drebbel's living instruments, hartmann's microcosm, and libavius's ...

70 · VERA KELLERFrancis Bacon also, in Of the advancement and proficiencie of learning (London, 1640), 146–7,argued that astronomy currently only saved appearances through mathematical observations anddemonstrations rather than showing the true causes of things. It was thus to be placed among thelowly mathematical arts, “not without great diminution of the Dignity thereof; seeing it oughtrather (if it would maintaine its own right) be constitute a branch, & the most principall of NaturallPhilosophy”. Whoever would observe “the appetencies of matter, and the most universall Passions(which in either Globe are exceeding Potent, and transverberate the universall nature of things)”would discover the true “Living Astronomy”.41. A number of these sources were published alongside Drebbel’s letter to King James I in his Wondervondt(ref. 37).42. Drebbel, Wonder-vondt, unpaginated.43. Olaus Borrichius, Itinerarium 1660–1665, ii (London, 1983), 166: “Perpetuum mobile Drebbelii sevidisse tradit (forsan ex Mercurio) in vitro cum horologio, ita magneticum ut acus horologii, sipropter nebulas sol per duas horas non conspiceretur, adveniente sole momento se transferret acusex: gr: ab horâ XII ad IIdam.” See also Journal tenu par Isaac Beeckman (ref. 13), iii, 302.44. Drebbel, Wonder-vondt (ref. 37), unpaginated: “soo hangh alsoo/ in een besloten glas/ de Aerde in’tmidden van’t Water/ en het Water in’t midden van de Lucht/ ende de Lucht in’t midden van’tVier/ den een den anderen omvangende/ en haer selven soo ront makende/ als eenigh dingh opdie Werelt/ sser wonderlijck en ghenuechlijck om sien. Oft ter contrarie/ hangh die lucht in’tmidden van’t Water/ so ront als een cloot/ en het Water in’t midden van de Aerde/ den een denanderen omvangende ghelijck wy sien doen de Lucht den Aerdtbodem.” For the view of Drebbel’scosmoscope as a chemical microcosm, see Major, op. cit. (ref. 21); Nollius, op. cit. (ref. 39),152; Athanasius Kircher, Magnes (Rome, 1641), 607; Petrus Servius, Dissertatio de unguentoarmario (Rome, 1642), 57; J. J. W. Dobrzensky, Nova, et amaenior de admirando fontivm genio... philosophia (Ferrara, 1659), 80; et alia.45. Allen Debus, “Motion in the chemical texts of the Renaissance”, Isis, lxiv (1973), 4–17.46. Rosalie Colie, “Cornelis Drebbel and Salomon de Caus: Two Jacobean models for Salomon’s house”,Huntington Library quarterly, xviii (1954), 245–69, and Francis Bacon, Instauratio magna, Part3, ed. by Graham Rees and Maria Wakely (New York, 2007).47. Ibid., 304.48. Robert Fludd, Mosaicall philosophy (London, 1659), 3. See Fludd, Utriusque cosmi historia(Frankfurt, 1617–21), Book 1, 30–32; Book 7, 204, and also Tractatus secundus, Part Seven,Book Three, 469.49. Bate, op. cit. (ref. 19), unpaginated preface. William Eamon, Science and the secrets of nature:Books of secrets in medieval and early modern culture (Princeton, 1994), 308.50. Kircher, op. cit. (ref. 44), 607–12.51. Ibid., 587.52. Ibid., 588.53. Nicholas Cabeus, S.J., Philosophia magnetica (Cologne, 1629), 36.54. See for example, Heinrich Schuler, Methodus und principia aller wasserkünste (Geraw an derSlier, 1622), 21. See also Johann Staricius, Heldenschatz (Frankfurt, 1615), 9–14. No perpetualmotion fitting this description appears in the Prague 1607–11 inventory of the Kunstkammer. R.Bauer and H. Haupt, “Das kunstkammerinventar Kaiser Rudolfs II, 1607–1611”, Jahrbuch derKunsthistorischen Sammlungen in Wien, lxxii (1976), entire volume. However, Phillip Hainhoferand Martin Zeiller described a “perpetuum mobile, welches in ainem gläserinen Ring ascendiertvnd descendiert” held in the Dresden Kunstkammer. See Oscar Doering, Des Augsburger PatriciersPhilip Hainhofer reisen nach Innsbruck und Dresden (Vienna, 1901), 167, and Martin Zeiller,Handbuch von allerley nützlichen Erinneringen (Ulm, 1655), 490. Wilhelm Lang identified it