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Welfare State Paper 1 Paid Family Leave copy

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S R Larson <strong>Paid</strong> <strong>Family</strong> <strong>Leave</strong> Wyoming Prosperity<br />

<strong>Paid</strong> family leave: not for America<br />

Even if there are no detectible advantages to paid family leave programs, an argument could be<br />

made for a program based on fiscal considerations. The metaphorical sales pitch for the EILB<br />

program over the FAMILY Act is that the former would be less fiscally burdensome; by<br />

implication, once it is created it would prevent the creation of a costlier program. In fact, in his<br />

August 15, 2016 introduction of the EILB, Ben Gitis specifically points out that the EILB is “much<br />

less costly than the FAMILY Act”.<br />

A similar fiscal argument seems to be built into President Trump’s paid-leave proposal. In his<br />

introduction of the White House’s FY2018 budget on May 23, 2017, Office of Management and<br />

Budget director Mick Mulvaney suggested that the cost of a federal paid-leave program would be<br />

offset by reductions in the cost of the unemployment-benefit program. 22 He did, however, not<br />

specify whether the offset would be complete or only partial.<br />

Fiscal impact: uncertain at best<br />

Given the federal government’s serious deficit problems, it is important to ask whether it is at<br />

all possible to create a federal paid family leave program without aggravating the deficit problem.<br />

This question has two parts, one immediately related to the fiscal mechanics of a paid-leave<br />

program; the other part is related to more broadly defined goals for paid-leave programs, such as<br />

the suggestion that they can be helpful to women in maintaining their ties to the labor market<br />

through maternity and parental leave.<br />

In other words: is it possible that a paid family leave program can be merited on, e.g., genderrelated<br />

grounds even if its fiscal impact is not for the better?<br />

The fiscal examination of an entitlement program inevitably takes place in the context of<br />

America’s recent fiscal experience with entitlement programs. Since President Johnson declared<br />

his War on Poverty in 1964 and created or expanded several entitlement programs, the federal<br />

government has run budget deficits almost uninterruptedly. After a surplus in 1969, the federal<br />

budget has only been in balance for four years (1998-2001). 23 This suggests a causal link between<br />

ambitious entitlement policies and a persistent deficit.<br />

President Trump’s budget does not give away many details on how his paid family leave program<br />

would be organized. It is therefore difficult to do any qualified estimates of its budgetary impact.<br />

The program-specific numbers in the budget are:<br />

• Provision of benefits; Table S-6, p. 35;<br />

• Cost-reduction estimates in the current unemployment program; these estimates result<br />

from the provision of “re-employment services” related to eligibility assessments; Table<br />

S-6, p. 35;<br />

• An estimate of future receipts, ostensibly from a dedicated payroll tax; Table S-6, p. 39;<br />

• Contributions to the budget deficit; Table S-2, p. 26.<br />

22 Please see: https://www.whitehouse.gov/featured-videos/video/2017/05/23/briefing-officemanagement-and-budget-director-mick-mulvaney<br />

23 Office of Management and Budget, Historic Table 1.1: Summary of Receipts, Outlays, and Surpluses or<br />

Deficits. Available at http://omb.whitehouse.gov<br />

23

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