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EDITORIAL<br />
SUNDAy,<br />
MARCH <strong>24</strong>, <strong>2019</strong><br />
4<br />
Egypt’s struggle to stop the threats coming across its borders<br />
Acting Editor & Publisher : Jobaer Alam<br />
Telephone: +8802-9104683-84, Fax: 91271<strong>03</strong><br />
e-mail: editor@thebangladeshtoday.com<br />
Sunday, March <strong>24</strong>, <strong>2019</strong><br />
Need for reviewing<br />
CHT treaty<br />
A<br />
peace<br />
treaty worthy of its name must be based<br />
on reasonable and uniform justice meted out to<br />
all the parties involved in it. A treaty<br />
superimposed on one side without the wholehearted<br />
acceptance of its provisions generally by those<br />
included in the other, always remains vulnerable to<br />
unraveling from its fundamental flaws of not doing<br />
justice proportionately to all the sides in it.<br />
Resentments build up among the deprived party or<br />
parties and sooner or later the same can lead to an<br />
outburst or reaction scuttling the intended objectives<br />
of the treaty.<br />
The Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT) treaty concluded<br />
by a previous Awami League led government in 1997<br />
for facilitating the paramount position of the tribal<br />
people over this hill region of Bangladesh appears to<br />
be a classic example of such a treaty that leaves the<br />
seeds of discord and dissension dangerously alive.<br />
Ironically, it is called a peace treaty when the<br />
attempts for its enforcement would create anything but<br />
peace in the region for its unfair treatment of one of<br />
the two sides in it--- the Bengali people who form<br />
nearly half of the population of the area but who would<br />
be relegated to the position of worse than even third<br />
class citizens in their own country politically,<br />
economically and administratively from the<br />
implementation of this treaty. But it was reported time<br />
and again that the government is planning to make up<br />
for lost time and getting ready to enforce different<br />
provisions of the treaty that could even lead to<br />
establishment of tribals' land rights in reserved areas<br />
under the government not to speak of that of Bengali<br />
settlers.<br />
Under the terms of the CHT treaty, Bengalis who are<br />
over 90 per cent of the population of Bangladesh<br />
would lose rights to buying and selling lands in the<br />
CHT, not allowed to settle in the CHT or migrate to it,<br />
largely taken out of the governmental administration<br />
of the region and even disenfranchised in the sense<br />
that only a few of them would be allowed to contest for<br />
elective offices while the same would be monopolized<br />
by the tribal population. The full implementation of the<br />
CHT treaty would virtually create another self<br />
governed country like entity for the tribals within<br />
Bangladesh.<br />
Therefore, the government should take a fresh look<br />
at the treaty and go for a dialogue with the tribal<br />
representatives with a view to amending and<br />
improving it. Such treaties are nothing so inviolable<br />
that the same cannot be considered for amendments<br />
and improvements to meet the ends of justice and<br />
fairplay and in the highest interest of the country.<br />
The Chittagong Hill Tracts ( CHT) which comprises<br />
nearly one fifth of Bangladesh physically, is a very<br />
resourceful area . The fulsome implementation of the<br />
treaty would only pave the way for its ultimate<br />
breaking away from Bangladesh to form a separate<br />
country.<br />
Foreign conspiracy is rife in the area. Many foreign<br />
Christian NGOs are operating among the tribals and<br />
instigating them to work for a separate state which they<br />
call Jhoomland. The present government of<br />
Bangladesh must understand these realities and take<br />
preventive measures so as not to take blame for<br />
presiding over the dismemberment of the country.<br />
The tribals are complaining about non<br />
implementation or slow implementation of the peace<br />
deal. But that they never intended to live up to its<br />
provisions was manifest from major sections of their<br />
insurgent Shantibahini not handing over their arms as<br />
well as not giving up their insurgent behaviour. Last<br />
week's bloody shooting down of our law enforcers and<br />
others in the CHT was stark manifestations of this<br />
reality.<br />
It is credibly sensed that the tribal insurgents only<br />
surrendered about 10 per cent of their arms and<br />
ammunitions and that too nearly obsolete ones during<br />
the signing of the treaty. Thus they are in possession of<br />
the greater part of their armoury and only added to<br />
them over the years. Furthermore, taking advantage of<br />
substantial withdrawl of our armed forces from the<br />
CHT as per the treaty's requirements, they have<br />
virtually established their fiefdom in the area<br />
preparing for the establishment of their cherished<br />
Jhoomland. Therefore, it is high time for our<br />
government to wake up to the sordid realities and act<br />
against these designs before it becomes too late. Our<br />
government definitely was not short of sincerity and<br />
best intentions in signing the treaty. But it takes two to<br />
make true peace. Peace cannot succeed as long one side<br />
remains only committed to it superficially.<br />
Clearly, the insurgents who are hardly any better<br />
than bandits in most of their activities, will need to be<br />
dealt with firmly by the security forces. One main<br />
activity of the insurgents seems to be regular extortion<br />
of the Bengali population and keeping them in<br />
perpetual insecurity. Therefore, there can be no<br />
compromise or leniency when they are flouting the<br />
peace treaty they had signed.<br />
Peace must be established for normal life and living<br />
of 'all' people in the CHT. Meanwhile, a lasting political<br />
solution to the region's problems must be sincerely<br />
worked at by all sides. But the tribalsmust realise that<br />
no peace deal will work as they go on demanding more<br />
rights that would make them more equals in<br />
comparison to their Bengali neighbours.<br />
Egyptian Army's armored vehicles<br />
are seen on a highway to nrth Sinai<br />
during a launch of a major assault<br />
against militants in Ismailia in February<br />
2018. (Ministry of Defence/Handout via<br />
REUTERS)<br />
Egypt's four borders are a source of<br />
constant concern for the Cairo<br />
government, as the flaming conditions to<br />
the north, south, east and west have not<br />
abated in recent years, especially with the<br />
outbreak of the so-called "Arab<br />
Spring."The danger of terrorism comes<br />
from all sides, while there are other risks<br />
associated with illegal immigration and<br />
smuggling contraband and drugs, all of<br />
which threaten the state and its stability,<br />
especially as Egypt is engaged in a fierce<br />
war with extremism while also facing<br />
countless economic challenges.<br />
In Gaza, there have been widespread<br />
protests against Hamas, which controls<br />
the Strip. The popular "We Want to Live"<br />
movement in Gaza has called for a<br />
comprehensive strike in response to<br />
Hamas' crackdowns and policies that<br />
have caused deteriorations in the living<br />
and humanitarian conditions.<br />
A vengeful hunger for revolution is<br />
looming in Gaza, while Hamas is trying to<br />
abort it by carrying out a campaign of<br />
arrests of activists, protesters and the<br />
employees of human rights<br />
organizations. Several areas in the Gaza<br />
Strip, including Khan Younis and Deir Al-<br />
Balah, have witnessed demonstrations,<br />
and a young man even set fire to himself<br />
in protest against the deteriorating living<br />
conditions. Gaza's two million residents<br />
This is a tale of two free-trade<br />
agreements. The first, between the<br />
European Union and the countries<br />
of the Gulf Cooperation Council, has<br />
languished unsuccessfully in limbo, being<br />
periodically negotiated for 20 years, with<br />
no resolution in sight. The second,<br />
between Singapore and the GCC,<br />
concluded in 2013, is the first free-trade<br />
agreement signed by the bloc with a<br />
country outside of the Middle East.<br />
After Britain leaves the European<br />
Union - whether it is at the end of the<br />
month or after a short delay - it will need<br />
to decide what kind of country it wants to<br />
be, free of continental constraints.<br />
One model is Singapore, a low-tax, lowregulation<br />
beacon of free trade; this<br />
indeed is the ideal Brexiteer vision, and<br />
the one most likely to come about if the<br />
UK exits without a deal.<br />
But becoming like Singapore is fraught<br />
with uncertainty. It means more than<br />
merely changing the UK's relationship<br />
with the European Union. It will mean<br />
changing the UK's relationship with itself.<br />
The first test of this new vision will<br />
come in the Arab Gulf region.<br />
Britain's exit from the EU is usually<br />
seen as a chance to do things differently.<br />
But in the Gulf region, the best the UK can<br />
do is more of the same. In some ways, an<br />
FTA with the GCC ought to be one of the<br />
UK's easiest. Barriers to trade are already<br />
low: Import tariffs hover around 5%,<br />
although the GCC-Singapore deal made<br />
almost all imports tariff-free, so there is<br />
room for improvement.<br />
The year after the Brexit referendum,<br />
DR. ABDELLATIF EL-MENAwy<br />
complain of poor economic conditions<br />
and social services in the territory, which<br />
has been controlled by Hamas since<br />
2007. The volatile situation, caused by<br />
the policies of Hamas on the one hand<br />
and the suffocating blockade imposed by<br />
the Israeli occupation forces on the other,<br />
is a harbinger of a new crisis for Egypt,<br />
which has recently suffered from an<br />
influx of armed militias through the<br />
tunnels between the Gaza Strip and Sinai.<br />
The Egyptian army has been trying to<br />
clear the Sinai Peninsula from Daesh<br />
terrorists. Among the measures taken by<br />
the army in recent years include the filling<br />
in of tunnels, which were a major<br />
inconvenience to the Egyptian authorities<br />
because they were usually the main<br />
channel for the influx of militants into the<br />
Sinai.<br />
Egypt has succeeded in filling in a large<br />
number of tunnels, the latest of which<br />
was announced by the army this month.<br />
Counterterrorism forces in North Sinai,<br />
in cooperation with military engineers,<br />
discovered and destroyed nine tunnel<br />
openings that were up to 2 meters by 2<br />
meters in size. They led to three main<br />
tunnels on the Gaza border, with depths<br />
of up to 30 meters and lengths of up to 3<br />
km. The tunnels were used by terrorist<br />
elements for infiltration and the<br />
smuggling of arms, ammunition and<br />
explosive materials.<br />
Egypt has always faced threats from<br />
across its borders, probably because it is<br />
an important civilization, or maybe<br />
because it is a central state in the Middle<br />
East whose role transcends its four<br />
borders. Pulling motors, electrical cables,<br />
lighting materials, headsets and fuel were<br />
found inside the tunnels. Two vehicles<br />
were discovered and destroyed, and 40<br />
Gaza's two million residents complain of poor economic conditions and social<br />
services in the territory, which has been controlled by Hamas since 2007. The<br />
volatile situation, caused by the policies of Hamas on the one hand and the<br />
suffocating blockade imposed by the Israeli occupation forces on the other, is a<br />
harbinger of a new crisis for Egypt, which has recently suffered from an influx of<br />
armed militias through the tunnels between the Gaza Strip and Sinai.<br />
the UK's international trade minister<br />
celebrated the fact that British companies<br />
exported more than £30 billion (US$39.4<br />
billion) in goods and services to the GCC<br />
every year, more than exports to China.<br />
Since then trade has grown. The United<br />
Arab Emirates and the UK alone have a<br />
bilateral trade target of £25 billion by<br />
2020, and the other major economies of<br />
the GCC - Saudi Arabia and Qatar - are<br />
keen to expand their imports from and<br />
investments in the UK.<br />
In particular, as GCC countries look to<br />
diversify away from hydrocarbons, many<br />
will seek to expand their education,<br />
health-care and financial-services sectors.<br />
These are all sectors in which British<br />
services are strong, offering considerable<br />
opportunity for further cooperation.<br />
What, on the other side, though, does<br />
the Gulf want from the UK? The short<br />
answer is stability and continuity. At the<br />
moment, most of the trade between the<br />
two is focused on oil and gas and defense<br />
sales. But defense will not be covered by a<br />
free-trade agreement and is usually a<br />
FAISAL AL yAFAI<br />
bombs, as well as materials used in the<br />
manufacture of improvised explosive<br />
devices, were also found.<br />
Egypt's western border with Libya<br />
extends for 1,115 km, which means that it<br />
is difficult to achieve full control over.<br />
Libya has become one of the key focal<br />
points for extremist groups after the fall of<br />
the Qaddafi regime. As a result, a number<br />
of forces there are fighting for power,<br />
including some illegal armed groups.<br />
government-to-government matter, so<br />
from the GCC's perspective, the<br />
continuity of a good political relationship<br />
is key.<br />
The same applies to stability. Sovereign<br />
wealth funds and private citizens are<br />
heavily invested in the UK real-estate<br />
market, so a decline in prices or<br />
fluctuations in the exchange rate can have<br />
an impact. However, those things are<br />
beyond the scope of an FTA. There are<br />
also issues like visa-free access, which the<br />
GCC has already requested.<br />
In fact, what the GCC wants from the<br />
UK isn't entirely more trade - it's less<br />
politics. The GCC wants to trade with the<br />
EU without what it sees as unnecessary<br />
interference in Gulf states' domestic<br />
politics, in particular with regard to<br />
clauses about human rights. There is<br />
mutual suspicion<br />
The sticking points in the EU free-trade<br />
negotiations have been mainly over<br />
politics: The GCC wants to trade with the<br />
EU without what it sees as unnecessary<br />
interference in GCC states' domestic<br />
The Egyptian army's battle on the<br />
western border is difficult, and the armed<br />
forces are constantly announcing the<br />
destruction of terrorist vehicles or<br />
strongholds close to the border. However,<br />
on March 1, Libyan National Army<br />
spokesman Brig. Gen. Ahmed Al-<br />
Mesmari announced full control of the<br />
Libyan border, while the Libyan army, led<br />
by Field Marshal Khalifa Haftar, has<br />
launched an extensive campaign against<br />
terrorist groups.<br />
Col. Miloud Jawad, the undersecretary<br />
general of the Interior Ministry of the<br />
Libyan Interim Government based in<br />
Tobruk, said in January that the ministry<br />
had begun building a wall at its eastern<br />
border crossing with Egypt to help<br />
prevent the infiltration of militants and to<br />
combat smuggling across the border.<br />
However, many security experts in Egypt<br />
have questioned the effectiveness of the<br />
wall in preventing the infiltration of<br />
terrorists.<br />
To the south, Sudan has never been a<br />
secure border because of its mountainous<br />
nature. Smuggling at the Sudanese<br />
border has seen weapons and drugs cross<br />
into Egypt, as well as the infiltration of<br />
dangerous individuals who use Egypt as a<br />
gateway to Israel. Although the western<br />
border has been used more than the<br />
southern border for arms smuggling over<br />
the years, Egyptian border guards'<br />
attempts to thwart smuggling attempts<br />
are continuing.<br />
Source : Arab news<br />
Road to ‘Singapore-on-Thames’ runs through Gulf<br />
Lebanese President Michel Aoun will<br />
be visiting Moscow on March 25-26<br />
for a summit with his Russian<br />
counterpart, Vladimir Putin.<br />
The talks will be multi-faceted, dealing<br />
with a Russian-engineered return of Syrian<br />
refugees from Lebanon, which will be high<br />
on the agenda, along with military<br />
cooperation and economic investment.<br />
A warming of Lebanese-Russian ties is<br />
only natural after all, given Russia's<br />
dominance in neighbouring Syria, a<br />
country that has historically had the upper<br />
hand in Lebanese affairs - even during its<br />
times of weakness. One hundred years ago,<br />
the modern state of Lebanon was carved<br />
out of Greater Syria, and ever since, the fate<br />
of the two countries has been incredibly<br />
intertwined.<br />
One year ago, the Russian Foreign and<br />
Defence Ministries announced an<br />
ambitious project for the repatriation of 2<br />
million Syrian refugees from neighbouring<br />
countries. They were needed to physically<br />
take part in the rebuilding of their destroyed<br />
homes, and to help project Putin's image as<br />
a problem-solver in the region. Putin wants<br />
to take credit for being the person who<br />
solved Syria's refugee problem - starting<br />
from Lebanon, which hosts nearly 1.5<br />
million Syrians.<br />
Their return has been slow, however, due<br />
to fears of arrest by Syrian authorities, and<br />
lack of basic services in their towns and<br />
villages. Prime Minister Sa'ad Hariri was<br />
opposed to it one year ago, claiming that<br />
death or arrest awaited them across the<br />
border. President Aoun thought otherwise,<br />
Britain's exit from the EU is usually seen as a chance to do<br />
things differently. But in the Gulf region, the best the UK<br />
can do is more of the same. In some ways, an FTA with the<br />
GCC ought to be one of the UK's easiest. Barriers to trade<br />
are already low: Import tariffs hover around 5%, although<br />
the GCC-Singapore deal made almost all imports tarifffree,<br />
so there is room for improvement.<br />
however, and so did his allies in Hezbollah.<br />
They argued that Hariri wanted them to<br />
stay because they were generating money<br />
for the Lebanese economy, through a<br />
constant cash flow from international<br />
donors and the United Nations.<br />
Additionally, the majority of them were<br />
Sunni Muslims, raising the ire of Hezbollah,<br />
who argued that if they overstayed their<br />
welcome, these refugees would slowly<br />
embed into Lebanese society, tipping the<br />
delicate sectarian balance in favour of the<br />
Sunni community.Hariri has now<br />
seemingly abandoned the project - along<br />
with the portfolio of refugee affairs, which<br />
went to a protege of the president last<br />
January after being in the hands of the<br />
Prime Minister's Future Movement since<br />
2016. The new minister, Saleh Garib, visited<br />
Damascus last month despite Hariri's<br />
insistence that no member of his<br />
government engages with Syria before a<br />
political deal is reached, under UN auspices.<br />
He laid the groundwork for a systematic<br />
return of Syrian refugees, which Aoun<br />
SAMI MOUBAyED<br />
hopes to put into action after his upcoming<br />
meeting with Putin. Last April, Aoun's<br />
former Defence Minister Yaacoub Sarrouf<br />
travelled to Moscow where on the sidelines<br />
of a security council he was expected to sign<br />
a military agreement with the Russians. It<br />
had been proposed by Prime Minister<br />
Dmitry Medvedev in February 2018 at the<br />
urging of President Putin. It called for the<br />
opening of Lebanese airspace, airports and<br />
naval bases for the Russian military, who<br />
are already stationed a stone's throw away<br />
at Hmeimeem in Syria. Putin was also<br />
offering 15 years of interest-free delivery of<br />
Russian arms to Beirut, worth $1.5 billion<br />
(Dh5.51 billion), along with intelligence<br />
sharing, and the training of Lebanese troops<br />
on counter-terrorism. The agreement never<br />
saw the light of day, due to fears among the<br />
US-backed Lebanese political elite, who<br />
feared the wrath of Donald Trump, should<br />
they sign such a document. Hezbollah MP<br />
Nawaf Al Mousawi spoke in its favour in<br />
Parliament, saying: "Why don't we head<br />
towards Russia and China and get arms<br />
politics, in particular with regard to<br />
clauses about human rights. There is<br />
mutual suspicion: The EU is suspicious<br />
that a current lack of political<br />
liberalization also means the GCC doesn't<br />
really want economic liberalization<br />
either, while the Gulf suspects that EU<br />
clauses about human rights are a way to<br />
interfere further in domestic affairs in the<br />
future.<br />
To do a free-trade deal, then, will mean<br />
changing how the UK operates, dropping<br />
more political issues and focusing on pure<br />
trade. That is precisely what the<br />
Brexiteers want, and what the GCC<br />
prefers. But from the perspective of the<br />
UK, it will mean altering the way Britain<br />
has negotiated deals for decades;<br />
changing its offer to countries over the<br />
circumstances of bilateral trade; and,<br />
indeed, changing its relationship with<br />
itself. It remains to be seen whether the<br />
Singapore vision is one that commands<br />
support in the UK.<br />
Singapore's success has been built on a<br />
very specific political and social culture,<br />
one that includes aspects that the British<br />
public might favor (such as low taxes and<br />
minimal regulation), others that the<br />
public definitely won't want (such as low<br />
public spending in a country devoted to<br />
its deep-pocketed National Health<br />
Service), and things that the UK simply<br />
cannot copy even if it wanted to (such as<br />
Singapore's modest population of five<br />
and half million or its broadly cohesive<br />
society).<br />
Source : Asia times<br />
Lebanon’s slow shift into Russia’s orbit<br />
One year ago, the Russian Foreign and Defence Ministries announced<br />
an ambitious project for the repatriation of 2 million Syrian refugees<br />
from neighbouring countries. They were needed to physically take part<br />
in the rebuilding of their destroyed homes, and to help project Putin's<br />
image as a problem-solver in the region. Putin wants to take credit for<br />
being the person who solved Syria's refugee problem - starting from<br />
Lebanon, which hosts nearly 1.5 million Syrians.<br />
from these great countries? Why is the<br />
Lebanese government hesitating in signing<br />
the agreement with Russia? Syria has a<br />
relationship with the Russian Federation,<br />
so why doesn't Lebanon get included<br />
underneath Russian air cover as well?" He<br />
then boomed: "If the Russians want<br />
military bases and airports, why don't they<br />
use Beirut and Riyak (in the Bekka Valley)?"<br />
The presidential summit is boosting<br />
econ-omic relations one month after the<br />
Russian-state owned firm Rosneft was<br />
granted a 20-year year licence to manage<br />
and upgrade an oil storage facility in Tripoli.<br />
Earlier, Russia's Novatek joined France's<br />
Total and Italy's ENI in drilling for oil in the<br />
eastern Mediterranean - an operation<br />
strongly contested by the Israelis who claim<br />
that the drilling would be taking place in a<br />
block claimed by both countries.<br />
Mike Pompeo was recently in Beirut,<br />
expressing US support for Israel on this<br />
matter, and urging Lebanese officialdom to<br />
reconsider. His calls fell on deaf ears,<br />
however, in a country that is shifting slowly,<br />
perhaps even at a snail's pace, into Russia's<br />
orbit. Hezbollah insists on going ahead with<br />
the drilling, and so does Michel Aoun.<br />
Meanwhile, bilateral trade between the<br />
two countries currently exceeds $500<br />
million, while Lebanon imports $900<br />
million worth of Russian goods annually,<br />
mainly oil and hydrocarbons. Aoun has<br />
plenty of reasons to invest.<br />
Source : Gulf news