western Canada and did extensive business ineastern Canada and the United States. Even during the recession of the1980's Friesen's business was as profitable as ever. 29The main industry in Altona continued to be Co-op Vegetable Oilswhich also experienced tremendous growth in the 1960's and 1970's.Between 1960 and 1980 its gross sales increased from two to nearly fiftymillion dollars and the number of employees more than doubled. 30Much of this expansion came under the direction of Ray Siemens whowas elected president of CVO in 1962. Under Siemens' direction the cooperativebegan moving away from the imported soy bean crop andbegan crushing more sunflowers and rapeseed. Rapeseed especiallybegan to require more and more of CVO's processing capacity. 31Continued expansion and the emergence of Canadian competitionconvinced the CVO executive that a broader base was needed to operatein the larger oil seed business arena. It was felt more resources, accessand support were needed to enter into more research and merchandizing.32 In an effort to solve this problem CVO approached Saskpool'splant in Saskatoon, about a possible merger in 1968. The Saskatoonplant was just getting established, however, and was not ready for amerger. Saskpool was also reluctant to get involved with another co-opin Manitoba Pool's territory.By the 1970's, changing conditions and pressure from provincialgovernments, who were aggressively promoting the expansion of seedcrushing facilities, brought about a merger first with Manitoba PoolElevators and then with the Saskpool's plant in Saskatoon. This neworganization known as Co-operative Seed Producers (CSP Foods) cameinto existence in 1975 and took over the operation of a number of seedcrushing facilities in the two provinces as well as the marketing of the oilseed products. With these mergers CSP expanded operations increasingproduction another 100 tons a day by 1980 and moved into margarineproduction and marketing.While this merger solved a number of business and productionproblems, it brought to an end a successful tradition of local control.The sense of community ownership dissipated and local participation atannual meetings dropped. A few years after the merger, Ray Siemens,242

who had become the first president of esp Foods, remarked that itwould have been better if evo had made a committment to centralmarketing but maintained its own independence. 33The economic recession in the 1980's also affected the plantseverely. A world oil seed glut, competition from government subsidizedAlberta crushing plants and a number of other factors resulted ina 9.2 million dollar loss on oil seed operations in 1983. This large losscaused cutbacks in every phase of esp Food operations including anindefinite shutdown of the Saskatoon plant. While the Altona plant washolding its own, it did initiate a work sharing program. 34evo and D. W. Friesen and Sons had, by 1970, given Altona asolid industrial and manufacturing base, but the absence of other industrialgrowth had produced a substantial emigration from the town.Unable and uncommitted to drawing new industry to Altona, civicleaders tried to restore the town fortunes through commercial expansion.A survey of Altona's retail trade in 1964 revealed that the town wasonly capturing 50 per cent of its potential trade and that commercialgrowth was steadily declining. Spurred to action the town councilundertook an urban renewal study which recommended a major faceliftto revitalize the downtown core. Unable to secure government funds toundertake the project, local businessmen headed by the Mayor BillThe Altona Shopping Mall. Opening in 1973 the Altona Mall helped stimulateAltona's commercial growth, but speeded the deterioration of Main Street as businessrelocated to the Mall.243

Braun, D. K. Friesen and Elmer Hildebrand of CFAM began plans foran enclosed shopping mall in the center of town.Opened in 1973, the Altona Mall immediately boosted Altona'sretail trade and was in large part responsible for Altona's new growthduring the 1970's. Between 1970 and 1980 Altona's service and retailtrade grew from five million to twenty four million dollars stimulatingall facets of Altona's economy; new jobs were created, house constructionincreased and more younger adults decided to stay in thecommunity. 35An offshoot of this new emphasis on increasing Altona's retailtrade was the establishment of the annual Sunflower Festival in 1965 tocoincide with sunflower blossom time. Conceived as a means of promotingAltona's commercial life and encouraging store sales, thisfestival soon replaced the Rhineland Agricultural Society'S fall agriculturefair. As the place of agriculture in the Festival declined so too didthe agricultural function of the Rhineland Agricultural Society who ranthe Festival. By the 1970's the RAS became virtually synonymous withthe Sunflower Festival. 36Unlike Altona, Gretna continued to decline in the 1960's and early70's. Unable to attract industry and not able to compete with Altona orWinkler in retail trade, Gretna, like Rosenfeld and Plum Coulee,assumed the character of a quiet residential community with only theessential services. Modernization and automation at the pipeline pumpingstation eliminated over half of the jobs at the pumping station in the1960's and during the 1970's more station employees were transferredout of Gretna. In 1965 the town also lost one of its few remainingadministrative functions when the county court was moved to Winnipeg.Gretna's fortunes nearly suffered another serious blow in 1963when the MCI was destroyed by fire and Winkler supporters started acampaign to have the school relocated in Winkler. Fortunately forGretna, school delegates and a study commission decided to keep theschool in Gretna. In 1964 a new $175,000 school was built. Since then anew gymnasium and library have also been added.Plum Coulee fared better than Gretna after 1960 bypassing it inpopulation and retail trade, but it too declined steadily in the periodbefore 1976. 37 After 1976 its fortunes revived and it has been growingmodestly since that time. While its retail trade has not grown significantlyit has remained an active agricultural service center. In 1975,Manitoba Pool Elevators built a new composite elevator there and thetown also offered a number of feed and seed services. In an effort topublicize the town the Plum Coulee Chamber of Commerce initiated an244

MCI Fire -1963. This fire completely destroyed the building built in 1946. The firealso destroyed the school library and records going back to 1890.Credit: EchoPlum Coulee - Main Street 1961.annual Sugar Beet Festival billing itself as the "Sugar Beet Capital ofManitoba". The town's services were further improved in 1978 whenthe Manitoba Water Services Board, in conjunction with the town, builta water treatment plant in the town, providing water and sewage servicesto residents. In recent years a large school auditorium has been builtwith a new elementary school planned for 1984.245

Plum Coulee's 60th Anniversary Parade in 1961.Credit: D. K. FriesenRosenfeld, while it lost almost all of its services during the 1970'sand early 1980's, has managed its population base as a residentialcommunity. It contains the only Lutheran Church with a parsonage andresident pastor in Rhineland and in the 1970's and 1980's has taken stepsto improve the quality of life in the village. A community center wasbuilt for senior citizens and other community events, two paved tenniscourts have been built, a new $400,000 elementary school has beenconstructed and in 1983, a water reservoir and sewage lagoon wereconstructed in preparation for a water and sewer system.All of Rhineland's smaller towns and villages stabilized during thelate 1970's maintaining their population levels as small agriculturalservice centers and residential communities. Preferring the quiet ruralway of life these smaller communities fought to save their stores,schools, credit unions and churches.Some villages, in fact, developed new enterprises such as theEvergreen Seed Farm in Rosenort (Rosetown). Started as a small seedcleaning operation in 1952, Abe Froese built this into a substantialbusiness employing up to twenty-eight people in the late 1970's andearly 1980's. Other examples of new village enterprises included theestablishment of Pioneer Meat near Gnadenfeld and A & D Seeds Ltd.near Horndean. Formed in 1968 by John A. Gerbrandt and BerniePenner, Pioneer Meat has developed from an abattoir doing customwork, peddling packaged meat from the back of a truck, into a successfulmanufacturer of ethnic farmer sausage with 13 full time employees.A & D Seeds Ltd. is a new company located near Horndean,established for processing special crops. The plant which is owned byArt and Dorothy Penner and managed by Rudy Fast specializes insoybeans which are marketed in Manitoba, North Dakota and Minnesotafor seed. The company also contracts peas for All State Grain246

Otto Fielman - Rosenfeld. Born in 1928near Rosenfeld, Otto Fielman was educatedin Rosenfeld. During the 1950's hebecame active in farm politics serving as alocal officer of the Manitoba Farmers'Union. He also became involved in cooperativesserving on the Board of RhinelandConsumers Co-op which in 1970 becameSun Valley Co-operative. He servedon this Board from 1964 to 1973 and from1981 to 1983 he was president. From1962 to 1972 he also served on theRosenfeld Pool Elevator Board. Between1972 and 1980 he was also a provincialdirector of the Manitoba Pool ElevatorDistrict 2.Credit: Louis PokrantCompany Ltd. The peas which are produced for the commercial edibletrade are exported around the world.The council of the R.M. of Rhineland has also worked with localgroups and villages in recent years to provide a potable water supply forEvergreen Industries Evergreen Industries Ltd. of Rosetown, west of Gretna, had itsbeginning in 1952 when there was no market for cereal grains. Founder Abe Froesewas engaged in a major farming operation in the early fifties and found a market in theUSA for registered cereal grains. Two cleaning mills were installed in a small granary onthe home premises in Rosetown (formerly Rosenort), nine miles west of Gretna. Asbusiness expanded from selling his own grain and buying from neighbours and moredistant farmers, Mr. Froese began an expansion in 1960, operating under the firmname of Evergreen Seed Farms Sales & Service Ltd. As the demand for registeredgrain declined, the mode of operation was changed to the processing of special crops- whole peas, split peas, mustard, canary seed, buckwheat, etc. A large expansionwas completed and the firm name changed to Evergreen Industries Ltd. The productsprocessed in the modern, spacious plant are marketed both in Canada and in foreigncountries such as the USA, England, Italy, Japan and South America. The most recentmarket has been found in the Asian countries.247

Pioneer Meat Pioneer Meat was founded in 1968, as a partnership between John A.Gerbrandt and Bernie Penner. Located near Gnadenfeld, this business began bydoing custom butchering, especially in the fall when pig-killing bees were customary. Inthis way families had their sausages, hams, and cooked ribs done to order withouthaving do the work themselves. Beef was also butchered, cooled, and wrapped toorder. This custom work, however, proved uneconomical and was phased out in the late1970's when the firm began specializing in smoked farmer sausage, along withliverwurst, crackles, lard and cooked ribs. These specialties are shipped to retail outletsthroughout Manitoba. The business has expanded steadily and now employs 13 fulltime employees. In 1971 John Gerbrandt sold his interest to Bernie Penner who nowoperates the business on his own.residents. In 1976 a pipeline was constructed to the villages of Gnadenfeld,Neubergthal and Sommerfeld providing them with treated waterfrom the Manitoba services Board via the Neche-Altona pipeline. In thesame year the municipality constructed a public truckfill west of Gnadenthalto serve area farmers with water for livestock and spraying. In1982 the R.M. of Rhineland entered into an agreement with theR.M. ofStanley to provide residents of the village of Reinland and Rosengartwith water. Two wells were constructed southeast of Rosengart with atreatment plant and truckfill between the two villages. Going intooperation in the fall of 1982, this system serves forty-eight residents inthe two villages, while the truckfill provides treated water for many areafarmers.These smaller towns fulfilled another important role in the municipalityas the need arose for retirement homes for the area's olderresidents. While a number of these homes had been built in Altona in the1960's and 1970's, many of the older residents of other rural communitiesdid not want to relocate to larger centers. By 1973, a 17 unitapartment block for the elderly had opened in Gretna and in 1979, theRose Village Villa opened in Rosenfeld.This new concern for the elderly in Rhineland also led to theformation of a number of senior citizens clubs under the federal government's"New Horizons Program". By 1973 the Plum Coulee seniorcitizens had established a drop-in center which was expanded in 1974 to248

include a spacious activity center. Rosenfeld followed this example andin 1975, Altona established a similar club.Sports and recreation continued to be an important aspect of allRhineland communities constituting another way of building communityspirit. Canada's and Manitoba's centennial in 1967 and 1970 respectivelyprovided various communities with the funds and opportunity toundertake recreation projects. The R.M. of Rhineland and Altonajointly built a large park on the west end of Altona in 1964, Gretna built asmaller park in 1970. The municipality participated in many of theseprojects and when Gretna decided to build an arena in 1975 the R.M. ofRhineland matched Gretna grants.Competitive sports had long been a part of Rhineland's communities,but the complete acceptance of competitive sports among Mennoniteswas signalled in 1971, when the MCI entered regular intervarsitycompetition. Throughout the 1960's and 1970's Rhineland teamsregularly captured baseball and hockey championships. In 1963 thePlum Coulee Dodgers won the Manitoba Juvenile Baseball Championshipand in 1966 an all star team from Rhineland and Stanley won theManitoba Little League Baseball Championship. The best fastballteams in the area, on the other hand, usually came from the Mennonitevillages such as Reinland, Silberfeld, and Neubergthal.In hockey Altona teams generally dominated and in 1975 theAltona Midget Maroons, the Bantam A's, the Braves, the Miller CollegiateAces and the Maroons, all captured the championships in theirrespective leagues. 38 In high school, volleyball and basketball becamepopular sports, while the most popular social sports remained curlingand golf.R.M. of Rhineland in the 1980'sLike its small towns, the R. M. of Rhineland had suffered a declinein population in the 1960's and 1970's. Urbanization, the decline ofsmall farms and the changing nature of rural life in Rhineland posednew challenges for the municipality. These developments in Rhinelandwere common throughout Manitoba and by 1967 W. L. Morton felt thatthe rural municipal system of Manitoba was inadequate and failing. At atime when all costs were increasing and more public services weredemanded, municipal income was failing to increase rapidly enough. 39In Rhineland this translated into an increasing dependence on theprovincial government for roads, drainage and schools and ultimately toa dissatisfaction with government attention to rural needs.Rhineland's prospects, however, have been improving as the municipalitynears its 100th birthday. Its population has stabilized andinitiatives have been made for comprehensive rural planning to solve249

R.M. Of Rhineland Council - 1983. Back row I. to r.: Jake Bergen, Clerk; JakeSchroeder, Ward 1; Henry Stoesz, Ward 4; Peter Elias, Ward 2. Front row I. to r.:Frank Peters, Ward 3; Henry Hildebrand, Reeve; Abram Froese, Ward 5.R.M. of Rhineland Council - 1984. Back row I. to r.: Ben Schellenberg, Ward 3;Henry Stoesz, Ward 4; Eva Kehler, Clerical Assistant; Irvin Braun, Treasurer; RandallPappel, Ward 1. Front row I. to r.: Peter Elias, Ward 2; Jake Bergen, Clerk; JakeSchroeder, Reeve; Abram Froese, Ward 5.250

some of the municipality's problems. Rhineland had previously beeninvolved with planning of sorts when it joined the Pembina ValleyDevelopment Corporation along with other area rural municipalitiesand towns in 1964. Lack of input and a lack of any tangible results inRhineland, however, had by the late 1970's led to dissatisfaction with thecorporation. 40 Following the passage of the Provincial Planning Act in1976 and increasing pressure from the provincial government to form aplanning district with neighbouring municipalities, the R.M. of Rhinelandcouncil initiated plans to adopt their own development plan andzoning by-law. Receiving final reading in December 1983 the DevelopmentPlan goals were built on a number of principles: (1) That agriculturewas the primary land use of the municipality and that agriculturalproduction and the rural lifestyle associated with this production will bepreserved and strengthened; (2) That the villages provide an essentialresidential and service function in the municipality, support agriculturalproduction and otherwise contribute to the prosperity and well being ofthe municipality and will therefore be preserved and strengthened; (3)That rural non-farm residences and other rural agricultural uses arealternatives which will only be considered where they will not be inconflict with the primary agricultural and urban lifestyles in the municipality.41No amount of government planning, however, can take the place ofthe high morale of a community which knows itself and where it isgoing. While Rhineland has clearly become both Canadianized and tosome extent urbanized, it is still characterized by strong rural values.The municipality is still dominated by the farm economy, it is characterizedby strong co-operative organizations and its smaller towns andcommunities remain committed to retaining their local identities. Oneindication of the reassertion of the agricultural roots of the municipalitywas the election of the Rhineland Agricultural Society Board in 1978.For the first time since the society took over the running of the SunflowerFestival, all directors were from rural areas. This renewed senseof rural needs and roots bodes well for Rhineland's second century.FOOTNOTES FOR CHAPTER VIII1. Census of Manitoba 1885-86; Census of Canada. In 1886 Mennonites made up 70 percent of Rhineland's population. Since the 1960's Mennoniteshave constituted over 90 percent of the population of Rhineland.2. W. L. Morton, Manitoba: A History, (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1967,second edition), page 491.3. Red River Valley Echo, June 15,1983.4. Manitoba, Department of Industry and Commerce, Regional Development Branch,Regional Analysis Program: Southern Manitoba, "Working Paper #1 Economic Charac-251

teristics - South Central Region", 1975. In 1967 the average farm income in Rhinelandwas $3,308 and by 1970 this had dropped to $2,725.5. Ibid.6. Albert Schmidt, "Reasons for Rejection and Acceptance of Administrative Re-organizationin Rhineland School Division 1954-1971", (MED Thesis, University of Manitoba,1975), page 80.7. Esther Epp-Tiessen, Altona: The Story of a Prairie Town, (Altona: D. W. Friesen andSons, 1982), page 320.8. RRVE, March 27,1963.9. Ibid., April 3, 1963.10. Schmidt, op. cit., pages 83-87.11. Between 1964 and 1967 school district consolidation in Rhineland reduced the numberof school districts from 32 to 18. RRVE, February 15,1967.12. Esther Epp-Tiessen, op. cit., page 324; Albert Schmidt, op. cit., pages 89-90.13. RRVE, Dec. 13, 1967.14. Ibid., Nov. 29,1978; Feb. 8, 1978.15. Census of Canada, 1961;RRVE, Aug. 3,1983.16. Interview with Randall Pappel, June 8, 1983. Interview with H. D. Hildebrand, Aug.25, 1983. This trend of sharing farm resources was becoming more common throughout theprairies, especially among family members living in close proximity. William J. Carlyle,"The Changing Family Farm on the Prairies", Prairie Forum, Vol. 8, No.1, 1983.17. W. J. Carlyle, "Mennonite Agriculture in Manitoba", Canadian Ethnic Studies, XII(2), 1981, page 89.18. Annual Report to the Twenty-eighth Annual Meeting of Co-op Vegetable Oils Ltd., forthe year ending July 31, 1971, page 11.19. Interview with H. D. Hildebrand, Aug. 25, 1983.20. RRVE, March 29, 1967; Aug. 14, 1963.21. Interview with H. D. Hildebrand, Aug. 25,1983.22. RRVE, Feb. 8, 1978.23. Ibid., April 6, 1966.24. Ibid., March 16,1977.25. Ibid., May 28,1975; April 13, 1977.26. Ibid., Nov. 22,1978; Oct. 18, 1978; Jan. 17,1979.27. Esther Epp-Tiessen, op. cit., pages 300-301.28. Ibid., page 299.29. Ibid., page 303; Interview with D. K. Friesen, Aug. 15, 1983.30. Ibid., page 300.31. An Illustrated History of Co-op Vegetable Oils, (unpublished manuscript, Altona:1981), page 9.32. Ibid., page 11.33. Esther Epp-Tiessen, op. cit., page 302.34. RRVE, July 13, 1963.35. Esther Epp-Tiessen, op. cit., page 315.36. Ibid., pages 353-54.37. Census of Canada; Manitoba, Department of Industry and Commerce, RegionalDevelopment Branch, Regional Analysis Program: Southern Manitoba (1975); Manitoba,Department of Economic Development and Tourism, Community Reports for 1978 listedthe trading area population of Altona as 26,000, Gretna - 1,500 and Plum Coulee·-2,000.38. Esther Epp-Tiessen, op. cit., page 351.39. W. L. Morton, op. cit., page 477.40. RRVE, June 19,1983.41. R.M. of Rhineland Development Plan.252

Appendix I188043 Vic.Cap. I188144 Vic.Cap. III188346 & 47 Vic.Cap. 1.188649 Vic.Cap. 52189053 Vic.Cap. 5519166 GEO. VCap. 76Changing Municipal BoundariesLXXVIII. No. 12, or Rhineland, shall comprise that part ofthe Mennonite Reserve in the counties of Dufferin and Morrisnot included in Morris or South Dufferin, and the councilshall be elected by a general vote of the electors.CLXII. No. 12, or Rhineland, shall comprise that part of theMennonite reserve described as follows: Townships 1,2, and3, ranges 1, 2, 3 and 4, and the two eastern tiers of sections inrange 5 west, and the council shall be elected by the generalvote of the electors.(No.3.) To be known as the Municipality of Douglas, shallcomprise townships 1,2, and 3, ranges 1 and 2 west. (Countyof Manchester)(No.1.) To be known as the Municipality of Rhineland, shallcomprise townships 1,2 and 3, ranges 3 and 4, and the easttwo miles of range 5, west. (County of Dufferin)(No.3.) To be known as the Municipality of Douglas, shallcomprise townships 1,2, and 3, ranges 1 and 2, west, andtownship 1, range 1, east. (County of Manchester)(No. I.) To be known as the Municipality of Rhineland, shallcomprise townships 1, 2 and 3, ranges 3 and 4, and the easttwo miles of range 5, west. (County of Dufferin)31. The rural municipality of Rhineland shall comprisetownship I, range I east, and townships I and 2, ranges I t04west, both inclusive, and township 3, ranges I, 2 and 3 west.94. The Rural Municipality of Rhineland shall comprisetownship I, in range I east, and townships I, 2 and 3, inranges 1,2 and 3 west, excepting the Town of Gretna and thevillage of Plum Coulee.97. The Rural Municipality of Stanley shall comprise townships1, 2 and 3 in ranges 4,5 and 6 west, excepting the Townof Morden and the Village of Winkler.Appendix II Copies of Two Village AgreementsVillage of Neuenburg1. We, the undersigned Mennonites of the Colony Neuenburg, who are twenty ownerscomprising the village commune, hereby bind ourselves to place our land, which wehave received from the government in fee simple, in communal as we are used to have itin Russia.2. But because the laws of the land here are such that each must enter his homesteadseparately, we agree to select by lot, but also agree to retain it in communal use.3. It is agreed that each one may sell his homestead (i.e. the twentieth portion of the fivesections which belong to the village) providing that a majority of the village ownersagree, that is, two-thirds of the village owners.253

4. To bind ourselves to these terms we, by our own hand, individually and severally, signour names on the reverse hereof. On the strength of this agreement we desire that thegovernment confirm (and) make it binding upon our descendants.Kornelius VeerKornelius FriesenJakob GerbrandJohann FunkAbraham DoellDiedrich RempelDavid FriesenJacob DUckJulius KlassenKornelius GiesbrechtJohann FriesenJakob FriesenWihelm RedekopWilhelm LoewenDavid FriesenJohan NeifeldtCornelius VeerJakob FehrAbraham FehrBernhard PennerSo done in the village office at Neuenburg on the 26th of June 1882.Source: Public Archives of Canada: Settlement and Ethnic Groups Collection.254

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;,I)'f"";,"'..•.;~:'i'~."262

Appendix III: Reeves, Councillors and Secretary-Treasurers of the R.M. of Rhinelandfrom 1884-1984.DouglasYear 1884Reeve Otto SchultzJohann SchwartzJohann BuhlerPeter FunkGerhard KlassenPeter FriesenJohann BraunClerk - Franz KliewerYear 1885Reeve Enoch WinklerJohann SchwartzAbram LoeppkyPeter FunkGerhard KlassenPeter FriesenDavid WiebeClerk - Franz KliewerYear 1886Reeve Enoch WinklerPeter EppJohann BuhlerAbram FriesenAnton HeppnerMartin FriesenJohann BraunClerk - Franz KliewerRhinelandYear 1884Reeve Jarvis MottWard 1 Peter Zacharias2 Jacob Giesbrecht3 Bernhard Hilbrand4 David Reddekopp5 Heinrich Reimer6 Jacob NickelSec. Treas. - Wilhelm RempelYear 1885Reeve Jacob GiesbrechtWard 1 Bernhard Penner2 Jacob Warkentin3 Bernhard Hilbrand4 Heinrich Dyck5 Isaac Wiens6 1. KlassenSec. Treas. - Wilhelm RempelYear 1886Reeve Jacob GiesbrechtWard 1 B. Penner2 1. Warkentin3 B. Hilbrand4 Cornelius Bergman5 Isaac Wiens6 Franz RempelSec. Treas. - Wm. RempelYear 1887Reeve Peter FunkErdman PennerJohann PennerBernhard WiebeAbram FriesenHienrich DueckAbram LoeppkyClerk - Franz KliewerYear 1888Reeve David PetersPeter FriesenPeter BergenGerhard KlassenHeinrich DueckPeter HiebertJohann PennerClerk - Franz KliewerYear 1887Reeve Jacob GiesbrechtWard 1 Ditrich Hiebert2 Jacob Warkentin3 Wilhelm Reddekopp and JacobMartens4 Johann Penner5 I. Wiens6 Herman KethlerSec. Treas. - Wm. RempelYear 1888Reeve Jacob WarkentinWard 1 D. Hiebert2 Peter Abrams3 1. Martens4 Cornelius Groening5 Isaac Dyck6 Peter PetersSec. Treas. - Wm. Rempel263

Year 1889Reeve Peter BergenPeter FriesenHeinrich DueckPeter ReimerAbram DoerksenPhilip HiebertJacob FriesenClerk - Franz KliewerYear 1890Reeve Gerhard KlassenPeter ReimerAnton HeppnerHeinrich WiebeAbraham DoerksenJacob HeppnerJacob FriesenSec. Treas. - 1. P. SiemensClerk - Wilhelm RempelRhinelandYear 1891Reeve Gerhard KlassenWard I Abraham Doerksen2 Jacob Toews3 Wilhelm Hiebert4 Jacob Buhler5 Berhard Wiebe6 Johann SiemensSec. Treas. - Peter P. SiemensYear 1893Reeve 1. HeppnerWard I P. R. Friesen2 1. Toews3 P. Warkentin4 1. Kauenhofen5 Peter Reimer6 Jacob SiemensSec. Treas. - D. SchellenbergYear 1895Reeve J. HeppnerWard I Cornelius Kroeker2 Cornelius Bergman3 P. Warkentin4 Abram Loeppky5 Bernhard Wiebe6 Peter EppSec. Treas. - C. HiebertYear 1889Reeve 1. WarkentinWard I D. Hiebert2 Wilhelm Esau3 1. Martens4 Cornelius Groening5 Jacob Dyck6 Cornelius DoellSec. Treas. - Wm. RempelYear 1890Reeve 1. MartensWard I D. Hiebert2 Isaac Doerksen3 Franz Ens4 Johann Kauenhofen5 1. Dyck6 Jacob WiebeSec. Treas. - Peter P. SiemensYear 1892Reeve Jacob HeppnerWard I Peter R. Friesen2 D. Hiebert3 Peter Warkentin4 1. Kauenhofen5 Anton Heppner6 Peter WiebeSec. Treas. - David SchellenbergYear 1894Reeve 1. HeppnerWard I Johann Loewen2 Cornelius Bergman3 P. Warkentin4 1. Kauenhofen5 Anton Heppner6 Dietrich DyckSec. Treas. - C. HiebertYear 1896Reeve Anton HeppnerWard I Jacob Hildebrand2 Jacob Wiebe3 Cornelius Warkentin4 1. Kauenhofen5 Abram Giesbrecht6 Peter BraunSec. Treas. - Wm. Rempel264

Year 1897Reeve J. HeppnerWard 1 Jacob Hildebrand2 Jacob Wiebe3 Jacob Peters4 J. Kauenhofen5 William Unger6 Jacob SchwartzClerk - G. LimprechtYear 1899Reeve Johan SiemensWard 1 Peter Hamm2 Jacob Wiebe3 Cornelius Buhr4 J. A. Klassen5 Wm. Giesbrecht6 Jacob SchwartzSec. Treas. - Theo. KintziYear 1898Reeve Peter R. FriesenWard 1 Jacob Hildebrand2 Jacob Wiebe3 Cornelius Buhr4 Abram Loeppky5 William Giesbrecht6 Jacob SchwartzClerk - G. LimprechtYear 1900Reeve Cornelius BergmannWard 1 Peter Hamm2 Dietrich Hiebert3 Johann Peters4 Gerhard Froese5 W. P. Janzen6 Wm. BergSec. Treas. - Theo. KintziYear 1901Reeve Anton HoeppnerWard 1 Abr. Sawatzky2 D. Hiebert3 Johann Peters4 Gerhard Froese5 Wm. P. Janzen6 Jacob SchwartzSec. Treas. - F. F. SiemensYear 1903Reeve Cor. BergmannWard 1 H. J. Friesen2 Peter Reimer3 Peter Friesen4 J. A. Klassen5 W. P. Janzen6 G. SiemensSec. Treas. - F. F. SiemensYear 1902Reeve Cornelius BergmannWard 1 Abr. Sawatzky2 Peter Reimer3 Johann Peters4 Gerhard Froese5 W. P. Janzen6 H. LoeppkySec. Treas. - F. F. SiemensYear 1904Reeve Wm. BergWard 1 H. J. Friesen2 Peter Reimer3 Peter Friesen4 J. A. Klassen5 W. P. Janzen6 G. SiemensSec. Treas. - F. F. SiemensYear 1905Reeve Wm. BergWard 1 H. Reimer2 J. T. Loeppky3 P. P. Braun4 J. A. Klassen5 Wm. Giesbrecht6 P. S. FunkSec. Treas. - F. F. SiemensYear 1906Reeve Wm. BergWard 1 H. Reimer2 J. T. Loeppky3 P. P. Braun4 Gerhard Froese5 Wm. Giesbrecht6 Peter BraunSec. Treas. - F. F. Siemens265

Year 1907Reeve Wm. BergWard 1 H. Reimer2 J. T. Loeppky3 P. P. Braun4 J. P. Harder5 H. Friesen6 H. H. NickelSec. Treas. - P. BraunYear 1909Reeve H. J. FriesenWard 1 1. Hildebrand2 P. Toews3 P. P. Braun4 J. Martens5 H. Friesen6 H. LeoppkySec. Treas. - Peter BraunYear 1908Reeve H. J. FriesenWard 1 A. Sawatzky2 P. Toews3 P. P. Braun4 J. P. Harder5 H. Friesen6 John WiebeSec. Treas. - Peter BraunYear 1910Reeve H. J. FriesenWard 1 1. Hildebrand2 D. Hiebert3 J. Martens4 A. A. Hiebert5 J. Derksen6 F. J. SiemensSec. Treas. - Peter BraunYear 19l1Reeve H. J. FriesenWard 1 1. Hildebrand2 Philip Hiebert3 J. Martens4 A. A. Hiebert5 J. Derksen6 F. J. SiemensSec. Treas. - Peter BraunYear 1913Reeve J. P. DerksenWard I Is. Hildebrand2 Peter Buhr3 P. Unrau4 A. A. Hiebert5 H. D. Penner6 F. J. SiemensSec. Treas. - H. H. HammYear 1912Reeve H. J. FriesenWard I 1. Hildebrand2 Philip Hiebert3 P. Unrau4 A. A. Hiebert5 H. D. Penner6 F. J. SiemensSec. Treas. - Peter BraunYear 1914Reeve H. J. FriesenWard 1 Is. Hildebrand2 A. D. Hiebert3 P. Unrau4 A. A. Hiebert5 H. D. Penner6 Abram SawatzkySec. Treas. - H. H. HammYear 1915Reeve H. J. FriesenWard 1 Is. Hildebrand2 A. D. Hiebert3 P. Unrau4 A. A. Hiebert5 H. D. Penner6 Abram SawatzkySec. Treas. - H. H. HammYear 1916Reeve H. J. FriesenWard 1 Is. Hildebrand2 A. D. Hiebert3 P. Kroeker4 A. A. Hiebert5 H. D. Penner6 Abram SawatzkySec. Treas. - H. H. Hamm266

Year 1917Reeve 1. A. KlassenWard I Is. Hildebrand2 A. D. Hiebert3 P. Kroeker4 H. D. Penner5 K. Knopf6 Abram SawatzkySec. Treas. - H. H. HamrnYear 1919Reeve H. D. PennerWard I Abe Klassen2 1. 1. Toews3 P. Kroeker4 Jaco.b Heinrichs5 1. A. Thiessen6 John FehrSec. Treas. - H. H. HamrnYear 1918Reeve 1. A. KlassenWard I Is. Hildebrand2 A. D. Hiebert3 P. Kroeker4 H. D. Penner5 K. Knopf6 John FehrSec. Treas. - H. H. HamrnYear 1920Reeve P. A. ToewsWard I Abe Klassen2 1. 1. Toews3 W. 1. Giesbrecht4 Peter Unrau5 1. A. Thiessen6 John FehrSec. Treas. - H. H. HamrnYear 1921Reeve P. A. ToewsWard I Abe Klassen2 1. 1. Toews3 1. D. Giesbrecht4 Peter Unrau5 1. A. Thiessen6 G. G. FalkSec. Treas. - H. H. HamrnYear 1923Reeve P. A. ToewsWard I Abe Klassen2 1. 1. Toews3 1. D. Giesbrecht4 F. F. Thiessen5 1. A. Thiessen6 1. 1. RempelSec. Treas. - H. H. HammYear 1922Reeve P. A. ToewsWard I Abe Klassen2 1. 1. Toews3 1. D. Giesbrecht4 F. F. Thiessen5 1. A. Thiessen6 1. 1. RempelSec. Treas. - H. H. HamrnYear 1924Reeve P. A. ToewsWard I 1. F. Reimer2 1. 1. Toews3 1. D. Giesbrecht4 F. F. Thiessen5 1. A. Thiessen6 1. 1. RempelSec. Treas. - H. H. HammYear 1925Reeve P. A. ToewsWard I 1. 1. Friesen2 1. 1. Toews3 1. D. Giesbrecht4 F. F. Thiessen5 Ed Pokrant6 1. 1. RempelSec. Treas. - H. H. HammYear 1926Reeve P. A. ToewsWard I 1. 1. Friesen2 1. 1. Dyck3 1. D. Giesbrecht4 1. 1. Wiebe5 Ed Pokrant6 1. 1. RempelSec. Treas. - H. H. Hamm267

Year 1927Reeve P. A. ToewsWard I 1. 1. Friesen2 1. 1. Dyck3 1. D. Giesbrecht4 1. 1. Wiebe5 Ed Pokrant6 1. 1. RempelSec. Treas. - H. H. HammYear 1928Reeve P. A. ToewsWard I 1. 1. Friesen2 1. 1. Dyck3 1. D. Giesbrecht4 1. 1. Wiebe5 Ed Pokrant6 1. 1. RempelSec. Treas. - H. H. HammYear 1929Reeve P. A. ToewsWard I 1. 1. Friesen2 1. 1. Toews3 1. D. Giesbrecht4 1. 1. Wiebe5 Ed Pokrant6 1. 1. RempelSec. Treas. - H. H. HammYear 1930Reeve 1. D. GiesbrechtWard I 1. 1. Friesen2 1. 1. Toews3 1. C. Braun4 1. 1. Wiebe5 Ed Pokrant6 1. 1. RempelSec. Treas. - H. H. HammYear 1931Reeve 1. D. GiesbrechtWard I 1. 1. Friesen2 1. 1. Toews3 1. C. Braun4 1. 1. Wiebe5 Ed Pokrant6 1. 1. RempelSec. Treas. - H. H. HammYear 1933Reeve 1. D. GiesbrechtWard I 1. 1. Friesen2 1. 1. Toews3 1. C. Braun4 C. G. Stoesz5 Ed Pokrant6 1. 1. RempelSec. Treas. - H. H. HammYear 1932Reeve 1. D. GiesbrechtWard I 1. 1. Friesen2 1. 1. Toews3 1. C. Braun4 C. G. Stoesz5 Ed Pokrant6 1. 1. RempelSec. Treas. - H. H. HammYear 1934Reeve 1. D. GiesbrechtWard I 1. 1. Friesen2 1. 1. Toews3 1. C. Braun4 1. C. Stoesz5 Ed Pokrant6 1. 1. RempelSec. Treas. - H. H. HammYear 1935Reeve 1. D. GiesbrechtWard I 1. 1. Friesen2 1. 1. Toews3 1. C. Braun4 C. G. Stoesz5 Ed Pokrant6 1. 1. RempelSec. Treas. - H. H. HammYear 1936Reeve 1. D. GiesbrechtWard I J. 1. Friesen2 1. J. Toews3 1. C. Braun4 C. G. Stoesz5 Ed Pokrant6 J. J. RempelSec. Treas. - H. H. Hamm268

Year 1937Reeve 1. D. GiesbrechtWard I 1. 1. Friesen2 1. 1. Toews3 1. C. Braun4 C. G. Stoesz5 Ed Pokrant6 1. 1. RempelSec. Treas. - H. H. HammYear 1938Reeve 1. D. GiesbrechtWard I 1. 1. Friesen2 1. 1. Toews3 John C. Braun4 G. A. Friesen5 Ed Pokrant6 1. 1. RempelSec. Treas. - H. H. HammYear 1939Reeve 1. D. GiesbrechtWard I 1. 1. Friesen2 1. 1. Toews3 1. P. Hoeppner4 G. A. Friesen5 Ed Pokrant6 1. 1. RempelSec. Treas. - H. H. HammYear 1940Reeve 1. D. GiesbrechtWard I 1. 1. Friesen2 1. F. Janzen3 1. P. Hoeppner4 G. A. Friesen5 Ed Pokrant6 1. 1. RempelSec. Treas. - H. H. HammYear 1941Reeve 1. D. GiesbrechtWard I 1. 1. Friesen2 1. F. Janzen3 1. P. Hoeppner4 G. A. Friesen5 Ed Pokrant6 1. 1. RempelSec. Treas. - H. H. HammYear 1943Reeve 1. D. GiesbrechtWard I 1. 1. Friesen2 H. P. Hildebrandt3 John C. Braun4 G. A. Friesen5 Ed Pokrant6 1. 1. RempelSec. Treas. - H. H. HammYear 1942Reeve 1. D. GiesbrechtWard I 1. 1. Friesen2 1. F. Janzen3 1. C. Braun4 G. A. Friesen5 Ed Pokrant6 J. 1. RempelSec. Treas. - H. H. HammYear 1944Reeve 1. D. GiesbrechtWard I 1. 1. Friesen2 H. P. Hildebrandt3 John C. Braun4 G. A. Friesen5 Ed Pokrant6 1. J. RempelSec. Treas. - O. H. HammYear 1945Reeve 1. D. GiesbrechtWard I David Wall2 H. P. Hildebrandt3 John C. Braun4 G. A. Friesen5 Ed Pokrant6 1. 1. RempelSec. Treas. - O. H. HammYear 1946Reeve 1. D. GiesbrechtWard I David Wall2 H. P. Hildebrandt3 Albert Porte4 A. H. Letkeman5 Ed Pokrant6 Peter 1. KehlerSec. Treas. - D. D. Stobbe269

Year 1947Reeve 1. D. GiesbrechtWard 1 David Wall2 H. P. Hildebrandt3 Albert Porte4 A. H. Letkeman5 Ed Pokrant6 Peter 1. KehlerSec. Treas. - D. D. StobbeYear 1949Reeve Ed PokrantWard 1 David Wall2 M. P. Giesbrecht3 Albert Porte4 A. H. Letkeman5 1. A. Thiessen6 W. E. DueckSec. Treas. - D. D. StobbeYear 1948Reeve Ed PokrantWard 1 David Wall2 H. P. Hildebrandt3 Albert Porte4 A. H. Letkeman5 1. A. Thiessen6 W. E. DueckSec. Treas. - D. D. StobbeYear 1950Reeve Ed PokrantWard 1 1. W. Schwartz2 M. P. Giesbrecht3 B. W. Penner4 A. H. Letkeman5 Wm. Pokrant6 W. E. DueckSec. Treas. - D. D. StobbeYear 1951Reeve Ed PokrantWard 1 1. W. Schwartz2 M. P. Giesbrecht3 B. W. Penner4 A. H. Letkeman5 Wm. Pokrant6 W. E. DueckSec. Treas. - D. D. StobbeYear 1953Reeve Ed PokrantWard 1 1. W. Schwartz2 M. P. Giesbrecht3 B. W. Penner4 G. A. Friesen5 Wm. Pokrant6 W. E. DueckSec. Treas. - D. D. StobbeYear 1952Reeve Ed PokrantWard 1 1. W. Schwartz2 M. P. Giesbrecht3 B. W. Penner4 G. A. Friesen5 Wm. Pokrant6 W. E. DueckSec. Treas. - D. D. StobbeYear 1954Reeve H. P. HildebrandtWard 1 1. W. Schwartz2 M. P. Giesbrecht3 B. W. Penner4 G. A. Friesen5 Wm. Pokrant6 W. E. DueckSec. Treas. - D. D. StobbeYear 1955Reeve H. P. HildebrandtWard 1 Carl Schroeder2 M. P. Giesbrecht3 B. W. Penner4 G. A. Friesen5 August Lang6 W. E. DueckSec. Treas. - D. D. StobbeYear 1956Reeve 1. F. JanzenWard I Carl Schroeder2 H. B. Rempel3 B. W. Penner4 G. A. Friesen5 August Lang6 W. E. DueckSec. Treas. - D. D. Stobbe270

Year 1957Reeve 1. F. JanzenWard I Carl Schroeder2 H. B. Rempel3 B. W. Penner4 G. A. Friesen5 August Lang6 W. E. DueckSec. Treas. - D. D. StobbeYear 1959Reeve David WallWard I Carl Schroeder2 H. B. Rempel3 B. W. Penner4 H. W. Dyck5 August Lang6 John BraunSec. Treas. - D. D. StobbeYear 1958Reeve David WallWard I Carl Schroeder2 H. B. Rempel3 B. W. Penner4 H. W. Dyck5 August Lang6 W. E. DueckSec. Treas. - D. D. StobbeYear 1960Reeve W. E. DueckWard I Carl Schroeder2 H. B. Rempel3 B. W. Penner4 H. W. Dyck5 August Lang6 John BraunSec. Treas. - D. D. Stobbe1961Reeve W. E. DueckWard I H. D. Hildebrand2 B. Gerbrandt3 B. W. Penner4 H. W. Dyck5 August Lang6 John BraunSec. Treas. - D. D. StobbeYear 1963Reeve W. E. DueckWard I H. D. Hildebrand2 B. Gerbrandt3 B. W. Penner4 H. W. Dyck5 August Lang6 John BraunSec. Treas. - D. D. StobbeYear 1962Reeve W. E. DueckWard I H. D. Hildebrand2 B. Gerbrandt3 B. W. Penner4 H. W. Dyck5 August Lang6 John BraunSec. Treas. - D. D. StobbeYear 1964Reeve W. E. DueckWard I H. D. Hildebrand2 B. Gerbrandt3 B. W. Penner4 H. W. Dyck5 August Lang6 John BraunSec. Treas. - D. D. StobbeYear 1965Reeve W. E. DueckWard I H. D. Hildebrand2 B. Gerbrandt3 B. W. Penner4 H. W. Dyck5 August Lang6 John BraunSec. Treas. - D. D. StobbeYear 1966Reeve W. E. DueckWard I H. D. Hildebrand2 B. Gerbrandt3 B. W. Penner4 H. W. Dyck5 August Lang6 John BraunSec. Treas. - D. D. Stobbe271

Year 1967Reeve W. E. DueckWard 1 John Wahl2 B. Gerbrandt3 B. W. Penner4 H. W. Dyck5 August Lang6 W. B. KlippensteinSec. Treas. - D. D. StobbeYear 1969Reeve H. D. HildebrandWard 1 John Wahl2 B. Gerbrandt3 B. W. Penner4 John G. Stoesz5 August Lang6 W. B. KlippensteinSec. Treas. - D. D. StobbeYear 1971Reeve H. D. HildebrandWard 1 John Wahl2 John E. Wieler3 B. W. Penner4 Peter Unrau5 August Lang6 W. B. KlippensteinSec. Treas. - D. D. StobbeYear 1973Reeve H. D. HildebrandWard I John Wahl2 John E. Wieler3 B. W. Penner4 Peter Unrau5 Abram 1. FroeseSec. Treas. - D. D. StobbeYear 1968Reeve H. D. HildebrandWard I John Wahl2 B. Gerbrandt3 B. W. Penner4 John G. Stoesz5 August Lang6 W. B. KlippensteinSec. Treas. - D. D. StobbeYear 1970Reeve H. D. HildebrandWard I John Wahl2 B. Gerbrandt3 B. W. Penner4 John G. Stoesz5 August Lang6 W. B. KlippensteinSec. Treas. - D. D. StobbeYear 1972Reeve H. D. HildebrandWard I John Wahl2 John E. Wieler3 B. W. Penner4 Peter Unrau5 August Lang - Ward disappearedend of Nov. amalgamatedwith Ward 6. Now known asWard 5.6 Abram 1. FroeseSec. Treas. - D. D. StobbeYear 1974Reeve H. D. HildebrandWard I John Wahl2 John E. Wieler3 B. W. Penner4 Peter Unrau5 Abram 1. FroeseSec. Treas. - D. D. StobbeYear 1975Reeve H. D. HildebrandWard I John Wahl2 John E. Wieler3 B. W. Penner - to 10/6/754 Peter Unrau5 Abram 1. FroeseSec. Treas. - D. D. StobbeYear 1976Reeve H. D. HildebrandWard I John Wahl2 John E. Wieler3 Frank D. Peters4 Peter Unrau5 Abram 1. FroeseSec. Treas. - I. 1. Braun272

Year 1977Reeve H. D. HildebrandWard I John Wahl2 Peter A. Elias3 Frank D. Peters4 Peter Unrau5 A. J. FroeseSec. Treas. - 1. J. BraunYear 1979Reeve H. D. HildebrandWard I John Wahl2 Peter A. Elias3 Frank D. Peters4 Peter Unrau5 A. J. FroeseMun. Clerk - Jake BergenTreasurer - Irvin J. BraunYear 1981Reeve H. D. HildebrandWard I J. H. Schroeder2 Peter A. Elias3 Frank D. Peters4 Henry G. Stoesz5 A. J. FroeseMun. Clerk - Jake BergenTreasurer - Irvin J. BraunYear 1983Reeve Henry D. HildebrandWard I Jacob H. Schroeder2 Peter A. Elias3 Frank D. Peters4 Henry G. Stoesz5 Abram J. FroeseMunicipal Clerk - Jake BergenTreasurer - Irvin J. BraunYear 1978Reeve H. D. HildebrandWard I John Wahl2 Peter A. Elias3 Frank D. Peters4 Peter Unrau5 A. J. FroeseMun. Clerk - Jake BergenTreasurer - Irvin J. BraunYear 1980Reeve H. D. HildebrandWard I J. H. Schroeder2 Peter A. Elias3 Frank D. Peters4 Peter Unrau5 A. J. FroeseMun. Clerk - Jake BergenTreasurer - Irvin J. BraunYear 1982Reeve H. D. HildebrandWard I Jacob H. Schroeder2 Peter A. Elias3 Frank D. Peters4 Henry G. Stoesz5 Abram J. FroeseMunicipal Clerk - Jake BergenTreasurer - Irvin J. BraunYear 1984Reeve Jacob H. SchroederWard I Randall Pappel2 Peter A. Elias3 Ben Schellenberg4 Henry G. Stoesz5 Abram J. FroeseMunicipal Clerk - Jake BergenTreasurer - Irvin J. Braun273

endix IV: Historical Data on School Districts and Private Schools in the. of Rhineland.lfed by John Rempel and William 1. Kehleraformation in these charts was based on the R.M. of Rhineland By-laws and Minutes,:tors Reports From Mennonite School Districts and on Mary Brewster Perfect's MED5, "100 Years in the History of Rural Schools of Manitoba: Their Formation, Rezationand Dissolution 1871-1971", (University of Manitoba, 1978).of the information on Private Schools is based on conversations with older peopleld been students in the private schools of that era.Regarding Rhineland and Garden Valley School Divisionsmd School Division (Multi-District) providing secondary education services washed by referendum in the spring of 1963, to be effective January 1, 1964.nd School Division (Unitary) was established by Order-in-Council on August 19,be effective January 1, 1972.Valley School Division (Multi-District) providing secondary education servicesblished to be effective January 1, 1964.Valley School Division (Unitary) was established by Order-in-Council to beJanuary 1, 1973.274

Name of Public Date and Instrument of Date of Dissolution Last School Loc. Probable Loc. of Private Year of Closure of PrivateSchool District Formation in Original School School in Area School and Last TeacherDist.Houston Nov. 17, 1884 Jan. I, 1964 to become part of Cons. SW 26-1-1 E Prior to 1920, private schools operated in variousNo. 214 - exact instrument of Halbstadt and NE 34-1-1 locations in different years in South and North(Blumenthal) formation not known E Blumenthal on Section 26-1-1 E and also NW33-1-1 E and later SE 4-2-1 E.Last teachers - unknown.Edenburg Douglas By-law No. Jan. I, 1967 to become part of Cons. Gretna. SE 11-1-1 WNo. 330 13- Aug. 19, 1884 andsubsequent RhinelandBy-law No. 25- June 6, 1893.Altona Douglas By-law No. Jan. I, 1967 to become Cons. Altona and on SE 8-2-1 W Mennonite Educational Building destroyed byNo. 333 13 Aug. 8, 1971 by O.I.e. became part of lnst. opened 1908 in fire - Jan. 26, 1926.- Aug. 19, 1884 Rhineland School Division Altona.N Gretna R.M. of Douglas By- Jan. I, 1967 to become Cons. Gretna and by SE5-1-1 W Mennonite Collegiate still operating-.JUl No. 336 law No. 12 O.I.C. on Aug. 18, 1971 became part of lnst. (MCI) (in village- Aug. 19, 1884 Rhineland School Division No. 18. of Gretna - opened1889)Silberfeld Douglas By-law No. June 6, 1911 and given a new number (No. SW 22-1-1 W SE 14-1-1 W Prior to 1913 teacherNo. 523 30 - Jan. 10, 1888 1590) SW22-1-1 W SE 23-1-1 W prob. a Mr. Hildebrandreformed as June 6, 1911 Jan. I, 1967 to become part of Cons. Gretna SE 14-1-1 W Prob. 1913 and afterSilberfeld No. By-law No.? both Schoenhorst teacher John onrau1590 in 1911. 21-1-1 W Silberfeld Last teacher AnnaWiebePlum Coulee Rhineland By-law Jan. I, 1967 to become part of Cons. Plum SW 11-3-3 WNo. 651 No.5 Coulee till Jan. I, 1973 when it became part- April I , 1891 of Garden Valley School DivisionRosenfeld Douglas By-law No. Details not clear re Rosenfeld and Acheson NW9-3-1 WNo. 755 13 but Rosenfeld continued till July I, 1965 toAcheson - Aug. 19, 1884 become Cons. Rosenfeld and on Aug. 18,1971 by O.I.C. became part of RhinelandSchool Division.

Name of Public Date and Instrument of Date of Dissolution Last School Loc. Probable Loc. of Private Year of Closure of PrivateSchool District Formation in Original School School in Area School and Last TeacherDist.Edenthal Rhineland By-law ian. I, 1953 to become part of Edenburg. SE 7-1-1 E SW 8-1-1 E Probably 1919No. 756 No. 16 One of last teachers -- March 7, 1893 John Dyck.Strassberg Rhineland By-law Jan. I, 1967 to become part of Cons. Gretna. SE 11-1-1 E WY2 11-1-1 E About 1915-1920.No. 757 No. 15- March 7, 1893Kleinstadt Rhineland By-law Jan. I, 1967 to become part of Cons. Altona. SW 14-2-1 W SE 15-2-1 W 1910No. 781 No. 18- March 7, 1893Grossweide Rhineland By-law Jan. 1, 1971 to become part of Cons. Plum NE 20-3-2 WNo. 786 No. 28 Coulee.- Sept. 5, 1893Steinreich Rhineland By-law Aug. 18, 1971 when by o.I.C. it became part SW 10-3-2 Wchanged in 1938 No. 31 of January 2, of Rhineland School Division.N to Horndean 1894-...J0\ -No. 820Hoffnungsort Rhineland By-law To become part of Cons. Plum Coulee. NE 28-3-3 W 27-3-3 Closed in 1895.No. 821 No. 29 German minutes- Sept. 5, 1893 and indicate that a privatesubsequent Rhinelandschool operated at thisBy-Law No. 85 site prior to 1895.-June 7, 1900Greenfarm Arbitration Award Jan. I, 1969 to become part of Winkler SW 13-3-4 WNo. 853 -May 20, 1925 School District Dissolution by Arbitration.Amsterdam Rhineland By-law July I, 1965 when it became part of Cons. SE 35-2-1 WNo. 885 No. 50 Rosenfeld.- June 2, 1896Halbstadt April 18, 1896 July I, 1964 to become Halbstadt Cons. No. SE 9-1-1 E SW 10-1-1 E About 1911.No. 886 - by Judge Lock 214 and continued as such till Sept. I, 1967when it became part of Cons. Altona.Weidenfeld Rhineland By-law Jan. 6, 1966 when it became part of SW 36-2-2 W Unknown 1912No. 988 No. 66 Horndean and Rosenfeld.-1898

Hoffnungsthal Arbitration Award Jan. I, 1964 when it became part of Cons. SW 24-3-1 Wname changed on - Aug. 6,1901 Rosenfeld.Aug. 28, 1950 to and/or Rhineland By-Hope Vale law No. 101No. 1136 - same dateNew Kronsthal Rhineland By-law Jan. I, 1967 to become part of Cons. Plum SW 19-3-2 WNo. 1137 No. 96 Coulee.- June 21, 1901 andarbitration of March5, 1901Reichenbach Rhineland By-law July I, 1965 when it became part of Cons. SW 8-3-1 W SW 8-3-1 W land 2nd teacher Peter Dyck;No. 1198 No. 118 Rosenfeld. owner John D. Klassen 3rd teacher A. B.- Sept. 2, 1902 and built school in 1885 Wiebe closed 1910 orlater By-law No. 183 and taught there for 1912.- July 6, 1911 first 10 yrs.Alt Bergthal Douglas By-law No. July I, 1965 to become part of Cons. New SW 1-2-2 W SW 1-2-2 W 1918 last teacher-NNo. 1296 13 Hope. Johan Schellenberg-.)- Aug. 19, 1884 and-.)subsequent RhinelandBy-law No. 133- June 7, 1904Rosenheim Rhineland By-law July I, 1966 to become part of Homdean NW 14-3-2 1912No. 1306 No. 96 S.D.- March 5 or Aug.16,1904Neu Hoffnung Rhineland By-law July I, 1965 to become Cons. New Hope. NE 33-1-2 W(New Hope) No. 134 Aug. 18, 1971 it became part of RhinelandNo. 1310 - July 5, 1904 School Div. by way of O.I.e.Schoenthal Douglas By-law No. Jan. I, 1967 to become part of Cons. Altona. SE 18-2-1 W Probably SE 18-2-1 W 1910-1911No. 1552 36- March 5, 1889 andlater Rhineland BylawNo. 175- Dec. 6, 1910

tv'J00Name of Public Date and Instrument of Date of Dissolution Last School Loc. Probable Loc. of Private Year of Closure of PrivateSchool District Formation in Original School School in Area School and Last TeacherDist.New Kennedy June 29, 1911 July I, 1965 to become part of Cons. SE 32-3-1 WNo. 1573 -Prob. by Rosenfeld.Arbitration AwardEigenhof Douglas By-law No. Aug. 18, 1971 when by O.I.e. it became part SE 22-1-2 W SV2 15-1-2 Wand also 1912No. 1591 35 of Rhineland School Division. SVZ 16-1-2 W- Nov. 6, 1888Rhineland By-lawNo. 178-June 6, 1911Gruenthal Douglas By-law No. July I, 1967 to become part of Cons. Gretna NW 19-1-1 W WV213-1-2 W 1921 or 1922No. 1592 13 and Cons. Altona. Blumenhof area- Aug. 19, 1884 andsubsequent RhinelandBy-law No. 179- June 6, 1911Gnadenfeld Rhineland By-law July I, 1967 to become part of Cons. Altona. NW 27-1-1 W? SW 34-2-1 W 1921No. 1593 No. 180- June 6, 1911New Bergthal Rhineland By-law July I, 1967 to become part of Cons. Altona. SW 36-1-1 W SW 36-1-1 W 1921No. 1594 No. 181- June 6, 1911Rudnerweide Douglas By-law No. July I, 1965 to become part of Cons. New SW6-2-2 W Sw. 5-2-2 W 1922No. 1752 13 Hope. In the village of Rudnerweide (Previous records- Aug. 19, 1884 indicated that Kronsgart and Rudnerwiede area(apparently to no closed their private schools in 1914.)avail) and subsequentRhineland By-lawNo. 216-May 5,1914Clyde o.I.C. Aug. 18, 1971 to become part of Rhineland SE 32-2-1 W Prairie Mennonite 1975 transferred toNo. 1990 February 1, 1920 School Division by O.I.C. School started 1974 Grimsby area (seename changed to SE32-2-1 W Grimsby)Roseville beforeJune 1, 1956

Thames O.I.e. Aug. 18, 1971 to become part of Rhineland SE 20-1-2 W Reinthal UnknownNo. 1991 Feb. I, 1920 School Division by O.I.e. and NW 29-2-2 SE 25-2-2- WWMeath O.I.e. Jan. I, 1969 to become part of Winkler NE 30-2-3 W Unknown About 1920 or 1921No. 1992 Feb. 21,1920 School DistrictGrimsby By OJ.C. Jan. I, 1970 to become part of Cons. Plum SW 24-2-3 W SW 18-2-2 W 1918 or 1919 lastNo. 1993 Feb. 21,1920 Coulee Prairie Mennonite teacher John Neufeld(Heuboden) School on NW 13-2-3 Still operatingW opened in 1975Exeter O.I.C. Feb. 21,1920 April I, 1958 to become part of Cons. SE 1-1-3W SE 1-1-3 W in village 1925No. 1994 Rhineland By-law Kronsthal of Neuhorst last teacher Diedrich(Neuhorst) No. 326 Wiebe-July7,1925Birkenhead OJ.C. Jan. I, 1973 to become part of Garden Valley SE 3-2-4 W SW 2-2-4 W 1922 or 1923No. 1996 Feb. 21,1920 School Division In the village of last teacher CorneliusVillage of Neuenberg Klassentv Neuenberg--.JGnadenthal O.I.C. Jan. I, 1973 to become part of Garden Valley SE4-2-3 W\0NE4-2-3 W 1924-1925No. 1998 Feb. 21,1920 School Division In the village last teacher Mr. Harder(formerly knownGnadenthalas Wells) namechanged July 2,1938.Melba April 19, 1920 by Jan. I, 1967 to become part of Horndean NE 34-3-2 WNo. 2039 arbitration S.D.Barker Feb. II. 1921 Aug. 18, 1971 when it became part of NW 30-1-1 E NW 30-1-1 E Prob.I921later changed to By O.I.e. Rhineland School Division by way of O.I.C.SommerfeldNo. 2058(date of namechange notknown)Ekfried Rhineland By-law Jan. I, 1973 to become part of Garden Valley NW 15-2-3 W NW 15-2-3 WNo. 2061 No. 280 School Division(Blumengart) - March 2, 1921(Hutteritc Colony)

Name of Public Date and Instrument of Date of Dissolution Last School Loc. Probable Loc. of Private Year of Closure of PrivateSchool District Formation in Original School School in Area School and Last ThacherDist.Reinland Arbitration Award Jan. 1, 1973 to become part of Garden Valley NE 13-1-4 W NE 13-1-4 W 1925No. 2130 - June 26, 1925 School Division In the village of last teacher JohannReinlandDyckReinfeld O.I.C. Jan. I, 1973 to become part of Garden Valley NW 36-2-4 W NW 36-2-4 W Prob. 1925-1926No. 2075 Aug. 6, 1921 School Division (Village of In the village of last teacher Johanname changed to Reinfeld) Reinfeld FroeseCalder March 22,1957Rosengart Arbitration Award Jan. 1, 1973 to become part of Garden Valley SW 7-1-3 W SW7-1-3 W 1925No. 2131 - June 26, 1925 School Division In the village of last teacher may haveRosengartbeen a Mr. HeinrichsAesop Rhineland By-law April 1, 1958 to become part of Cons. SE 23-1-3 W NW 13-1-3 W 1925 or 1926No. 2132 No. 327 Kronsthal In the village of last teacher JacobN (Rosenort) -July 7, 1925 Rosenort? Penner000 Kronsthal Rhineland By-law March I, 1958 when it became part of Cons. WVZ 18-1-2 W WY2 18-1-2 W 1925No. 2133 No. 328 Kronsthal and continued as such till Aug. 18, last teacher Johan W.-July 7, 1925 1971 when it became part of Rhineland RempelSchool Division by way of O.I.e.Schoen wiese Rhineland By-law Jan. 1, 1973 to become part of Garden Valley SE 17-1-3 W SE 17-1-3 W 1924No. 2134 No. 329 School Division In the village of Last teacher was(formerly known -July 7, 1925 Schoenwiese. George Klassen.as Snowden) Snowden formed byO.I.e. Feb. 21, 1920Hamburg Originally Rhineland Jan. I, 1967 to become part of Cons. Plum NE 16-3-3 WNo. 2139 By-law No. 51 Coulee- Feb. 26, 1889 andlater by arbitration- Aug. 8, 1925South Park Oct. 6,1925 July I, 1968 to become part of Cons. Gretna SW 3-1-2 W SY2 3-1-2 W 1925No. 2141 Instrument of Lot 26 in the village of Last teacher Jacob A.(Blumenort) formation not known Blumenort Enns

N00Schoenau Original Rhineland July I, 1967 to become part of Cons. Altona NW 13-2-2 W NW 13-2-2 W Probably 1929No. 2142 by-law No. 80- Feb. 6, 1900 andfollowed up byRhineland By-lawNo. 334-Jan. 5,1926Kronsgart June 7, 1926 by July I, 1967 to become part of Winkler SE 36-3-4 WNo. 2151 Judge's Order School DistrictKleefeld Rhineland By-law Jan. I, 1967 to become part of Cons. Plum SE 34-2-3 W SW 27-2-3 W Fall of 1920No. 2160 No. 346 Coulee Last teacher Jacob- Dec. 7, 1926 DueckFriedensruh Arbitration Award Jan. I, 1973 to become part of Garden Valley NW 13-2-4 W NE 13-2-4 W 1928No. 2178 -March 8, 1928 School Division In the village of last teacher Peter WiebeFriedensruh Uustoutside of R.M.Rhineland boundary)Consolidated March 1958 Operated until Aug. 18, 1971 when it becameKronsthalpart of Rhineland School DivisionNo. 1994Cons. Halbstadt July 1,1964 Operated until Sept. I, 1967 when it becameNo. 214part of Cons. AltonaCons. New Hope July I, 1965 Operated until Aug. 18, 1971 when it becameNo. 2437part of Rhineland School DivisionCons. Rosenfeld July 1,1965 Operated until Aug. 18, 1971 when it becameNo. 885part of Rhineland School DivisionCons. Altona January I, 1967 Operated until Aug. 18, 1971 when it becameNo. 333part of Rhineland School DivisionCons. Gretna Jan. I, 1967 Operated until Aug. 18, 1971 when it becameNo. 330part of Rhineland School DivisionCons. Plum Jan. I, 1967CouleeNo. 2446

Appendix V: General Decree for the Private Schools of the Sommerfelder MennoniteCongregation in Southern Manitoba, Canada.This is a translation from the original German "Allgemeine Schulverordnung fUr denPrivatschulen der Sommerfelder Mennoniten Gemeinde in Sud-Manitoba Canada".The Altona Printery, (translated by Wm. J. Kehler, 1984.)The Altona Printery.General Decree.''And that from a child thou hast known the Holy Scriptures, which are able to makeThee wise unto Salvation through faith which is in Christ Jesus" II Timothy 3:15. This is themain object and responsibility in life. - The testimony given to our ancestor Abraham byGod in Genesis 18:19 "For I know him that he will command his children and his householdafter him, and they shall keep the way of the Lord, to do justice and judgement", is wellworth following. To impress this on future generations it is of utmost importance that thishappen in our schools, the origin of Christianity where the Lord's lambs will be grazed ingreen pastures.Our prayer to God is that we may be worthy of our claim to be the defenceless andpacifist people in the country.We are called a Christian people who migrated from Europe, and as had been the aimof the clergy in Russia, we deem it important that we continue to instruct the importance ofstriving for the Kingdom of God, and experience has taught us that we should not neglect toteach our children here in America, to bring them to Jesus who is still beckoning "sufferlittle children to come unto me and forbid them not", Math. 19:14. Thus, we find itimportant to plant the seed of Christian faith in our children early, by instructing them in ourschools according to scripture. Towards this end our government has given us a free hand,provided we maintain our own schools, and they have wished us well in bringing up ourchildren in a Christian way. Next to God we are grateful to our government for the privilegeof raising our children according to the creed of our religious principles, so that we maygrow into a people that are indeed worthy of our name.Therefore, the clergy have decided to draw up a set of basic regulations on which theschools are to operate, as follows:1. Any teacher must be a member in good standing of a church, of a reputablecharacter and a good example to his pupils. It is of utmost importance that he act in a soberand well behaved manner whenever he meets his pupils outside the classroom, so as not toundo the benefit of the good lessons he taught them during classes. It is therefore the duty ofthe teacher to act in a manner to deserve the love and respect of the pupils. That would be afertile dew on the seed he has sown.2. School is to be opened and concluded with song and prayer. Prayer is to be saidout loud in unison with the pupils, so as to give them practice in praying. The songs are to beselected from our church hymnary. The teacher is further required to instruct singing, butonly in the most humble fashion.Unison singing only is permitted, otherwise we might be drawn away from ourhumility. That we could easily make an idol similar to the golden calf of the Israelites, can beseen in the Christmas tree, which seems to become more acceptable and may already havebecome an idol with many. Since God will not share His glory with any idol as it is clearlywritten in the second commandment "Thou shalt not make unto thee any graven image",therefore, the teacher shall under no circumstances be permitted to set up such a tree.3. After opening the class with song and prayer, the teacher shall instruct reading andwriting in the morning and reading and arithmetic in the afternoon. In reading, the teacher isexpected to pay particular attention to correct pronunciation and punctuation. Writing is tobe done with German or Latin letters. To instill an air of competition in the class, the teacher282

shall conduct reading and writing contests every Friday morning, placing the winner at thehead of the class.The teacher may also collect monthly sample work sheets showing the date and thesignature of the pupil. These work sheets are to be presented to the board members at theirregular school inspection visits. The teacher must instruct arithmetic according to age andability, since it is obvious that proper solution of mathematical problems requires a maturemind and can only be undertaken at the advanced level.4. The teacher shall make it his main objective to instruct religion. The text books tobe used are the Bible, Biblical History and Catechism, which shall be thoroughly explainedto the pupils. Man's downfall and redemption through the suffering, death and resurrectionof our Lord Jesus Christ. Every teacher must follow the example of Philip, Acts 8: 29-31,where it says "Go near and join thyself to this chariot. And Philip ran hither to him andheard him read the prophet Esaias and said, understandest thou what thou readest? And hesaid, how can I except some man should guide me?" . It is therefore the teacher's obligationto explain scripture clearly to the pupils.Every Friday afternoon the teacher should have available written material such asletters and articles and have the pupils read them to test their ability. Thus, Friday afternooncould be taken up in reading letters, writing sentences correctly on the slate, mentalarithmetic, Catechism and singing. Since obedience of children both to the teacher inschool, as well as the parents at home is obligatory, the teacher should stress its importanceto the pupils in order to assure that they will grow up to be God fearing and peace lovingChristians.5. When circumstances permit, it is desirable for teachers to visit each othersschools. This would give them an opportunity to discuss mutual problems, for the benefit ofthe less proficient teachers and result in more uniform operation of schools.6. Teachers are required to keep an attendance record of the pupils, which shall bemade available to the visiting trustee for inspection (such visits shall be made at least twiceduring each winter). Parents who neglect to send their children to school without just cause,or even insubordination, will be required to give an account to the congregation.7. Pupils must attend classes regularly and as far as possible appear neat and tidy.They must obey the teacher as they obey their parents at home. Text books in our schools arelimited to the Bible, Testament, Catechism and Fibel (primer).8. The teacher shall discipline the pupils without showing favoritism and shall havethe right to punish laziness in learning, according to his judgement. However, punishmentshould not be too harsh, or applied in anger or vengeance. When arguments occur betweenpupils, the teacher shall determine guilt and admonish both parties to forgive and reconciliation.If the teacher neglects any of these points he will be subject to give an account asoutlined in paragraph 6.9. And lastly, we would add to this decree as follows: Since the government has givenus full control over our school affairs, we should be all the more determined to support theschools. We know from experience that the success of our schools is reflected in our church.If we drift away from the true faith and accept myths, we undermine our church to a point ofcollapse. To avoid interruption of our private school system, married couples as well assingle persons who own property within the area and are members of our church, areobliged to share the expense of operating the school according to mutual agreement, basedeither on an amount per quarter section of land (which would be of advantage to largefamilies who do not own land), or calculated in proportion to the number of children. Thisdecision rests with each school area, but every member should feel an obligation to carry hisfair share of the cost of maintaining the schools, in order so as not to contribute to thedisintegration of our private school system.The school trustee shall collect the dues and pay the teacher's salary. Children aged 6to 12 and 14 years, shall be considered of school age. The school term shall be from October283

1 st. to April 1 st. and again from May 1 st. to June 1 st., a total of seven months of the year.Passed by the conference of clergy held at Alt-Bergthal, Manitoba April 1, 1903.Signed;Bishop Abraham Doerksen,Rev. Abram Bergen,Rev. Abraham Schroeder,Rev. Peter Zacharias,Rev. Isaac Bergen,Rev. Peter Zacharias,Rev. Johann Klippenstein,Rev. Peter Dyck,Rev. Isaac Friesen,Rev. Jakob Stoesz.Congregational Assemblies held May 22, 24, 25 and 26, 1916 at Sommerfeld, Rudnerweide,Grosweide and Kronsweide.Re the school question,Whether the congregational areas want District (Public) schools or Private schools.* * * *Since the Manitoba Government has decreed that the English language only, and noreligion, shall be permitted in all public schools, and since we are apprehensive ofiosing ourGerman language and religion, we have come to the following conclusions:1. Resolved: That we maintain private schools only, operated according to oneuniform regulation as follows; 3 days a week instruction shall be in German and religion,and 2 days a week English instruction. For German instruction the text books shall be theBible, Testament, Biblical History and Catechism. In the English language likewise, onlyChristian books that contain no falsehoods, shall be used. If a school district decides toteach German and religion only, that shall be their privilege. In case of dispute, the generalrule outlined above, shall apply. Any district that decides to teach German and English on afifty-fifty basis, shall have permission to do so.2. Resolved: That each district shall be supervised by two or three trustees whoseresponsibility shall be to provide the necessary school supplies and collect dues.To alleviate the load of the needy, it was decided to base the dues on the tax roll, that isaccording to property ownership.3. Resolved: Each Congregation shall establish a fund with the interest from theOrphan Fund, to be used in paying school dues for those who are unable, or unwilling topay. Each district shall be liable only for the members within their area.To cover the share of dues on lands occupied by other denominations who do not paytowards our schools, the Sommerfelder, Bergthaler and Brethren congregations shall sharethese costs based on assessment.A. Resolved: That delinquents who are able, but refuse to pay their share, shall bedealt with in a considerate manner. If they fail to respond, however, they shall not beconsidered as members of the church.5. Resolved: To maintain the members of the school board and if necessary increasetheir number. They are expected to visit the schools occasionally and offer advice whereneeded. This board shall be subservient to the presbytery.6. Resolved: That since a large percentage of our church members choose to supportthe Altona and Gretna collegiates, they shall be permitted to do so in future, according totheir own convictions.Bishop Abraham Doerksen,Rev. Peter Zacharias,Rev. Isaak Bergen,Rev. Peter Zacharias,Rev. Peter Dyck,Rev. Abraham Friesen,284Rev. Jakob Schroeder,Rev. Peter W. Dueck,Rev. David Stoesz,Rev. Wilhelm Friesen,Rev. Jakob Stoesz.

A. Archival SourcesBibliographyMennonite Heritage Center Archives (MHCA), Winnipeg, Manitoba.Bergthaler Mennonite Church of Manitoba Collection.Old Colony [Reinlaender] Mennonite Church Collection1875-1922.Sommerfelder Mennonite Church Collection.Peter Elias, Memoirs, 2 vols., 1911 and 1913.Gretna Customs Records, 1883-1904.Provincial Archives of Manitoba (PAM), Winnipeg, Manitoba.Mennonite West Reserve Settlement Registers, MG8 AI8-7.Howard Winkler Papers, MG14 B44.Valentine Winkler Papers, MG14 B45.Deputy Municipal Commissioner Incoming Correspondence,RG23 AccG 127 A.Rural Municipality of Rhineland Archives (RMRA), Altona, Manitoba.Assessment Rolls, R.M. of Douglas 1884-1890; R.M. of Rhineland1884-1953.By-laws of the R.M. of Douglas 1884-1890; R.M. of Rhineland1884-1983.Minute Books R.M. of Douglas 1884-1890; R.M. of Rhineland1884-1975.Municipal Correspondence, Letter Books 1887-1898; BindingCases 1886-1939. Petitions 1894-1907; Relief Cards and Forms1936-1938.B. Printed Primary Sources and Government DocumentsCanada, Government of. Census of Canada 1871-1981.Canada, Government of. Department of the Interior. Descriptionof the Province of Manitoba. Compiled from field notes andreports of Dominion Land Surveyors and Geological Survey.Ottawa, 1883.Canada, Government of. Sessional Papers. Annual Report of the Departmentof Agriculture, 1875-1882.Henderson Directory and Gazetteer, 1884-1900.Manitoba, Government of. Department of Economic Development andTourism. Community Reports, 1973-1980.Department of Industry and Commerce. An Economic Survey ofSouth Central Manitoba, 1960.285

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IndexA & D Seeds Ltd., 246Advance Steam Threshing Outfit, 101(photo)Aesop S.D., 213Aetna Garment Company, 241Agassiz, Lake, 3Agricultural Rehabilitation and DevelopmentAdministration (ARDA), 235Agriculture, 40-41 (statistics), 60-63,101,103, 155Alberta, 83, 94, 103Alexanderkrone (Russia), 199All State Grain Company Ltd., 246Altbergthal, 21, 124 (S.D.)Alternative Service, 178, 220Altona, 21, 53, 68,69,70,71,72 (photo),73, 105, 106 (photo), 107, 109 (photo),llO, lll, 1l3, 129, 132, 133; 134, 135,153,161,164,165,166,175,176,179,182,183-184,186,189-195,197,198,207,209,214,215,216,221,227,228(S.D.), 229, 239, 244, 249Altona Co-operative Store, 160, 162, 189(photo)Altona Credit Union Society, 161Altona Hockey Teams, 163 (photo 1920's)Altona Hospital, 192 (photo)Altona Industrial Developments, 241Altona Lagoon, 238Altona Machinery Co. Ltd., 100 (photo)Altona Mall, 243 (photo), 244Altona Maroons, 216, 249Altona School Trustees, 213, 214, 227Altona United Church, 179Altona Village Council, 190Altona Women's Institute, 168Amsterdam S.D., 124Anabaptist, 4Anglo-American Hotel, 44Anti-semitism, 180Anwohner, 6, 31Architecture, 35-36 (Semlin), 36 (photo),37 (bams)Assiniboine River, 8Automobile, 136, 137 (photo), 138 (photo),139Aux Marais River, 2, 22, 235 (drain), 236(drain), 237Baergen, John, 110Balzer, 1. 1., 113Ban, 31Baseball, 109, 164 (photo), 216Basketball, 249Beausejour, 58Bergen, Jake, 250Bergfeld, 21Bergman, C. c., 132Bergman, Cornelius, 99, llOBergthal Colony, 6, 7, 15, 66Bergthaler Lehrdienst, 110, 167Bergthaler Mennonite Church, 30, 32,45,46,56,79,80 (split), 94,110, 1l3,119, 120, 121, 123, 132, 135, 167, 168,170, 178, 179, 194BergthalerWaisenamt, 49,129,146,147,160, 167Berthold, Rev., 60Bethania Hospital, 168Bezirksarnt, 28Black Sea, 16Blumenfeld, 18, 37, 103, 133, 134Blumengart Hutterite Colony, 122, 129,135,226 (photo)Blumenhof S.D., 124Blumenort, 33 (school photo), 36,37,55,103, 124 (S.D.), 129, 133, 134, 135,136, 240 (photo)Blumenorter Church, 135 (formation),178Blumenstein, 18, 85Blumenthal, 21294

Boundary Commission Trail, 2Bowman, N., 76Brandaeltester, 31Brandon, IIIBrandordnung, 31, 32Brandschulze, 27, 31, 32Braun, H., 45Braun, Irvin, 250Braun, William (Mayor), 243Breidenbach, Lambert (doctor), 168, 169(photo)Brotschuld, 37Brown, Arnold (MLA), 230Brown, Peter, 215Brumtopp Mummers, 88 (photo)Brunkild, 58Bryce, George, 79Bueckert, Johan P., 178Buffalo Creek, 86, 96, 201, 211 (dyke),235 (drain), 236 (flood photo)Buffalo Hunts, 8Buffalo Lake, 98Burwalde, 85, 134CFAM Radio Station, 188,244CSP Foods, 242-243Calder, Lewis, 69Calder, Robert (Bob), 138Calgary, 83Canada, 6Canadian Government, 6, 9, 22, 37, 178Canadian Mennonite Board of Colonization,132Canadian Order of Foresters, 67Canadian Pacific Railway (CPR), 9, 42,62, 83, 105, 108; 42, 44, 71 (SouthwesternBranch); 42, 44, 70, 71 (PembinaMountain Branch)Carman, 105Catherine The Great, 4, 7Chortitz (village), 18, 133, 134Chortitza Colony, 7, 18, 34,47, 132, 135Church Conflict, 45, 53Churchill, 3Church of God in Christ, 177Clyde, 124Coblentz General Store, 162Coblentz, w., 180Committee of Elders, 178, 179Confederation, 9, 11Conscientious Objector Status (e.O.),167,179,181,183Conscription, 120Conservative Party, 77Co-operative Bees, 87-88Co-operative Movement, 104, 156,152-167Co-op Vegetable Oils Ltd., 158, 183-186,185 (photos), 187, 189, 190, 191, 192,193 (photo), 194, 195, 201, 202, 241,242Cornies, Johann, 6Corvee,27Credit Unions, 161, 166,200,201Crystal Sugar Company, 202Curling, 164, 216, 217 (photo), 249Danzig, 4Dead Horse Creek, 44Depression, 143, 144-152, 160, 162, 170Diefenbaker, 221Dillabough, A., 21, 22Diseases, 37 (typhoid 1879); 37 (diphtheria);69-70 (smallpox); 169 (influenza)Dnieper River, 4Doerksen, Abraham (Bishop), 81, 119,128Doerksen, Diedrich, 124Dominion Lands Act, 9 (1872), 24 (1876)Donavan, (doctor), 69Dorfschulze, 6Douglas, R.M. of, ix, x, 48, 49, 56, 64,75Drainage, 73-74, 97 (map), 146 (photo),211 (map)Drainage Act, 74, 96Dreger, G., 60Dueck, H. D., 110Dueck, Henry w., 238Dueck, Peter H., 107 (photo)Dueck, William, 234, 238Dufferin, County of, 46, 48Duluth, 17Dyck, Abraham, 120Dyck, Henry, 234Dyck, Jacob 1., 118Dyck, Johann, 49Ebenezer Home, 194Ebenfeld, 18Ebenwald, 60Edenburg, 21, 124' (S.D.), 165Edenthal, 21, 124 (S.D.), 165Edmonton, 83295

Eichenfeld, 18Eigenhof S.D., 124Elbing, 4Election, 76 (1892), 77, 99 (1907)Elias, Peter A., 250Emerson, 1, 18, 22, 28,40,41,42,44,58,99Emigration, 54, 81-84, 103 (to the Northwest);117, 123, 126-130 (to Mexicoand Paraguay); 126 (photo), 127 (photo),155, 207, 218, 226Enns, F. F., 168Enns, Johan (elder), 178Enns, William, 164Ens, Gerhard, 133Ens, G. G. H., 161Epp, Eddie, 163Epp, H. C., 168Epp, Henry H., 163Epp, Peter P., 132Erbach, Philip, 45Esau, William, 72Evangelical Mennonite Brethren Church,177Evergreen Seed Farm, 247Ewert, Benjamin, 119Ewert, H. H., 65, 67, 79, 80 (photo), 81,95, 110, lll, 112, 113, 132, 135, 199Exeter S.D., 124, 213Eyzen, Maria, 65Falk, W. H. (Rev.), 168, 170, 178, 216Farmer's Elevator, 62, 152Farmers' Oil Company, 158, 159, 166Fast, G. H., 188, 215Fast, Rudy, 246Federal Politics, 220-221Fehr, Anna, 47Fehr, D. A., 215Fehr, Jacob, 16, 40Fehr, John, 163Fielman, Otto, 247 (photo)Firsch, Andrew, 45Fisher, R. B., 45Fisher's Landing, 17Flag Legislation, 94, 95, 98Flett, L. M., 180Floods, 96, 98, 208 (photo), 209 (photos),210 (photo), 235, 236 (photos), 237(photo)Football, 68, 109Fort Dufferin, 24, 28, 29, 30Fort Garry, 11296Foster, R., 45Frederick the Great, 4Free Homestead System, 9Friedensfeld, 58Friedrichstahl (Russia), 66Friesen, Abraham N., 161Friesen, D. K., 160, 163, 184, 190, 194(photo), 215, 220, 241, 244Friesen, D. w., 107 (photo), 132, 189Friesen, D. W. and Sons, 189, 191, 193(photo), 194, 195,241,242,243Friesen, H. 1., 100, 118Friesen, Jacob 1., 118Friesen, Johan (Bishop), 127, 128Friesen, Johann M., 110Friesen, John N., 163Friesen, 1. P., 64, 66 (photo)Friesen, Peter, 64, 66Friesen, P. 1., 160Friesen, P. N., 163Friesen, Ted, 194Friesen, Ray, 194Froese, Abe, 246Froese, Abram 1., 250Froese, Franz, 34, 55, 83Froese, Gerhard 1.,170Froese, Jacob 1. (Bishop), 170, 178Froese, 1. M., 215, 220, 229 (photo)Fuerstenland Colony, 6, 7,18,28,29,47Fundamentalism, 110Funk, A. H., 180Funk, Abe, 164Funk, Johann (Bishop), 79, 81, 95, 110,113Garden Valley School Division, 213Gebietsamt, 6, 15Gerbrandt, Barney, 234Gerbrandt, John A., 246Germany, 180Gewanndorf, 24Gewanne,27Giesbrecht, Jacob, 47 (family photo), 49Giesbrecht, John D., 118, 168, 218Gnadenfeld, 37,124 (S.D.), 133, 134, 228(S.D.), 248Gnadenthal, 133, 134, 135,221Goertzen, Anna, 133Goertzen, Wilhelm, 133Goldberg, Morris, 166Goldie, A., 44Golf, 216-217, 249

Grand Forks, 202Grasshoppers, 145, 147 (photo)Great Northern Railway, 69Greenway, 1. F., 123, 124Gretna, x, 2,41,42,43 (photo), 45, 48,57,58,59,60,61,63,64 (photo), 65,66,67,68,69,70,71,73,78 (photo),79, 80 (school), 83, 104, 105 (fire1913),107,109 (photo), 110, 1lI, 112,113, 119, 129, 133, 134, 135, 149, 153,164,165,166,175,187,190,192,195(photo), 196-198, 201, 210 (flood photo),214, 216, 227, 228 (S.D.), 229,239,240 (photo), 244, 248, 249Gretna Board of Trade, 215Gretna Consumers Co-operative Store,162Gretna Fair, 67, 69Gretna Immigration and Customs Office,197 (photo)Gretna-Neche Internationals, 199Gretna Pipeline Pumping Station, 196-197(photos), 244Gretna Presbyterian Church, 68 (photo)Gretna Public School, 214 (photo)Gretna School Society, 79Gretna Turf Club, 68Gretna Willing Workers, 67Grey Goose Bus Lines, 188Grimsby, 124Gross, John, 162Grossweide, 124 (S.D.), 157Gruenfeld, 18Gruenthal S.D., 124, 228Hague, 82, 83Halbstadt, 21,124 (S.D.), 153, 157, 165,198, 199 (photo), 200 (photo), 201,208-209 (flood photos), 214, 228(S.D.), 235, 236 (flood)Halbstadt Pedogogical School (Russia),199Hamilton, 182Hamlet Privilege, 24Hamm, Ben, 163Hamm, H. H., ix, x, 62, 69, 96,118,149,191Hanover, R.M. of, 16Harder, David 1.,163,239Harder, Derk, 62Harder, George, 198Harder, Henry, 101297Harder, Jacob P., 160Harder, John, 122Hauskorgl, 5, 27Heinrichs, W. w., 159Helloffs, H., 45Heppner, Jacob, 74, 112, 112Hespeler Coulee, 98Hespeler, Creek, 96Hespeler Dyke, 209, 210, 235 (photo)Hespeler, William, 6, 7 (photo), 11, 22,46, 76Heydon, Max, 45Hiebert, A., 118Hiebert, A. P., 118Hildebrand, Elmer, 244Hildebrand, Henry, 250Hildebrand, Issac, 118Hildebrand, John, 124Hildebrandt, H. P., 202, 218Hochfeld, 18, 133, 134, 135, 181Hochstadt, 21, 37Hockey, 109 (photo), 164, 216, 249Hoeppner, Issak, 170Hoeppner, Jacob, 167Hoffman, 1. R., 44Hoffnungsfeld, 18, 34Hoffnungsort S.D., 124Hooge, Jake, 215Hope farm, 187Horndean, 108. 134, 153, 182, 184, 187,198,200,201,214Houston S.D., 124Houston, I. F., 21, 22Houston, W. R., 21, 22Howe, E. T., 161Hudson's Bay Company, 9, 72Hutterites, 121, 122, 135, 177Immigration, 9, 16 (1870's), 21, 57-58(1890's), 63, 71, 122 (Hutterite), 125(Act), 130-136 (Russlaender), 158-160(Lutheran)Indian Treaties, 9"International" Steamship, 16Janzen, Abraham, 168Kagel, 4,27Kanadier, 178Kansas, 79Kehler, Eva, 250Kehler, John, 72, 164Kehler, Peter 1., 101Kehler, William (Bill), 193 (photo)

King, William Lyon Mackenzie, 132,220Klassen, Aron, 202Klassen, C. F., 178Klassen, Diedrich, 202Klassen, Gerhard, 74Klassen, 1. F., 206 (photo)Klassen, Jacob 1. (Rev.), 133Klassen, Johann, 48Klassen, 1. H., 202Klassen, John, 122Klassen, Kate, 216Kleine Gemeinde, 7,15,177Kleinstadt S.D., 124,228Kliewer, Franz, 48Klippenstein, B. 1., 168, 180Klippenstein, Walter, 234Krefchenko, Jacob, 108Kroeker, Maria, 107Kroeker, Peter, 118Kroeker, W. E., 215Kronsthal, 18, 129,213 (S.D.), 228 (S.D.)Kronsthal 4-H Seed Club, 155 (photo)Krueger, 1. 1., 180, 181Land Shortage, 82, 84, 94Land Title Office, 24Lang, August, 218, 219 (photo), 234, 238Langenburg, 60Langevin S.D., 228Langtry, I. A., 221Liberal Party, 75, 99, 132Liberal Progressive Party, 218Lichtfeld. 21Limprecht, Geo., 69Lisgar Electoral District (Fed.), 77, 98,99, 188,220,221Liverpool, 17Loeppky, (Bishop), 170Loeppky, H., 69Loewen, Alf, 163Loewen, D. H., 160, 163, 166Loewen, Isaac, 72Loewen, 1. P., 180Loewen, Katherine, 84 (photo)Long, Marcus, 45, 66Lowe Farm, 153 157Lower Red River Valley Water Commission,217Lutheran settlement pattern, 58-60Manchester, county of, 48Manitoba, 1,6, 89, 122, 132Manitoba and Southwestern ColonizationRailway, 9Manitoba Co-operative Wholesale, 158Manitoba Department of Agriculture,145, 154, 162Manitoba Department of Education, 123,124Manitoba Department of Public Works,74Manitoba Farmers' Union, 247Manitoba Good Roads Association, 212Manitoba Government, 11, 50, 79, 94, 95,123,125,186,187,229Manitoba Pool Elevators, 185, 242, 244,247Manitoba Power Commission, 214Manitoba Sugar Beet Growers Association,158Manitoba Sugar Company, 203Manitoba Water Services Board, 245Manitoba Wheat Pool, 219Martel, Oscar, 164Martel, Walter, 164McDonald, Rolf, 164McGavin, H. (doctor), 169 (photo), 216McKay, 11McKenty, (doctor), 69Meath, 124Mennonite Agricultural Advisory Committee,181, 184"Menno-Canuck Boundary," 22, 23Mennonite Brethren Church, 135, 177,178Mennonite Collegiate Institute (MCI), 112(photo), 113, 135, 163 (hockey photo),188, 194, 198 (photo), 199,230, 244,245 (photo), 249Mennonite Commonwealth, 130, 134Mennonite Delegates, 8 (photo), 11Mennonite East Reserve, 21, 27, 38Mennonite Educational Institute (MEl),34, 65, 77-81, 94, 109,110-113. III(Altona opening photo), 113, 135, 194,230Mennonite Land Settlement Association,208Mennonite Mutual Aid, 143, 153, 166, 168Mennonite Selbstschutz, 131Mennonite Settlement Patterns, 24, 26(map)Mennonite West Reserve, ix, I, 3, 10(photo), IS, 16, 18, 19 (settlement pat-298

terns map), 20 (map), 21, 22, 24, 27,28,30,31,35 (schools), 38,40 (agriculture),42-45 (trading centers), 77(schools), 85 (villages), 129Metis, 1, 2, 8, 10, 11, 12 (land grant), 13,39,83Mexico, 117, 123,126,127,129,155Michaelsburg (Russia), 47Midland Railway, 105Militarism, 6Military Exemption, 119Military Service Act, 120Miller, Wally (MLA), 181, 218 (photo),219,220Mississippi, 126Molotschna, Colony, 4, 6, 131, 135, 199Montcalm, R.M. of, 49, 56, 192Morden, 44, 70, 76, 83, 99, 134, 164,179,187,204,215,220,241Morden Experimental Farm, 181, 202,233Morden-Rhineland Electoral District(Prov.), 165, 169Morris, 58, 164Morris, R.M. of, 46Morris, County of, 46Morton, W. L., 212Mott, Jarvis, 49Mountain City, 2, 42, 44Mueller, Issak, x, 28, 29, 31, 45, 47, 48,49, 50, 55Municipal Act of, 46 (1873); ix, 46 (1880);49 (1883)Municipal Government, 31, 35, 45, 50,56, 73Municipal Politics, 55, 56, 74, 99, 218National Service Registration, i19, 120Nazi Ideology, 180, 181Neche, 105,201Nelsonville, 2, 42, 44Neuanlage, 42, 44, 50, 65Neubergthal, 124 (S.D.), 228 (S.D.), 248,249Neuenberg, 18Neuendorf, 18, 222 (photo)Neufeld, Abraham, 55, 164Neufeld, C. L., 215Neufeld, Jacob G., 153Neufeld, Peter, 164Neuhoffnung, 21,124 (S.D.), 228 (S.D.)Neuhorst, 18, 28, 134Neukronsthal S.D., 124299New Democratic Party, 231New Horizons Program, 248New Jerusalem Church, 84Newspapers, 37 (Nebraska Ansiedler);37, 85, 89 (Mennonitische Rundshau);37 (Herald der Wahrheit); 63, 89 (Nordwesten);179, 181, 190, 194,213,214,227 (Altona Echo); 194 (Red RiverValley Echo); 194 (Morris Herald);Nickel, Ed., 218Nitikman, Sam, 166Niverville, 44, 65Norquay, John (Premier), 46Norris, (Premier), 132North Sea, 17North West Mounted Police, 69Oakview Golf Club, 216-217,216 (photo)Oberschulze, 6, 28Obervorsteher, 28-29, 30, 48Odessa, 16Ogilvie, W. w., 44Old Altona, 71Old Colony Mennonites, 15, 18Old Colony Mennonite Church, 128 (formation),170, 177, 178Open Field Economy, 15, 24, 31, 85, 104,113,117,129,138,154,155Osler, 82Osterwick, 18, 133Ottawa, 22Palliser, John, 2Pappel, Randall, 250Paraguay, 117, 123, 208Patriotic Fund, 120Pembina, 2Pembina escarpment, 3Pembina Hills, 1, 2, 3, 28, 36, 71, 210Pembina River, 2, 22, 67, 201, 235, 236Pembina, R.M. of, 235Penner, Abram, 62Penner, Art, 246Penner, Bernhard, 234, 238, 246Penner, Dorothy, 246Penner, Erdman, 44, 48, 65 (family photo),66, 75, 76, 110, 112Penner, Henry, 118Penner, Jake H., 163Penner, Peter, 221 (photo)Peters, David, 45, 56Peters, Frank, 250Peters, G. H., 199 (photo)

Peters, Peter, 55Peters, Jacob, 64, 66Peters, Klaus, 84 (photo)Petrograd Teachers Institute, 199Pieper, Christian, 44, 63, 64, 72, 105Pioneer Meat, 246Plum Coulee, x, 53, 57, 58, 59, 60, 65,70, 71, 73, 74, 83, 96, 98, 101, 105,107, 108 (pool hall photo), 109 113,119,128,129,133, 134, 153, 164, 169,175, 184, 187, 195, 196 (photo), 198,200, 201, 209, 210, 215, 216, 227,229, 239, 245 (photo), 246 (photo),246, 248Plum Coulee Dodgers, 249Plum Coulee Sugar Beet Festival, 245Pokrant, Ed., 118, 180, 210, 217, 218Pokrant, Ferdinand, 60Pokrant, Louis, 164Poland, 4Portage la Prairie, 105, 184Post Road, 2, 42, 47, 211Potter, W. 1., 44Prairie Farm Rehabilitation Administration(PFRA), 145Premier Garson, 184Premier Norris, 132Prince Albert, 83Privilegium, 95, 125, 178Provencher Electoral District (Fed.), 220,221Provincial politics, 75, 164, 219-220, 229Prussia, 4Public Works Department, 97Quebec, 17, 126Queen's Hotel, 45Quill Lake, 103Rat River, 16Recksiedler, Leo, 220Recksiedler, M., 60Red Cross, 120, 180Reddekop, David, 49Reddekop, Wilhelm, 55Red River, 1,3,8,22, 201Red River Settlement, 2, 8Red River Valley Water Commission, 194Reformation, 4Regina, 83Reichenbach S.D., 124Reimer, Peter D., 153Reinfeld, 25 (photo), 134, 170Reinlaender Colony, x, 28Reinlaender Gebietsamt, x, 46, 48, 49,50,54,56,74Reinlaender Mennonite Church, x, 24,29,30 (building photo), 31, 32, 35,45,46,48,49,53,54,56,73,79,80,83,89, 94, 103, 113, 119, 120, 121, 126,127, 128, 162Reinlaender Mennonite Church (Second),217Reinlaender Waisenamt, 129Reinland, 2, 24, 34, 35, 37,39 (windmillphoto), 40, 42, 54, 55, 65, 69, 129,133, 134, 135, 161, 170,214,249Reinland Co-operative Dairy Society, 161Reiseschuld, 133, 134Relief, 147, 149, ISORempel, Jacob 1., 118, 202Rempel, Wilhelm, 34 (family photo), 77Rhineland Agricultural Fair, 206 (photo),207 (photo), 244Rhineland Agricultural Institute, 161, 162Rhineland Agricultural Society (RAS),144,152-156,157, 158,161,162,166,168, 170, 190, 244Rhineland Agricultural Society Quarterly,154Rhineland Car Company, 139Rhineland Consumers' Co-operative, 158,159 (photo), 160 (photo), 165, 166,184,247Rhineland Electoral District (Prov.), 75,98, 229Rhineland Municipal Council, 118 (photo),212 (photo), 234 (photo), 250(photo)Rhineland Municipal Office, 96 (photo),175 (photo)Rhineland Pioneer Center, 226 (photo)Rhineland School Division, 213, 228,229,230Rhineland School Trustees Association,188, 213, 214, 227Riding Mountains, 11Riding Mountain National Park, 179Ritz, Henry, 44Ritz and Widemeyer, 72Road Construction, 139, 150 (photo), 152(photo), 187, 212Roblin Administration, 65, 94Rochdale, 157Rosenfeld, x, 3, 18,42,53,57,58,60,300

61, 70, 71, 96, 98, 101, 108, 109, 130(photo), 133, 134, 149, 153, 171 (photo),180,187,195,198,209 (flood photo),210, 214, 215, 216, 236 (floodphoto), 239, 248Rosenfeld Creamery, 61Rosenfeld Electoral District (Prov.), 64,75,77Rosenfeld Hawks Softball Team, 164(photo 1932)Rosenfeld Sanitatioin Co-op Ltd., 219Rosengart, 18, 133, 214Rosenort, 133, 134, 135, 136, 246 (Rosetown)Rosenorter Mennonite Church, 177Rosenort-Kronsthal Crop ImprovementClub, 154 (photo)Rosenthal, 18, 34Rose Valley Villa, 219, 248Rosthern, 82, 83, 133, 177Royal Commission, 212, 213, 228Rudernerweide, 21, 124 (S.D.)Rudnerweider Mennonite Church, 170(formation), 177, 178Rural Electrification, 214, 215 (photo)Rural Planning, 249, 251Rural Stay Option, 231Russia, 3, 4, 6, 8,117,130,134,135,136Russian Government, 21Russian Revolution, 122, 131, 181Russification, 6Russlaender, 133, 134, 135, 136, 178St. Boniface, 76St. John's Lutheran Church, 59 (photo),60, 200 (photo), 217St. Joseph, 2, 39Saskatchewan, 83, 94, 103, 133Saskpool, 242Sawatsky, A., 118Sawatsky, Jacob c., 160Sawatsky, P. B., 159Schantz, Abraham, 1, 61Schantz, Jacob Y., 1, 6, 11Schanzenfeld, 18,49,61, 85Schanzenfeld Cheese Factory, 61Schanzenfeld School District (S.D.), 77Schellenberg, Ben, 250Schellenberg, David w., 177, 202Schmidt, Abram, 140Schoenau, 21, 228 (S.D.)Schoendorf, 18, 44, 85Schoenfeld, 18301Schoenhorst, 21, 165Schoensee (Russia), 199Schoenthal, 158, 170Schoenwiese, 18, 129, 133, 134, 161Schools, 53, 77, 79, 89, 94, 95, 124,129(district); 31, 32, 33, 35, 53, 79,117,123, 124, 129, 229 (private); 75-76(1890),77 (1881), 93 (1897), 95 (1916),117, 123, 125 (legislation);School Consolidation, 213, 228School Lands, 9Schram, w., 44Schroeder, Jake, 250Schulz, David (Bishop), 167 (photo), 168,170,178Schultz, Otto, 48, 66, 72Schulze, 27, 28, 29, 30Schulzenbott, 6Schwartz, Jacob, 144 (photo)Schwartz, Johann, 112Schwartz, John B., 107Scratching River, 2Sectional Survey, 9, 24Seed Grain, 57Seine River, 16Sharpe, W. H., 99Siemens, (brothers), 64Siemens, 1. 1., 144, 153, 157, 158 (photo),159,167,168,183,184Siemens, Johann, 158, 167, 177Siemens, Ray, 242Siemens, William (Bill), 205Silberfeld, 21, 124 (S.D.), 165, 228(S.D.), 249Simons, Mennon, 4Smith, Alexander, 45, 66, 67Smith, (Colonel), 11Smugglers' Point, 69Sneath, Harold, 219Sobering, S. H., 168Social Credit Party, 219-220, 221, 229,230Sommerfeld, 81, 248Sommerfelder Church, 32, 81, 94, 113,119,121,123,128,167,169-170 (split),177, 178, 179, 208 (emigration), 217(split)Sommerfelder Lehrdienst, 168, 170, 217Sommerfelder Waisenamt, 129, 144 (photo),146, 147, 160South America, 126South Central Manitoba Baseball League,216

South Dakota, 122South Dufferin, R.M. of, 46South Eastern Manitoba Hockey League,216Southern Manitoba Broadcasting Company,215Soviet Union, 132,231, 234Sports, 68, 109, 163,215-216, 249Stanley, R.M. of, 99, 235Statute Labour, 50Steinbach, 133Stephen, 44Stobbe, David, 234, 239Stock. A. w., 78 (photo)Stoesz, David (Bishop), 81Stoesz, Henry, 250Stony Creek, 168Strassberg, 21, 228 (S.D.)Striemer, P., 69Striemer, Sarah, 107Sunflower Festival, 244Sunquist, Ed., 216Sun Valley Co-operative, 247Swift Current, 103Tannau, 44, 65Tennant, H., 21, 22Tennis, 68, 164Thames S.D., 124,228Thiessen, Abram 1., 164, 187, 188 (photo),214, 215Thiessen Bus Lines, 188Thiessen, John, 164, 180Thiessen, Peter W.,Toews, David, 132, 177Toews, Ed., 238Toews, 150 (family photo)Toews, Jacob, 74Toews, P. A., 100, 118, 178Toews, Peter 1., 151 (photo)Tractor, 136, 139, 156Treaty of Brest Litovsk, 131Tyson, W. H., 44Ukraine, 4, 131Unemployment Relief Act, 149Unger, John, 161Unitary Divisions, 214, 228, 229, 230United States, 6University of Manitoba; 199Victory Bonds, 120, 121, 180 (photo)Village Agreements, 24, 104Village Breakup, 84-88, 89, 100, 103-104Village Government, 28Vistula Delta, 4Volga River, 4Volleyball, 249Volost, 6, 15,50,225Voth, Heinrich S., 178Wahl, John, 234Waisenamt, 32, 50, 143, 146Waldeck, 84Waldheim, 18, 85, 170Walhalla, 2, 47, 69Wall, John, 64Wardrop, John, 72Water District Board, 201Water Supply Board of Manitoba, 201W. C. Miller collegiate, 228, 231Weidenfeld, 21, 124 (S.D.)Weir, Alex (Sandy), 216West Lynne, 42White Army, 131Wiebe, A. M., 147 (photo)Wiebe, C. (doctor), 165 (photo)Wiebe, Erdman, 110Wiebe, Gerhard, IIIWiebe, Johann (Bishop), 10, 13, 29, 45,56, 66, 80, 83, 89Wiebe, Jacob 1., 118Wiebe, Peter, 110William, Levi, 44Willing, (Rev.), 60Winkler, 53, 68, 82 (CPR station photo),99,107,108,109,110, lll, 133, 134,164,182,184,187,198,215,221,230,241Winkler Enoch, 44, 64, 67, 75, 76 (photo),112Winkler, Howard (MP), 181, 220 (photo)Winkler, Valentine, 76, 99 (photo), 124,220Winkler Co-op Creamery, 204Winnipeg, 42, 58, 61, 74, 83, 175, 184,187, 201, 203Winnipeg Grain Exchange, 62Winter, Peter, 107 (photo)Wolsely Expedition, 22World War 1,117,119,130,143,178World War II, 167, 170, 175, 176, 178,207,231Zacharias, P. S., 170Zwingli,4302

Year 1917Reeve 1. A. KlassenWard I Is. Hildebrand2 A. D. Hiebert3 P. Kroeker4 H. D. Penner5 K. Knopf6 Abram SawatzkySec. Treas. - H. H. HammYear 1919Reeve H. D. PennerWard 1 Abe Klassen2 1. 1. Toews3 P. Kroeker4 Jaco.b Heinrichs5 1. A. Thiessen6 John FehrSec. Treas. - H. H. HammYear 1918Reeve 1. A. KlassenWard 1 Is. Hildebrand2 A. D. Hiebert3 P. Kroeker4 H. D. Penner5 K. Knopf6 John FehrSec. Treas. - H. H. HammYear 1920Reeve P. A. ToewsWard 1 Abe Klassen2 1. 1. Toews3 W. 1. Giesbrecht4 Peter Unrau5 1. A. Thiessen6 John FehrSec. Treas. - H. H. HammYear 1921Reeve P. A. ToewsWard 1 Abe Klassen2 1. 1. Toews3 1. D. Giesbrecht4 Peter Unrau5 1. A. Thiessen6 G. G. FalkSec. Treas. - H. H. HammYear 1923Reeve P. A. ToewsWard 1 Abe Klassen2 1. 1. Toews3 1. D. Giesbrecht4 F. F. Thiessen5 1. A. Thiessen6 1. 1. RempelSec. Treas. - H. H. HammYear 1922Reeve P. A. ToewsWard 1 Abe Klassen2 1. 1. Toews3 1. D. Giesbrecht4 F. F. Thiessen5 1. A. Thiessen6 1. 1. RempelSec. Treas. - H. H. HarnmYear 1924Reeve P. A. ToewsWard 1 1. F. Reimer2 1. 1. Toews3 1. D. Giesbrecht4 F. F. Thiessen5 1. A. Thiessen6 1. 1. RempelSec. Treas. - H. H. HammYear 1925Reeve P. A. ToewsWard 1 1. 1. Friesen2 1. 1. Toews3 1. D. Giesbrecht4 F. F. Thiessen5 Ed Pokrant6 1. 1. RempelSec. Treas. - H. H. HammYear 1926Reeve P. A. ToewsWard 1 1. 1. Friesen2 1. 1. Dyck3 1. D. Giesbrecht4 1. 1. Wiebe5 Ed Pokrant6 1. 1. RempelSec. Treas. - H. H. Hamm267

Year 1927Reeve P. A. ToewsWard 1 1. 1. Friesen2 1. 1. Dyck3 1. D. Giesbrecht4 1. 1. Wiebe5 Ed Pokrant6 1. 1. RempelSec. Treas. - H. H. HammYear 1928Reeve P. A. ToewsWard 1 1. 1. Friesen2 1. 1. Dyck3 1. D. Giesbrecht4 1. 1. Wiebe5 Ed Pokrant6 1. 1. RempelSec. Treas. - H. H. HammYear 1929Reeve P. A. ToewsWard 1 1. 1. Friesen2 1. 1. Toews3 1. D. Giesbrecht4 1. 1. Wiebe5 Ed Pokrant6 1. 1. RempelSec. Treas. - H. H. HammYear 1930Reeve 1. D. GiesbrechtWard 1 1. 1. Friesen2 1. 1. Toews3 1. C. Braun4 1. 1. Wiebe5 Ed Pokrant6 1. 1. RempelSec. Treas. - H. H. HammYear 1931Reeve 1. D. GiesbrechtWard 1 1. 1. Friesen2 1. 1. Toews3 1. C. Braun4 1. 1. Wiebe5 Ed Pokrant6 1. 1. RempelSec. Treas. - H. H. HammYear 1933Reeve J. D. GiesbrechtWard 1 1. 1. Friesen2 1. 1. Toews3 1. C. Braun4 C. G. Stoesz5 Ed Pokrant6 1. 1. RempelSec. Treas. - H. H. HammYear 1932Reeve 1. D. GiesbrechtWard I 1. 1. Friesen2 1. 1. Toews3 1. C. Braun4 C. G. Stoesz5 Ed Pokrant6 1. J. RempelSec. Treas. - H. H. HammYear 1934Reeve 1. D. GiesbrechtWard 1 1. 1. Friesen2 J. J. Toews3 1. C. Braun4 1. C. Stoesz5 Ed Pokrant6 J. J. RempelSec. Treas. - H. H. HammYear 1935Reeve J. D. GiesbrechtWard 1 1. 1. Friesen2 1. 1. Toews3 1. C. Braun4 C. G. Stoesz5 Ed Pokrant6 1. 1. RempelSec. Treas. - H. H. HammYear 1936Reeve 1. D. GiesbrechtWard I J. 1. Friesen2 J. J. Toews3 1. C. Braun4 C. G. Stoesz5 Ed Pokrant6 J. J. RempelSec. Treas. - H. H. Hamm268

Year 1937Reeve 1. D. GiesbrechtWard I 1. 1. Friesen2 1. 1. Toews3 1. C. Braun4 C. G. Stoesz5 Ed Pokrant6 1. 1. RempelSec. Treas. - H. H. HammYear 1938Reeve 1. D. GiesbrechtWard I 1. 1. Friesen2 J. 1. Toews3 John C. Braun4 G. A. Friesen5 Ed Pokrant6 1. 1. RempelSec. Treas. - H. H. HammYear 1939Reeve 1. D. GiesbrechtWard I 1. 1. Friesen2 1. 1. Toews3 1. P. Hoeppner4 G. A. Friesen5 Ed Pokrant6 1. 1. RempelSec. Treas. - H. H. HammYear 1940Reeve 1. D. GiesbrechtWard I 1. 1. Friesen2 1. F. Janzen3 1. P. Hoeppner4 G. A. Friesen5 Ed Pokrant6 1. 1. RempelSec. Treas. - H. H. HammYear 1941Reeve 1. D. GiesbrechtWard I 1. 1. Friesen2 1. F. Janzen3 1. P. Hoeppner4 G. A. Friesen5 Ed Pokrant6 1. 1. RempelSec. Treas. - H. H. HammYear 1943Reeve 1. D. GiesbrechtWard I 1. 1. Friesen2 H. P. Hildebrandt3 John C. Braun4 G. A. Friesen5 Ed Pokrant6 1. 1. RempelSec. Treas. - H. H. HammYear 1942Reeve J. D. GiesbrechtWard I 1. 1. Friesen2 1. F. Janzen3 1. C. Braun4 G. A. Friesen5 Ed Pokrant6 1. 1. RempelSec. Treas. - H. H. HammYear 1944Reeve 1. D. GiesbrechtWard I 1. 1. Friesen2 H. P. Hildebrandt3 John C. Braun4 G. A. Friesen5 Ed Pokrant6 1. 1. RempelSec. Treas. - O. H. HammYear 1945Reeve 1. D. GiesbrechtWard I David Wall2 H. P. Hildebrandt3 John C. Braun4 G. A. Friesen5 Ed Pokrant6 1. 1. RempelSec. Treas. - O. H. HammYear 1946Reeve 1. D. GiesbrechtWard I David Wall2 H. P. Hildebrandt3 Albert Porte4 A. H. Letkeman5 Ed Pokrant6 Peter 1. KehlerSec. Treas. - D. D. Stobbe269

Year 1947Reeve 1. D. GiesbrechtWard I David Wall2 H. P. Hildebrandt3 Albert Porte4 A. H. Letkeman5 Ed Pokrant6 Peter 1. KehlerSec. Treas. - D. D. StobbeYear 1949Reeve Ed PokrantWard I David Wall2 M. P. Giesbrecht3 Albert Porte4 A. H. Letkeman5 1. A. Thiessen6 W. E. DueckSec. Treas. - D. D. StobbeYear 1948Reeve Ed PokrantWard I David Wall2 H. P. Hildebrandt3 Albert Porte4 A. H. Letkeman5 1. A. Thiessen6 W. E. DueckSec. Treas. - D. D. StobbeYear 1950Reeve Ed PokrantWard I 1. W. Schwartz2 M. P. Giesbrecht3 B. W. Penner4 A. H. Letkeman5 Wm. Pokrant6 W. E. DueckSec. Treas. - D. D. StobbeYear 1951Reeve Ed PokrantWard I 1. W. Schwartz2 M. P. Giesbrecht3 B. W. Penner4 A. H. Letkeman5 Wm. Pokrant6 W. E. DueckSec. Treas. - D. D. StobbeYear 1952Reeve Ed PokrantWard I 1. W. Schwartz2 M. P. Giesbrecht3 B. W. Penner4 G. A. Friesen5 Wm. Pokrant6 W. E. DueckSec. Treas. - D. D. StobbeYear 1953Reeve Ed PokrantWard I 1. W. Schwartz2 M. P. Giesbrecht3 B. W. Penner4 G. A. Friesen5 Wm. Pokrant6 W. E. DueckSec. Treas. - D. D. StobbeYear 1954Reeve H. P. HildebrandtWard I 1. W. Schwartz2 M. P. Giesbrecht3 B. W. Penner4 G. A. Friesen5 Wm. Pokrant6 W. E. DueckSec. Treas. - D. D. StobbeYear 1955Reeve H. P. HildebrandtWard I Carl Schroeder2 M. P. Giesbrecht3 B. W. Penner4 G. A. Friesen5 August Lang6 W. E. DueckSec. Treas. - D. D. StobbeYear 1956Reeve 1. F. JanzenWard I Carl Schroeder2 H. B. Rempel3 B. W. Penner4 G. A. Friesen5 August Lang6 W. E. DueckSec. Treas. - D. D. Stobbe270

Year 1957Reeve J. F. JanzenWard 1 Carl Schroeder2 H. B. Rempel3 B. W. Penner4 G. A. Friesen5 August Lang6 W. E. DueckSec. Treas. - D. D. StobbeYear 1959Reeve David WallWard I Carl Schroeder2 H. B. Rempel3 B. W. Penner4 H. W. Dyck5 August Lang6 John BraunSec. Treas. - D. D. StobbeYear 1958Reeve David WallWard 1 Carl Schroeder2 H. B. Rempel3 B. W. Penner4 H. W. Dyck5 August Lang6 W. E. DueckSec. Treas. - D. D. StobbeYear 1960Reeve W. E. DueckWard 1 Carl Schroeder2 H. B. Rempel3 B. W. Penner4 H. W. Dyck5 August Lang6 John BraunSec. Treas. - D. D. Stobbe1961Reeve W. E. DueckWard 1 H. D. Hildebrand2 B. Gerbrandt3 B. W. Penner4 H. W. Dyck5 August Lang6 John BraunSec. Treas. - D. D. StobbeYear 1962Reeve W. E. DueckWard 1 H. D. Hildebrand2 B. Gerbrandt3 B. W. Penner4 H. W. Dyck5 August Lang6 John BraunSec. Treas. - D. D. StobbeYear 1963Reeve W. E. DueckWard 1 H. D. Hildebrand2 B. Gerbrandt3 B. W. Penner4 H. W. Dyck5 August Lang6 John BraunSec. Treas. - D. D. StobbeYear 1964Reeve W. E. DueckWard 1 H. D. Hildebrand2 B. Gerbrandt3 B. W. Penner4 H. W. Dyck5 August Lang6 John BraunSec. Treas. - D. D. StobbeYear 1965Reeve W. E. DueckWard 1 H. D. Hildebrand2 B. Gerbrandt3 B. W. Penner4 H. W. Dyck5 August Lang6 John BraunSec. Treas. - D. D. StobbeYear 1966Reeve W. E. DueckWard 1 H. D. Hildebrand2 B. Gerbrandt3 B. W. Penner4 H. W. Dyck5 August Lang6 John BraunSec. Treas. - D. D. Stobbe271

Year 1967Reeve W. E. DueckWard 1 John Wahl2 B. Gerbrandt3 B. W. Penner4 H. W. Dyck5 August Lang6 W. B. KlippensteinSec. Treas. - D. D. StobbeYear 1969Reeve H. D. HildebrandWard 1 John Wahl2 B. Gerbrandt3 B. W. Penner4 John G. Stoesz5 August Lang6 W. B. KlippensteinSec. Treas. - D. D. StobbeYear 1971Reeve H. D. HildebrandWard 1 John Wahl2 John E. Wieler3 B. W. Penner4 Peter Unrau5 August Lang6 W. B. KlippensteinSec. Treas. - D. D. StobbeYear 1973Reeve H. D. HildebrandWard 1 John Wahl2 John E. Wieler3 B. W. Penner4 Peter Unrau5 Abram 1. FroeseSec. Treas. - D. D. StobbeYear 1968Reeve H. D. HildebrandWard 1 John Wahl2 B. Gerbrandt3 B. W. Penner4 John G. Stoesz5 August Lang6 W. B. Klippen steinSec. Treas. - D. D. StobbeYear 1970Reeve H. D. HildebrandWard 1 John Wahl2 B. Gerbrandt3 B. W. Penner4 John G. Stoesz5 August Lang6 W. B. KlippensteinSec. Treas. - D. D. StobbeYear 1972Reeve H. D. HildebrandWard 1 John Wahl2 John E. Wieler3 B. W. Penner4 Peter Unrau5 August Lang - Ward disappearedend of Nov. amalgamatedwith Ward 6. Now known asWard 5.6 Abram 1. FroeseSec. Treas. - D. D. StobbeYear 1974Reeve H. D. HildebrandWard 1 John Wahl2 John E. Wieler3 B. W. Penner4 Peter Unrau5 Abram 1. FroeseSec. Treas. - D. D. StobbeYear 1975Reeve H. D. HildebrandWard 1 John Wahl2 John E. Wieler3 B. W. Penner - to 10/6/754 Peter Unrau5 Abram 1. FroeseSec. Treas. - D. D. StobbeYear 1976Reeve H. D. HildebrandWard 1 John Wahl2 John E. Wieler3 Frank D. Peters4 Peter Unrau5 Abram 1. FroeseSec. Treas. -1. 1. Braun272

Year 1977Reeve H. D. HildebrandWard 1 John Wahl2 Peter A. Elias3 Frank D. Peters4 Peter Unrau5 A. 1. FroeseSec. Treas. - 1. 1. BraunYear 1979Reeve H. D. HildebrandWard 1 John Wahl2 Peter A. Elias3 Frank D. Peters4 Peter Unrau5 A. 1. FroeseMun. Clerk - Jake BergenTreasurer - Irvin 1. BraunYear 1981Reeve H. D. HildebrandWard 1 1. H. Schroeder2 Peter A. Elias3 Frank D. Peters4 Henry G. Stoesz5 A. 1. FroeseMun. Clerk - Jake BergenTreasurer - Irvin 1. BraunYear 1983Reeve Henry D. HildebrandWard 1 Jacob H. Schroeder2 Peter A. Elias3 Frank D. Peters4 Henry G. Stoesz5 Abram 1. FroeseMunicipal Clerk - Jake BergenTreasurer - Irvin 1. BraunYear 1978Reeve H. D. HildebrandWard 1 John Wahl2 Peter A. Elias3 Frank D. Peters4 Peter Unrau5 A. 1. FroeseMun. Clerk - Jake BergenTreasurer - Irvin 1. BraunYear 1980Reeve H. D. HildebrandWard 1 1. H. Schroeder2 Peter A. Elias3 Frank D. Peters4 Peter Unrau5 A. 1. FroeseMun. Clerk - Jake BergenTreasurer - Irvin 1. BraunYear 1982Reeve H. D. HildebrandWard 1 Jacob H. Schroeder2 Peter A. Elias3 Frank D. Peters4 Henry G. Stoesz5 Abram 1. FroeseMunicipal Clerk - Jake BergenTreasurer - Irvin 1. BraunYear 1984Reeve Jacob H. SchroederWard 1 Randall Pappel2 Peter A. Elias3 Ben Schellenberg4 Henry G. Stoesz5 Abram 1. FroeseMunicipal Clerk - Jake BergenTreasurer - Irvin 1. Braun273

Appendix IV: Historical Data on School Districts and Private Schools in theR.M. of Rhineland.Prepared by John Rempel and William J. KehlerThe information in these charts was based on the R.M. of Rhineland By-laws and Minutes,Inspectors Reports From Mennonite School Districts and on Mary Brewster Perfect's MEDThesis, "100 Years in the History of Rural Schools of Manitoba: Their Formation, Reorganizationand Dissolution 1871-1971", (University of Manitoba, 1978).Much of the information on Private Schools is based on conversations with older peoplewho had been students in the private schools of that era.Notes Regarding Rhineland and Garden Valley School DivisionsRhineland School Division (Multi-District) providing secondary education services wasestablished by referendum in the spring of 1963, to be effective January 1, 1964.Rhineland School Division (Unitary) was established by Order-in-Council on August 19,1971, to be effective January 1, 1972.Garden Valley School Division (Multi-District) providing secondary education serviceswas established to be effective January 1, 1964.Garden Valley School Division (Unitary) was established by Order-in-Council to beeffective January 1, 1973.274

Born in Altona, Manitoba in 1954,Gerhard John Ens grew up and was educatedin Gretna, Manitoba, graduatingfrom the Mennonite Collegiate Institutein 1973.His post-secondary education wasobtained at the University of Manitobawhere he received his B.A. and M.A.degrees in history. He is presently completinghis Ph.D. in Western Canadianhistory at the University of Alberta.Gerhard has ·prev'iously worked forthe Manitoba Department of HistoricalResources and Cultural Affairs and hehas published articles on the ManitobaMetis, the Hutterites in Canada and thehistory of Mennonite mental health carein Manitoba.