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EDITORIAL<br />

SUNDAy,<br />

MARCH <strong>24</strong>, <strong>2019</strong><br />

4<br />

Egypt’s struggle to stop the threats coming across its borders<br />

Acting Editor & Publisher : Jobaer Alam<br />

Telephone: +8802-9104683-84, Fax: 91271<strong>03</strong><br />

e-mail: editor@thebangladeshtoday.com<br />

Sunday, March <strong>24</strong>, <strong>2019</strong><br />

Need for reviewing<br />

CHT treaty<br />

A<br />

peace<br />

treaty worthy of its name must be based<br />

on reasonable and uniform justice meted out to<br />

all the parties involved in it. A treaty<br />

superimposed on one side without the wholehearted<br />

acceptance of its provisions generally by those<br />

included in the other, always remains vulnerable to<br />

unraveling from its fundamental flaws of not doing<br />

justice proportionately to all the sides in it.<br />

Resentments build up among the deprived party or<br />

parties and sooner or later the same can lead to an<br />

outburst or reaction scuttling the intended objectives<br />

of the treaty.<br />

The Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT) treaty concluded<br />

by a previous Awami League led government in 1997<br />

for facilitating the paramount position of the tribal<br />

people over this hill region of Bangladesh appears to<br />

be a classic example of such a treaty that leaves the<br />

seeds of discord and dissension dangerously alive.<br />

Ironically, it is called a peace treaty when the<br />

attempts for its enforcement would create anything but<br />

peace in the region for its unfair treatment of one of<br />

the two sides in it--- the Bengali people who form<br />

nearly half of the population of the area but who would<br />

be relegated to the position of worse than even third<br />

class citizens in their own country politically,<br />

economically and administratively from the<br />

implementation of this treaty. But it was reported time<br />

and again that the government is planning to make up<br />

for lost time and getting ready to enforce different<br />

provisions of the treaty that could even lead to<br />

establishment of tribals' land rights in reserved areas<br />

under the government not to speak of that of Bengali<br />

settlers.<br />

Under the terms of the CHT treaty, Bengalis who are<br />

over 90 per cent of the population of Bangladesh<br />

would lose rights to buying and selling lands in the<br />

CHT, not allowed to settle in the CHT or migrate to it,<br />

largely taken out of the governmental administration<br />

of the region and even disenfranchised in the sense<br />

that only a few of them would be allowed to contest for<br />

elective offices while the same would be monopolized<br />

by the tribal population. The full implementation of the<br />

CHT treaty would virtually create another self<br />

governed country like entity for the tribals within<br />

Bangladesh.<br />

Therefore, the government should take a fresh look<br />

at the treaty and go for a dialogue with the tribal<br />

representatives with a view to amending and<br />

improving it. Such treaties are nothing so inviolable<br />

that the same cannot be considered for amendments<br />

and improvements to meet the ends of justice and<br />

fairplay and in the highest interest of the country.<br />

The Chittagong Hill Tracts ( CHT) which comprises<br />

nearly one fifth of Bangladesh physically, is a very<br />

resourceful area . The fulsome implementation of the<br />

treaty would only pave the way for its ultimate<br />

breaking away from Bangladesh to form a separate<br />

country.<br />

Foreign conspiracy is rife in the area. Many foreign<br />

Christian NGOs are operating among the tribals and<br />

instigating them to work for a separate state which they<br />

call Jhoomland. The present government of<br />

Bangladesh must understand these realities and take<br />

preventive measures so as not to take blame for<br />

presiding over the dismemberment of the country.<br />

The tribals are complaining about non<br />

implementation or slow implementation of the peace<br />

deal. But that they never intended to live up to its<br />

provisions was manifest from major sections of their<br />

insurgent Shantibahini not handing over their arms as<br />

well as not giving up their insurgent behaviour. Last<br />

week's bloody shooting down of our law enforcers and<br />

others in the CHT was stark manifestations of this<br />

reality.<br />

It is credibly sensed that the tribal insurgents only<br />

surrendered about 10 per cent of their arms and<br />

ammunitions and that too nearly obsolete ones during<br />

the signing of the treaty. Thus they are in possession of<br />

the greater part of their armoury and only added to<br />

them over the years. Furthermore, taking advantage of<br />

substantial withdrawl of our armed forces from the<br />

CHT as per the treaty's requirements, they have<br />

virtually established their fiefdom in the area<br />

preparing for the establishment of their cherished<br />

Jhoomland. Therefore, it is high time for our<br />

government to wake up to the sordid realities and act<br />

against these designs before it becomes too late. Our<br />

government definitely was not short of sincerity and<br />

best intentions in signing the treaty. But it takes two to<br />

make true peace. Peace cannot succeed as long one side<br />

remains only committed to it superficially.<br />

Clearly, the insurgents who are hardly any better<br />

than bandits in most of their activities, will need to be<br />

dealt with firmly by the security forces. One main<br />

activity of the insurgents seems to be regular extortion<br />

of the Bengali population and keeping them in<br />

perpetual insecurity. Therefore, there can be no<br />

compromise or leniency when they are flouting the<br />

peace treaty they had signed.<br />

Peace must be established for normal life and living<br />

of 'all' people in the CHT. Meanwhile, a lasting political<br />

solution to the region's problems must be sincerely<br />

worked at by all sides. But the tribalsmust realise that<br />

no peace deal will work as they go on demanding more<br />

rights that would make them more equals in<br />

comparison to their Bengali neighbours.<br />

Egyptian Army's armored vehicles<br />

are seen on a highway to nrth Sinai<br />

during a launch of a major assault<br />

against militants in Ismailia in February<br />

2018. (Ministry of Defence/Handout via<br />

REUTERS)<br />

Egypt's four borders are a source of<br />

constant concern for the Cairo<br />

government, as the flaming conditions to<br />

the north, south, east and west have not<br />

abated in recent years, especially with the<br />

outbreak of the so-called "Arab<br />

Spring."The danger of terrorism comes<br />

from all sides, while there are other risks<br />

associated with illegal immigration and<br />

smuggling contraband and drugs, all of<br />

which threaten the state and its stability,<br />

especially as Egypt is engaged in a fierce<br />

war with extremism while also facing<br />

countless economic challenges.<br />

In Gaza, there have been widespread<br />

protests against Hamas, which controls<br />

the Strip. The popular "We Want to Live"<br />

movement in Gaza has called for a<br />

comprehensive strike in response to<br />

Hamas' crackdowns and policies that<br />

have caused deteriorations in the living<br />

and humanitarian conditions.<br />

A vengeful hunger for revolution is<br />

looming in Gaza, while Hamas is trying to<br />

abort it by carrying out a campaign of<br />

arrests of activists, protesters and the<br />

employees of human rights<br />

organizations. Several areas in the Gaza<br />

Strip, including Khan Younis and Deir Al-<br />

Balah, have witnessed demonstrations,<br />

and a young man even set fire to himself<br />

in protest against the deteriorating living<br />

conditions. Gaza's two million residents<br />

This is a tale of two free-trade<br />

agreements. The first, between the<br />

European Union and the countries<br />

of the Gulf Cooperation Council, has<br />

languished unsuccessfully in limbo, being<br />

periodically negotiated for 20 years, with<br />

no resolution in sight. The second,<br />

between Singapore and the GCC,<br />

concluded in 2013, is the first free-trade<br />

agreement signed by the bloc with a<br />

country outside of the Middle East.<br />

After Britain leaves the European<br />

Union - whether it is at the end of the<br />

month or after a short delay - it will need<br />

to decide what kind of country it wants to<br />

be, free of continental constraints.<br />

One model is Singapore, a low-tax, lowregulation<br />

beacon of free trade; this<br />

indeed is the ideal Brexiteer vision, and<br />

the one most likely to come about if the<br />

UK exits without a deal.<br />

But becoming like Singapore is fraught<br />

with uncertainty. It means more than<br />

merely changing the UK's relationship<br />

with the European Union. It will mean<br />

changing the UK's relationship with itself.<br />

The first test of this new vision will<br />

come in the Arab Gulf region.<br />

Britain's exit from the EU is usually<br />

seen as a chance to do things differently.<br />

But in the Gulf region, the best the UK can<br />

do is more of the same. In some ways, an<br />

FTA with the GCC ought to be one of the<br />

UK's easiest. Barriers to trade are already<br />

low: Import tariffs hover around 5%,<br />

although the GCC-Singapore deal made<br />

almost all imports tariff-free, so there is<br />

room for improvement.<br />

The year after the Brexit referendum,<br />

DR. ABDELLATIF EL-MENAwy<br />

complain of poor economic conditions<br />

and social services in the territory, which<br />

has been controlled by Hamas since<br />

2007. The volatile situation, caused by<br />

the policies of Hamas on the one hand<br />

and the suffocating blockade imposed by<br />

the Israeli occupation forces on the other,<br />

is a harbinger of a new crisis for Egypt,<br />

which has recently suffered from an<br />

influx of armed militias through the<br />

tunnels between the Gaza Strip and Sinai.<br />

The Egyptian army has been trying to<br />

clear the Sinai Peninsula from Daesh<br />

terrorists. Among the measures taken by<br />

the army in recent years include the filling<br />

in of tunnels, which were a major<br />

inconvenience to the Egyptian authorities<br />

because they were usually the main<br />

channel for the influx of militants into the<br />

Sinai.<br />

Egypt has succeeded in filling in a large<br />

number of tunnels, the latest of which<br />

was announced by the army this month.<br />

Counterterrorism forces in North Sinai,<br />

in cooperation with military engineers,<br />

discovered and destroyed nine tunnel<br />

openings that were up to 2 meters by 2<br />

meters in size. They led to three main<br />

tunnels on the Gaza border, with depths<br />

of up to 30 meters and lengths of up to 3<br />

km. The tunnels were used by terrorist<br />

elements for infiltration and the<br />

smuggling of arms, ammunition and<br />

explosive materials.<br />

Egypt has always faced threats from<br />

across its borders, probably because it is<br />

an important civilization, or maybe<br />

because it is a central state in the Middle<br />

East whose role transcends its four<br />

borders. Pulling motors, electrical cables,<br />

lighting materials, headsets and fuel were<br />

found inside the tunnels. Two vehicles<br />

were discovered and destroyed, and 40<br />

Gaza's two million residents complain of poor economic conditions and social<br />

services in the territory, which has been controlled by Hamas since 2007. The<br />

volatile situation, caused by the policies of Hamas on the one hand and the<br />

suffocating blockade imposed by the Israeli occupation forces on the other, is a<br />

harbinger of a new crisis for Egypt, which has recently suffered from an influx of<br />

armed militias through the tunnels between the Gaza Strip and Sinai.<br />

the UK's international trade minister<br />

celebrated the fact that British companies<br />

exported more than £30 billion (US$39.4<br />

billion) in goods and services to the GCC<br />

every year, more than exports to China.<br />

Since then trade has grown. The United<br />

Arab Emirates and the UK alone have a<br />

bilateral trade target of £25 billion by<br />

2020, and the other major economies of<br />

the GCC - Saudi Arabia and Qatar - are<br />

keen to expand their imports from and<br />

investments in the UK.<br />

In particular, as GCC countries look to<br />

diversify away from hydrocarbons, many<br />

will seek to expand their education,<br />

health-care and financial-services sectors.<br />

These are all sectors in which British<br />

services are strong, offering considerable<br />

opportunity for further cooperation.<br />

What, on the other side, though, does<br />

the Gulf want from the UK? The short<br />

answer is stability and continuity. At the<br />

moment, most of the trade between the<br />

two is focused on oil and gas and defense<br />

sales. But defense will not be covered by a<br />

free-trade agreement and is usually a<br />

FAISAL AL yAFAI<br />

bombs, as well as materials used in the<br />

manufacture of improvised explosive<br />

devices, were also found.<br />

Egypt's western border with Libya<br />

extends for 1,115 km, which means that it<br />

is difficult to achieve full control over.<br />

Libya has become one of the key focal<br />

points for extremist groups after the fall of<br />

the Qaddafi regime. As a result, a number<br />

of forces there are fighting for power,<br />

including some illegal armed groups.<br />

government-to-government matter, so<br />

from the GCC's perspective, the<br />

continuity of a good political relationship<br />

is key.<br />

The same applies to stability. Sovereign<br />

wealth funds and private citizens are<br />

heavily invested in the UK real-estate<br />

market, so a decline in prices or<br />

fluctuations in the exchange rate can have<br />

an impact. However, those things are<br />

beyond the scope of an FTA. There are<br />

also issues like visa-free access, which the<br />

GCC has already requested.<br />

In fact, what the GCC wants from the<br />

UK isn't entirely more trade - it's less<br />

politics. The GCC wants to trade with the<br />

EU without what it sees as unnecessary<br />

interference in Gulf states' domestic<br />

politics, in particular with regard to<br />

clauses about human rights. There is<br />

mutual suspicion<br />

The sticking points in the EU free-trade<br />

negotiations have been mainly over<br />

politics: The GCC wants to trade with the<br />

EU without what it sees as unnecessary<br />

interference in GCC states' domestic<br />

The Egyptian army's battle on the<br />

western border is difficult, and the armed<br />

forces are constantly announcing the<br />

destruction of terrorist vehicles or<br />

strongholds close to the border. However,<br />

on March 1, Libyan National Army<br />

spokesman Brig. Gen. Ahmed Al-<br />

Mesmari announced full control of the<br />

Libyan border, while the Libyan army, led<br />

by Field Marshal Khalifa Haftar, has<br />

launched an extensive campaign against<br />

terrorist groups.<br />

Col. Miloud Jawad, the undersecretary<br />

general of the Interior Ministry of the<br />

Libyan Interim Government based in<br />

Tobruk, said in January that the ministry<br />

had begun building a wall at its eastern<br />

border crossing with Egypt to help<br />

prevent the infiltration of militants and to<br />

combat smuggling across the border.<br />

However, many security experts in Egypt<br />

have questioned the effectiveness of the<br />

wall in preventing the infiltration of<br />

terrorists.<br />

To the south, Sudan has never been a<br />

secure border because of its mountainous<br />

nature. Smuggling at the Sudanese<br />

border has seen weapons and drugs cross<br />

into Egypt, as well as the infiltration of<br />

dangerous individuals who use Egypt as a<br />

gateway to Israel. Although the western<br />

border has been used more than the<br />

southern border for arms smuggling over<br />

the years, Egyptian border guards'<br />

attempts to thwart smuggling attempts<br />

are continuing.<br />

Source : Arab news<br />

Road to ‘Singapore-on-Thames’ runs through Gulf<br />

Lebanese President Michel Aoun will<br />

be visiting Moscow on March 25-26<br />

for a summit with his Russian<br />

counterpart, Vladimir Putin.<br />

The talks will be multi-faceted, dealing<br />

with a Russian-engineered return of Syrian<br />

refugees from Lebanon, which will be high<br />

on the agenda, along with military<br />

cooperation and economic investment.<br />

A warming of Lebanese-Russian ties is<br />

only natural after all, given Russia's<br />

dominance in neighbouring Syria, a<br />

country that has historically had the upper<br />

hand in Lebanese affairs - even during its<br />

times of weakness. One hundred years ago,<br />

the modern state of Lebanon was carved<br />

out of Greater Syria, and ever since, the fate<br />

of the two countries has been incredibly<br />

intertwined.<br />

One year ago, the Russian Foreign and<br />

Defence Ministries announced an<br />

ambitious project for the repatriation of 2<br />

million Syrian refugees from neighbouring<br />

countries. They were needed to physically<br />

take part in the rebuilding of their destroyed<br />

homes, and to help project Putin's image as<br />

a problem-solver in the region. Putin wants<br />

to take credit for being the person who<br />

solved Syria's refugee problem - starting<br />

from Lebanon, which hosts nearly 1.5<br />

million Syrians.<br />

Their return has been slow, however, due<br />

to fears of arrest by Syrian authorities, and<br />

lack of basic services in their towns and<br />

villages. Prime Minister Sa'ad Hariri was<br />

opposed to it one year ago, claiming that<br />

death or arrest awaited them across the<br />

border. President Aoun thought otherwise,<br />

Britain's exit from the EU is usually seen as a chance to do<br />

things differently. But in the Gulf region, the best the UK<br />

can do is more of the same. In some ways, an FTA with the<br />

GCC ought to be one of the UK's easiest. Barriers to trade<br />

are already low: Import tariffs hover around 5%, although<br />

the GCC-Singapore deal made almost all imports tarifffree,<br />

so there is room for improvement.<br />

however, and so did his allies in Hezbollah.<br />

They argued that Hariri wanted them to<br />

stay because they were generating money<br />

for the Lebanese economy, through a<br />

constant cash flow from international<br />

donors and the United Nations.<br />

Additionally, the majority of them were<br />

Sunni Muslims, raising the ire of Hezbollah,<br />

who argued that if they overstayed their<br />

welcome, these refugees would slowly<br />

embed into Lebanese society, tipping the<br />

delicate sectarian balance in favour of the<br />

Sunni community.Hariri has now<br />

seemingly abandoned the project - along<br />

with the portfolio of refugee affairs, which<br />

went to a protege of the president last<br />

January after being in the hands of the<br />

Prime Minister's Future Movement since<br />

2016. The new minister, Saleh Garib, visited<br />

Damascus last month despite Hariri's<br />

insistence that no member of his<br />

government engages with Syria before a<br />

political deal is reached, under UN auspices.<br />

He laid the groundwork for a systematic<br />

return of Syrian refugees, which Aoun<br />

SAMI MOUBAyED<br />

hopes to put into action after his upcoming<br />

meeting with Putin. Last April, Aoun's<br />

former Defence Minister Yaacoub Sarrouf<br />

travelled to Moscow where on the sidelines<br />

of a security council he was expected to sign<br />

a military agreement with the Russians. It<br />

had been proposed by Prime Minister<br />

Dmitry Medvedev in February 2018 at the<br />

urging of President Putin. It called for the<br />

opening of Lebanese airspace, airports and<br />

naval bases for the Russian military, who<br />

are already stationed a stone's throw away<br />

at Hmeimeem in Syria. Putin was also<br />

offering 15 years of interest-free delivery of<br />

Russian arms to Beirut, worth $1.5 billion<br />

(Dh5.51 billion), along with intelligence<br />

sharing, and the training of Lebanese troops<br />

on counter-terrorism. The agreement never<br />

saw the light of day, due to fears among the<br />

US-backed Lebanese political elite, who<br />

feared the wrath of Donald Trump, should<br />

they sign such a document. Hezbollah MP<br />

Nawaf Al Mousawi spoke in its favour in<br />

Parliament, saying: "Why don't we head<br />

towards Russia and China and get arms<br />

politics, in particular with regard to<br />

clauses about human rights. There is<br />

mutual suspicion: The EU is suspicious<br />

that a current lack of political<br />

liberalization also means the GCC doesn't<br />

really want economic liberalization<br />

either, while the Gulf suspects that EU<br />

clauses about human rights are a way to<br />

interfere further in domestic affairs in the<br />

future.<br />

To do a free-trade deal, then, will mean<br />

changing how the UK operates, dropping<br />

more political issues and focusing on pure<br />

trade. That is precisely what the<br />

Brexiteers want, and what the GCC<br />

prefers. But from the perspective of the<br />

UK, it will mean altering the way Britain<br />

has negotiated deals for decades;<br />

changing its offer to countries over the<br />

circumstances of bilateral trade; and,<br />

indeed, changing its relationship with<br />

itself. It remains to be seen whether the<br />

Singapore vision is one that commands<br />

support in the UK.<br />

Singapore's success has been built on a<br />

very specific political and social culture,<br />

one that includes aspects that the British<br />

public might favor (such as low taxes and<br />

minimal regulation), others that the<br />

public definitely won't want (such as low<br />

public spending in a country devoted to<br />

its deep-pocketed National Health<br />

Service), and things that the UK simply<br />

cannot copy even if it wanted to (such as<br />

Singapore's modest population of five<br />

and half million or its broadly cohesive<br />

society).<br />

Source : Asia times<br />

Lebanon’s slow shift into Russia’s orbit<br />

One year ago, the Russian Foreign and Defence Ministries announced<br />

an ambitious project for the repatriation of 2 million Syrian refugees<br />

from neighbouring countries. They were needed to physically take part<br />

in the rebuilding of their destroyed homes, and to help project Putin's<br />

image as a problem-solver in the region. Putin wants to take credit for<br />

being the person who solved Syria's refugee problem - starting from<br />

Lebanon, which hosts nearly 1.5 million Syrians.<br />

from these great countries? Why is the<br />

Lebanese government hesitating in signing<br />

the agreement with Russia? Syria has a<br />

relationship with the Russian Federation,<br />

so why doesn't Lebanon get included<br />

underneath Russian air cover as well?" He<br />

then boomed: "If the Russians want<br />

military bases and airports, why don't they<br />

use Beirut and Riyak (in the Bekka Valley)?"<br />

The presidential summit is boosting<br />

econ-omic relations one month after the<br />

Russian-state owned firm Rosneft was<br />

granted a 20-year year licence to manage<br />

and upgrade an oil storage facility in Tripoli.<br />

Earlier, Russia's Novatek joined France's<br />

Total and Italy's ENI in drilling for oil in the<br />

eastern Mediterranean - an operation<br />

strongly contested by the Israelis who claim<br />

that the drilling would be taking place in a<br />

block claimed by both countries.<br />

Mike Pompeo was recently in Beirut,<br />

expressing US support for Israel on this<br />

matter, and urging Lebanese officialdom to<br />

reconsider. His calls fell on deaf ears,<br />

however, in a country that is shifting slowly,<br />

perhaps even at a snail's pace, into Russia's<br />

orbit. Hezbollah insists on going ahead with<br />

the drilling, and so does Michel Aoun.<br />

Meanwhile, bilateral trade between the<br />

two countries currently exceeds $500<br />

million, while Lebanon imports $900<br />

million worth of Russian goods annually,<br />

mainly oil and hydrocarbons. Aoun has<br />

plenty of reasons to invest.<br />

Source : Gulf news

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