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A HISTORY OF PHILOSOPHY Vol.I by Johann Eduard Erdmann 1890

MACEDONIA is GREECE and will always be GREECE- (if they are desperate to steal a name, Monkeydonkeys suits them just fine) ΚΑΤΩ ΤΟ ΠΡΟΔΟΤΙΚΟ "ΣΥΝΤΑΓΜΑΤΙΚΟ ΤΟΞΟ"!!! Strabo – “Geography” “There remain of Europe, first, Macedonia and the parts of Thrace that are contiguous to it and extend as far as Byzantium; secondly, Greece; and thirdly, the islands that are close by. Macedonia, of course, is a part of Greece, yet now, since I am following the nature and shape of the places geographically, I have decided to classify it apart from the rest of Greece and to join it with that part of Thrace which borders on it and extends as far as the mouth of the Euxine and the Propontis. Then, a little further on, Strabo mentions Cypsela and the Hebrus River, and also describes a sort of parallelogram in which the whole of Macedonia lies.” (Strab. 7.fragments.9) ΚΚΕ, ΚΝΕ, ΟΝΝΕΔ, ΑΓΟΡΑ,ΕΚΚΛΗΣΙΑ,ΝΕΑ,ΦΩΝΗ,ΦΕΚ,ΝΟΜΟΣ,LIFO,MACEDONIA, ALEXANDER, GREECE,IKEA

MACEDONIA is GREECE and will always be GREECE- (if they are desperate to steal a name, Monkeydonkeys suits them just fine)

ΚΑΤΩ ΤΟ ΠΡΟΔΟΤΙΚΟ "ΣΥΝΤΑΓΜΑΤΙΚΟ ΤΟΞΟ"!!!

Strabo – “Geography”
“There remain of Europe, first, Macedonia and the parts of Thrace that are contiguous to it and extend as far as Byzantium; secondly, Greece; and thirdly, the islands that are close by. Macedonia, of course, is a part of Greece, yet now, since I am following the nature and shape of the places geographically, I have decided to classify it apart from the rest of Greece and to join it with that part of Thrace which borders on it and extends as far as the mouth of the Euxine and the Propontis. Then, a little further on, Strabo mentions Cypsela and the Hebrus River, and also describes a sort of parallelogram in which the whole of Macedonia lies.”
(Strab. 7.fragments.9)

ΚΚΕ, ΚΝΕ, ΟΝΝΕΔ, ΑΓΟΡΑ,ΕΚΚΛΗΣΙΑ,ΝΕΑ,ΦΩΝΗ,ΦΕΚ,ΝΟΜΟΣ,LIFO,MACEDONIA, ALEXANDER, GREECE,IKEA

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§ 144 ,<br />

6.] AUGUSTINE. 277<br />

leads him. Whether a man belongs to the elect cannot be<br />

determined <strong>by</strong> single good works the best proof of it is<br />

; the<br />

donum perseverantice {De corr. et grat., 12, 13).<br />

6. The inability to do good, and therefore the rejection of<br />

all those whom God does not make free from sin, is a fact.<br />

This however is not the relation originally established <strong>by</strong> God.<br />

In the beginning man, who at first, in order that all men might<br />

be blood relations, existed as one man, was in a condition in<br />

which it was possible for him not to sin. Destined to attain<br />

to a position where he can no more sin, to pass from posse<br />

11011 peccare to non posse peccare^ he should, <strong>by</strong> obedience<br />

to God, have wiped out the posse peccare in himself, and with<br />

it mortality i^De corr, et grat. 12, 13; De pecc. mer., i. 2, 2).<br />

This however did not take place. On the contrary, the love<br />

of God grew cold in man, and the temptation of the devil who<br />

had fallen before him brought him, already fallen, to a complete<br />

apostasy. His punishment, inability to do good, was<br />

handed down to all men, who had existed in Adam in germ,<br />

and therefore had sinned (Civit. Dei, xiv, 1 1 ;<br />

De corr. et grat.,<br />

12, 37; 6, 9). That Augustine expresses himself only with<br />

hesitation for Traducianism (propagation of the soul), which<br />

fits so well his theory of original sin (cf Ep., 190; Ad Opt,, 4,<br />

14, 15), and often wavers between it and Creationism or even<br />

Pre-existence (cf among other passages Retract,, i. i), has its<br />

ground, perhaps, in the fact that the example of Tertullian<br />

seemed to show that Traducianism involved the corporeality<br />

of the soul. The descendants of fallen man, begotten in lust,<br />

and thus at the same time poisoned, are incapable of good.<br />

It is more difficult to comprehend how the original man, born<br />

sinless, could fall away from God. In the same degree in<br />

which Augustine denies to man all independent activity, must<br />

the rise of evil, that is of self-seeking, appear impossible.<br />

Consistent Pantheism has in fact always experienced this.<br />

Augustine, although he does not go so far as the latter, nevertheless<br />

often approaches the denial of evil, as for instance<br />

when he shows a tendency to conceive of it as an absence of<br />

good, not as its opposite (Civit. Dei, xi. 9), or when he says<br />

that evil exists only in the good i^De hb. arb., iii.<br />

13), that it is<br />

nothing positive and therefore needs no causa ejpiciens, but<br />

has only a causa deficiens, is an mcausale, that evil is not<br />

commission but only omission, that evil cannot be perceived<br />

for the same reason that darkness cannot be seen, etc. (Civ.<br />

278 FIRST PERIOD <strong>OF</strong> MEDIEVAL <strong>PHILOSOPHY</strong>. [§ 144, 7.<br />

Deiy xii. 7, 9, a/.) The tremendous power of sin forces<br />

him indeed often to the (anti-pantheistic) confession that<br />

evil is a positive power over against God. But the fear of<br />

assuming a being outside of God causes him always to return<br />

to the conception of it as a mere shadow in the picture of the<br />

world, as a thing necessary for the sake of contrast, that is,<br />

in fact, to deny its reality. The difficulties which resulted<br />

from the Augustinian doctrine of the absolute self-nothingness<br />

of the creation, furthered the spread of Semi-Pelagianism.<br />

In the form indeed in which the latter arose in the teaching<br />

of Cassianus, it was condemned but at the same time the<br />

;<br />

Predestinationists, probably pure Augustinians, were declared<br />

heretics. The Augustinianism of the Church is already<br />

moderated in the work De vocatione gentmm, probably <strong>by</strong> Leo<br />

the Great. Later it became an ecclesiastical rule : Attgustimis<br />

eget Thoma interprete,<br />

7. Belief, the means <strong>by</strong> which man becomes a participant<br />

in grace, is, according to Augustine, not a self-active appropriation<br />

but a pure gift of mercy, a supernatural illumination<br />

[De pecc. merit., i.<br />

9; De prcedest. sanctt., ii. 12), in which<br />

man is certain of his state of redemption. For this very<br />

reason the proper content of belief is formed <strong>by</strong> the doctrine<br />

of the incarnate Son of God. The heathen philosopher did<br />

not, as in the case of the Trinity, have any idea of this doctrine.<br />

Since, now, only that conduct has value which is an action of<br />

belief, it follows that even the most highly extolled virtues of<br />

the heathen are worthless, indeed crimes [Civit. Dei, xix. 25)^<br />

Only among Christians does boldness, in virtue of the true<br />

foundation, become the martyr’s joy, and temperance the<br />

destruction of passion, etc. The Incarnate One however is<br />

not only the liberator of the individual from sin<br />

and guilt, but<br />

also the proper centre of mankind as a whole, and for that<br />

reason appears in the middle of its history, a goal for those<br />

who lived before Him, a starting-point for those who live after<br />

Him [De vera relig., 16; De grat. et lib. arb., 3 , 5 The history<br />

).<br />

of mankind is divided into six periods, corresponding to the<br />

six days of creation, and in the last of these we live. Through<br />

this whole history runs the contrast between the redeemed,<br />

who form the kingdom of God, the civitas Dei, and those who<br />

have condemned themselves, and thus form the kingdom of<br />

the world, or of the devil. The former are vessels of mercy,<br />

the latter vessels of wrath [Civ. Dei, xv. i ff.). Among those

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