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Welfare State Paper 1 Paid Family Leave copy

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S R Larson <strong>Paid</strong> <strong>Family</strong> <strong>Leave</strong> Wyoming Prosperity<br />

Other differences are limited to the size of the benefits and the amount of leave guaranteed:<br />

Strong Families Act<br />

Sen. Fischer (R-NE)<br />

S.2354, 114th Congress<br />

Type Tax credit<br />

Qualification criteria Person is an employee<br />

<strong>Leave</strong> time guaranteed 12 weeks/year<br />

Benefits Credit cap at $3,000<br />

FAMILY Act<br />

Sen. Gillibrand (D-NY)<br />

S.337, 115th Congress<br />

Entitlement benefit<br />

12 months of prior inc.<br />

60 days/year<br />

$8,000/year<br />

If the tax credit in the Strong Families Act becomes refundable, it is a minor issue to synchronize<br />

qualification criteria, guaranteed leave and benefits between the two proposals.<br />

Both bills are constructed according to the same redistributive architecture. By capping benefits,<br />

the FAMILY Act replaces a higher share of low-income earners’ wages. Likewise, by capping the<br />

tax credit, the Strong Families Act incentivizes leave among low-income employees while disincentivizing<br />

it among high-income employees.<br />

Republicans have long supported redistributive entitlement programs by perpetuating and<br />

expanding them; prior to the Affordable Care Act (ACA), no Republican-led Congress had ever<br />

voted for a repeal or phase-out of any entitlement program. Their failure to deliver a repeal or<br />

replacement of the ACA after the 2016 election is further evidence of their tacit or overt support<br />

for the redistributive welfare state.<br />

In terms of paid family leave, though, their support is new. As recently as in 2015 Congressional<br />

Republicans were still opposed to it. Now that the Trump administration has their own proposal,<br />

it is very likely that paid family leave will become the law of the land in one form or another.<br />

The rush to create such a program is confounding. Regardless of which version of paid leave<br />

Congress would pass, the program is going to grow into a major expense item in the federal<br />

budget. Based on experience with similar programs in European countries, it is possible that<br />

federal paid family leave – which is the more commonly used term – could end up costing<br />

taxpayers as much as Social Security.<br />

President Trump’s proposed program, and his administration’s material on the issue, make only<br />

one reference to the expected cost of the program, namely in table S-6 of the president’s budget.<br />

There, the expected annual cost is reported to be $1.85 billion per year for the next ten years.<br />

More realistic estimates point to much higher numbers. Even though these estimates make no<br />

attempts at calculating the cost based on experience with paid-leave programs, some of them do<br />

at least provide a more realistic picture of the expected cost than does President Trump’s budget.<br />

A later section examines these estimates; one of them runs as high as $391 billion for a full-fledged<br />

program. However, the maximum entitlement value – the amount of money that eligible citizens<br />

could claim from the program if they used it to its fullest extent – could be almost $1 trillion.<br />

Ahead of an examination of the fiscal and economic impact of paid leave, it is important to<br />

examine the program from the perspective of ideological values. These values would be the guide<br />

to a broader discussion of how an expansion of redistributive entitlements would reshape the<br />

American economy and American society. Since paid family leave is a major contribution toward<br />

closing the gap between the American welfare state and its Scandinavian peers, a discussion is<br />

merited about whether or not United <strong>State</strong>s of America should become a full-fledged<br />

Scandinavian welfare state.<br />

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