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IRAQI KURDISTAN OIL AND GAS OUTLOOK

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<strong>IRAQI</strong> <strong>KURDISTAN</strong> <strong>OIL</strong> <strong>AND</strong> <strong>GAS</strong> <strong>OUTLOOK</strong><br />

Peschmerga forces in June 2014. Photo credit: Enno Lenze/Flickr.<br />

on the southwestern approaches to Kirkuk, threatening<br />

areas controlled by Peshmerga forces. But they no<br />

longer seem to pose a direct threat to the Kurdistan<br />

region itself. ISIS forces damaged the Khabbaz oilfield<br />

in 2015 and may have been responsible for a fire at<br />

Khabbaz on April 5, 2016. A series of ISIS assaults on<br />

July 30, 2016, briefly put the Bai Hassan field, operated<br />

by the federally owned (but now KRG-controlled)<br />

North Oil Company, out of action, along with a nearby<br />

gas processing plant. Production was resumed by<br />

August 2, initially at a rate of around 100,000 b/d<br />

compared to pre-attack output of around 170,000 b/d.<br />

Potentially more serious, at least in the long run, are<br />

the regular standoffs with either federal government<br />

forces or Shia militiamen in lands bordering the south of<br />

KRI, not least near Kirkuk. And while both Kirkuk itself<br />

and the entirety of the giant Kirkuk oilfield is currently<br />

under Peshmerga control, there is no likelihood that<br />

any government that may emerge in Baghdad will<br />

accept the status quo, particularly in the event of the<br />

KRG declaring independence. Baghdad continues to<br />

regard both the city and the bulk of the Kirkuk oilfield<br />

as falling rightfully under its authority, although since<br />

the rise of ISIS caused a collapse of federal forces in<br />

the area, it is the KRG and its Peshmerga forces that<br />

have exercised de facto control. Kirkuk thus remains<br />

a massive bone of contention between the KRI and<br />

Baghdad with its long-term future intimately bound up<br />

with Kurdish aspirations for independence. However, in<br />

July 2016 a major effort was reported to be under way<br />

to try to resolve the immediate question of North Oil<br />

Company production in areas controlled by Kurdish<br />

forces but not acknowledged by Baghdad to be part<br />

of the KRI. 7<br />

In the north of KRI, where PKK fighters have set up<br />

mountain bases from which they can strike back<br />

into Turkey, the KRG faces a problem that is as much<br />

diplomatic as military-related. On the one hand, it has<br />

to stand by while Turkish warplanes—and sometimes<br />

intruding Turkish troops—wage war in territory that<br />

is supposed to be under KRG control; on the other,<br />

it has to hope that the PKK fighters will not become<br />

embroiled in the politics of the Kurdistan Region of<br />

Iraq. For while the PKK fighters still look to Marxist<br />

principles and rely on continuing practical support<br />

from Moscow, the KRG’s thinking remains shaped by<br />

the need to maintain good relations with both the US<br />

and Turkish governments.<br />

The Domestic Front<br />

There is little or no political consensus within Kurdistan<br />

beyond a shared aspiration that the region should<br />

7 See Patrick Osgood, “New talks aim to break Kirkuk oil impasse,”<br />

Iraq Oil Report, July 20, 2016, http://www.iraqoilreport.com/<br />

news/new-talks-aim-break-kirkuk-oil-impasse-19380/.<br />

6 ATLANTIC COUNCIL

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