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Jacques Bidet a Stathis Kouvelakis

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8 • <strong>Jacques</strong> <strong>Bidet</strong><br />

All this can be related to those elements in Marx’s Marxism that are bound<br />

up with Enlightenment traditions of the social contract and political economy,<br />

Rousseau and Adam Smith. Moreover, in a sense, it is indeed to these traditions<br />

that Marx pays homage at the start of Capital, when he begins his exposition<br />

by referring to what constitutes the presupposition of the modern form<br />

of society. Marx begins by considering that which, of� cially at least, presents<br />

itself as the most general feature of capitalist society: market relations of production,<br />

based on exchange, in which everyone eo ipso considers the other as<br />

a free, equal, and rational individual, and thereby enjoys the status of citizen<br />

in a polity based on the social contract. Marx then shows how, in reality, this<br />

framework of production for exchange, in so far as it is generalised, turns<br />

labour-power itself into a commodity, bought by capitalists with a view to<br />

pro� t – that is to say, at a lower price than the value it will produce. There -<br />

after, social relations can no longer be analysed as simple relations of exchange<br />

between individuals, because they are at the same time relations of exploitation<br />

between classes with con� icting interests. And the class that is economically<br />

dominant is also the class which is politically dominant, in a state whose<br />

institutions, in this respect, are non-contractual, are such as to reproduce and<br />

maintain the class structure. The aim of the remainder of Capital is to demonstrate<br />

that this form of society is historically transient, leading to its own<br />

supersession. In fact, it has an irresistible tendency to the concentration of<br />

capital, such that large � rms gradually replace small ones, to the point where<br />

the working class, increasingly numerous, educated, and organised by the<br />

production process itself, becomes capable of taking over management of it<br />

and replacing the logic of the market by democratically organised planning,<br />

so that a logic of concerted discourse can henceforth replace the blind mechanisms<br />

of the market.<br />

It might be thought that there is much truth in Marx’s analysis. And we<br />

have seen that during the twentieth century the working class, allied with<br />

other categories of wage-earner and elsewhere with peasant masses, demonstrated<br />

its ability to promote alternatives to capitalism, to impose limits on the<br />

omnipotence of the logic of the capitalist market, to establish non-market conditions<br />

for the employment of labour-power, and to appropriate in a national<br />

form a proportion of the production of goods and especially services. Even<br />

so, when attempts were made to substitute the ‘organised’ (or planned) form<br />

of society for the ‘market’ form in the USSR and China, it displayed a similar

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