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RIGHT TO FOOD AND NUTRITION WATCH

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SUMMARY <strong>AND</strong> CONCLUSION<br />

accountability for its obligation to respect, protect and fulfill this right to adequate food<br />

and nutrition, which includes the democratic and participatory processes of the people<br />

in progressively realizing this right.<br />

THREATS <strong>TO</strong> <strong>FOOD</strong> <strong>AND</strong> <strong>NUTRITION</strong> SOVEREIGNTY: CORPORATE<br />

CONFLICTS OF INTEREST<br />

Articles in this issue of the Watch pointed to an unrestrained march of transnational<br />

corporations (TNCs) into the realm of public policy through the popularization of<br />

‘public-private partnerships’ (PPPs). These partnerships evade democratic principles,<br />

dodge socially inclusive processes, and feign corporate social responsibility when the<br />

ultimate business maxim is shareholder profit. This is not paranoia, but rather the<br />

unapologetic articulation of activities like the World Economic Forum’s (WEF)<br />

2010 Global Redesign Initiative (GRI) and its pilot, the Global Food, Agriculture<br />

and Nutrition Redesign Initiative (GNANRI) that seeks to move governance from<br />

the UN to ‘multi-stakeholder’ platforms dominated by the interests of corporations.<br />

Corporate conflicts of interest in public policy violate peoples’ right to food and<br />

nutritional sovereignty and are revealed in the following examples:<br />

••<br />

The collapse of the UN Standing Committee on Nutrition (SCN) and its<br />

absorption into the medicalized, nutrition-focused Scaling Up Nutrition<br />

(SUN) ignores the social determinants of, and human rights violations<br />

associated with, mother, fetal, infant, and early childhood malnutrition. It<br />

also minimizes local capacities to respond to malnutrition, while privileging<br />

a global nutrition industry response.<br />

••<br />

The rapidly growing and proliferating multilateral agreements grant rights<br />

to corporations instead of people. These pacts are negotiated with no or<br />

minimal public transparency and grant unacceptable power to corporations,<br />

including their legal right to sue governments if regulation were to interfere<br />

with current or future profit. These include the Transatlantic Trade and<br />

Investment Partnership (TTIP), the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), and<br />

the Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA), which,<br />

together with existing trade agreements like NAFTA, strengthen trans national<br />

corporate rule through multilateral trade relationships around the globe.<br />

••<br />

The post-2015 UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) fail to incorporate<br />

the human rights framework that would clearly link ‘accountability’ and the<br />

progressive realization of the right to adequate food and nutrition to legally<br />

binding instruments, instead of relying on weak voluntary and self-reviewing<br />

guidelines for ‘ethical’ business behavior as pushed by the corporations<br />

themselves.<br />

••<br />

The 1994 Agreement on Agriculture (AoA), finalized during the Uruguay<br />

Round of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), and being<br />

renegotiated now in the Doha Development Rounds, obstructs peoples’<br />

food and nutrition sovereignty. For example, the AoA limits the public procurement<br />

of food by national governments on behalf of their populations.<br />

Further, the World Trade Organization’s (W<strong>TO</strong>) rulings on ‘correct’ national<br />

trade behavior beg impartiality when the United States (US) spends 64 times<br />

more per person on food subsidies than does India. However, the latter<br />

faces sanctions for a ‘trade-distorting’ public policy, which includes stockholding<br />

programs that feed those in poverty while providing critical income<br />

support to farmers, most of whom are small-scale and economically insecure<br />

themselves.<br />

Peoples’ Nutrition Is Not a Business 81

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