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Fisher woman of my Mohenjo

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Fisher woman of my Mohenjo-daro

Jamil Naqsh

Edited by Sobia Naqsh

Director | Jamil Naqsh Museum



Foreword

When I asked Jamil Naqsh why he named this collection of paintings ‘Fisher Woman of my Mohenjo-daro’, his answer

took him back to the mid 1960s to one of the visits to Pakistan by the renowned archaeologist, Sir Mortimer Wheeler.

Naqsh was a young man then, and their paths crossed at the Karachi Press Club. He asked Sir Mortimer Wheeler

why the famous bronze figurine excavated in Mohenjo-daro was called the ‘Dancing Girl’ of Mohnejo-daro? Did it

represent a dancing girl? Wheeler’s response was, ‘It is YOUR Mohenjo-daro, so what do YOU want to call her?’

Naqsh remained silent then, but it is obvious that the question stayed with him. From time to time symbols of

the Indus Valley civilization popped up inexplicably in his work—sometimes a figure with ancient features,

sometimes a fish, a bull or images of seals.

This collection titled ‘Fisher Woman of MY Mohenjo-daro’ answers it all. In his mind’s eye, the figure was

erroneously named ‘dancing girl’. She was a fisher woman!

So, Naqsh has responded to Wheeler half a century later. She is indeed a Fisher Woman of HIS Mohenjo-daro.

This collection of paintings is a tribute to her and an apology to the forgotten fisher women of that ancient urban civilization.

Sobia Naqsh

Director

Jamil Naqsh Museum


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The Indus Civilisation (ca. 2600 - 1900 BC)

Daniela De Simone | The British Museum

14


“Not often has it been to archaeologists, as it was given to

Schliemann at Tiryns and Mycenae, or to Stein in the deserts

of Turkestan, to light upon the remains of a long-forgotten

civilisation. It looks, however, at this moment, as if we were

on the threshold of such a discovery in the plains of the

Indus.”

It is with these words that Sir John Marshall, Director

General of the Archaeological Survey of India, announced the

discovery of the Indus Civilisation at the sites of Harappa and

Mohenjo-daro (present day Pakistan) in the pages of the

Illustrated London News on 20th September 1924.

The Indus Civilisation developed on the fertile plains of the

Indus River in Pakistan and the adjacent areas of northwestern

India in ca. 2600-1900 BC (Fig. 1). The Indus

Civilisation was one of the earliest urban societies: Indus cities

were meticulously planned and had complex water supply

networks and advanced sanitation systems (Fig. 2). Massive

walls and imposing gateways made of bricks or stone were

built around cities. Clusters of houses or public buildings

were built close together to form larger blocks separated from

each other by wide streets. Houses were arranged around an

inner courtyard and opened on narrow lanes, and many of

them had bathing areas and latrines.

Fig. 1

Fig. 2

Fig. 3

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Fig. 4 Fig. 5 Fig. 6

Fig. 7 Fig. 8

The Indus people did not build monumental structures, and

there is no conclusive evidence of palaces or temples.

However, a number of public buildings were discovered at

different sites across the Indus region, such as the Great Bath

of Mohenjo-daro (Fig. 3), a water tank (14.5x7 m large and

2.4 m deep), which might have been reserved for ritual

bathing. In terms of political organisation, the archaeological

record does not offer any indication. There are no

representations of any kind of ruler, and no evidence of royal

compounds. Indus seals are the most characteristic artefacts

produced by the Indus people. They are square in shape

(ca. 3 cm on each side), and are made of soapstone. The seals

have a single-line inscription on the top and are carved with an

animal in the central part. Although the Indus script has yet to

be deciphered, about 200 simple signs and 200 composite ones

have been identified. The fish sign , for example, is one of the

most common. Scholars have suggested that the sign

represents the word for ‘star’ as in all Dravidian (South

Indian) languages, the word ‘meen’ means both ‘fish’ and

‘star’. Stars might have been perceived as deities by the Indus

people, who probably pictured them as fish swimming in the

ocean of heaven. The animals depicted on the seals include

both domestic and wild animals, including the Indus ‘unicorn’

(Fig. 4) – a bull seen in profile –, which is the most common

animal represented on these objects. Other animals include

gaurs (Indian bison; Fig. 5), zebus (humped bulls; Fig. 6),

elephants (Fig. 7) and rhinoceroses (Fig. 8). The animals

carved on the seals might have represented ruling clans or

trading guilds. It is likely that Indus seals were used for trade

and administration purposes.


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Fig. 9

Excavations in the Indus region have yielded a very large

number of terracotta figurines. This abundance suggests they

may have been used in both domestic and public spheres, and

they may have been involved in rituals. Human female figurines

were handmade and decorated with appliquéd ornaments,

including earrings, necklaces, bangles, and multi-stringed belts.

They often have elaborate coiffures – the fan-shaped headdress

is the most characteristic (Fig. 9). Domestic and wild animal

figurines were also common, including bulls (Fig. 10), humped

bulls (Fig. 11), elephants and rhinoceroses. Although elephants

and rhinoceroses do not inhabit the Indus Valley any longer,

bones of the animals have been found at different sites,

representing evidence of drastic climate change.

In the 3rd millennium BC, Middle Asia – the region stretching

between the Indus Valley and Mesopotamia, and Central Asia

and Southern Arabia – was an area of intense exchange (Fig.12).

Indus merchants established a structured network of

long-distance exchange across Middle Asia, and developed

strong relations with Mesopotamia. An inscription of Sargon of

Akkad (ca. 2334–2279 BC) records that ships from Dilmun

(Bahrain), Magan (Oman and the Makran Coast), and Meluhha

(the Indus region) docked at the quay of his capital, Akkad.

Archaeological and textual records indicate that Mesopotamia

imported from the Indus region luxury goods – such as

semiprecious stone beads – to satisfy the desires of its elites. It

is still unclear, however, what the Indus merchants were

exchanging their goods for. It is likely that transactions were

conducted through a common barter system.

Round, stone stamp seals that have been in use in the Arabian

Peninsula between the end of the 3rd and the beginning of the

2nd millennium BC are known as ‘Gulf seals’. A number of them

are carved with a short Indus inscription and the depiction of the

distinctive gaur – or Indian bison – that is commonly found on

Indus seals (Fig. 13). The gaur might have


Fig. 10 Fig. 11

represented the community of Indus merchants operating in

the area. The decline of the Indus Civilisation started in

ca. 1900 BC, and by ca. 1700 BC the majority of cities had been

abandoned. Aridification of the Indus region, which was most

probably triggered by climate change, is currently considered

as the main cause of such a decline.

Fig. 1 Sites distribution of the Indus Civilisation (Singh 2008) Fig.

2 Satellite view of Mohenjo-daro (Pakistan) © Google Earth Fig.

3 The Great Bath, Mohenjo-daro (Pakistan) (Kenoyer 1998)

Fig. 4 ‘Unicorn’ seal from Mohenjo-daro (Pakistan), The British Museum (ID 00345740001) © The Trustees of the British Museum

Fig. 5 Gaur (or Indian bison) seal from Mohenjo-daro (Pakistan), The British Museum (ID 00921727001) © The Trustees of the British Museum

Fig. 6 Zebu (or humped bull) seal from Mohenjo-daro (Pakistan), The British Museum (ID 00266458001) © The Trustees of the British Museum

Fig. 7 Elephant seal from Mohenjo-daro (Pakistan), The British Museum (ID 00345743001) © The Trustees of the British Museum Fig. 8

Rhinoceros seal from Mohenjo-daro (Pakistan), The British Museum (ID 00031575001) © The Trustees of the British Museum

Fig. 9 Terracotta figurines of human females from Mohenjo-daro (Pakistan), The British Museum (ID 00035448001) © The Trustees of the British

Museum Fig.10 Terracotta figurine of bull from Harappa (Pakistan), The British Museum (ID 00301039001) © The Trustees of the British Museum

Fig. 11 Terracotta figurine of zebu (or humped bull) from Mohenjodaro (Pakistan), The British Museum (ID 01613329277) © The Trustees

of the British Museum Fig. 12 ‘Gulf seal’ carved with gaur – or Indian bison – and short Indus inscription from Ur (Iraq),

The British Museum (ID 01416971001) © The Trustees of the British Museum

Fig. 13 Long-distance trade routes across Middle Asia (Singh 2008)


Fig. 12

Bibliography

Coningham, R.A.E. (2002). ‘Deciphering the Indus Script’, in S. Settar and

R. Korrisettar (eds.), Indian Archaeology in Retrospect, pp. 81-104. New Delhi:

Indian Council of Historical Research.

Kenoyer, J.M. (1998). Ancient Cities of the Indus Valley Civilization. Karachi:

Oxford University Press.

Laursen, S. and P. Steinkeller (2017). Babylonia, the Gulf Region and the Indus:

Archaeological and Textual Evidence for Contact in the Third and Early Second

Millennia BC. Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns.

Marshall, J. (1924). ‘First Light on a Long-forgotten Civilisation: New Discoveries of

an Unknown Prehistoric Past in India’, in The Illustrated London News

(20/09/1924), pp. 428-432.

McIntosh, J.R. (2008). The Ancient Indus Valley: New Perspectives.

Santa Barbara: ABC-CLIO.

Parpola, A. (1994). Deciphering the Indus Script. Cambridge: Cambridge

University Press.

Possehl, G.L. (2002). The Indus Civilization: A Contemporary Perspective. Walnut Fig. 13

Creek: AltaMira.

Ratnagar, S. (1991). Enquiries into the Political Organization of Harappan Society.

Pune: Ravish.

Singh, U. (2008). A History of Ancient and Early Medieval India: From the Stone

Age to the 12th Century. New Delhi: Pearson Longman.

Vidale, M. (2005). ‘The Short-Horned Bull on the Indus Seals: A Symbol of the

Families in the Western Trade?’, in U. Franke-Vogt and H.-J.

Weisshaar (eds.) South Asian Archaeology 2003, pp. 147-158. Aachen: Linden Soft.


Jamil Naqsh | Echoes

Edward Lucie-Smith | Art Historian, Author and Critic

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The way in which what is extremely ancient resonates within

the best and most characteristic art being created right now is

something that has always fascinated me. In fact, I got into art

criticism seventy years ago, because I was a teenage antiquity

collector, using my pocket money to buy bits and pieces from

antiquity sellers in London’s famed Portobello Market. Even

then, I was mirroring the pattern set for me by collectors very

much senior to myself. Ever since what we now call Modern

art came into existence, more than a hundred years ago, in the

earliest years of the 20th century, the very old and the very

new have gone hand in hand.

One step up from the Portobello, I used to run errands for and

buy inexpensive treasures from London’s best- known antiquity

dealer of the immediately post-war period. He had a little shop at

the other end of the street where I then lived. A client of his,

whom I met there, was the great sculptor Jacob Epstein. It also so

happened that this dealer was one of the first to sell work by

Francis Bacon, long before Bacon was represented by the

Marlborough Gallery. It is therefore no surprise that Jamil

Naqsh’s recent work seems to speak so directly and

personally to me.

Great changes have taken place in our knowledge about the

ancient world since I first encountered archaeological

research and scholarship. Equally great changes have taken

place in the world of contemporary art. In both cases, one of

the most important changes is that our range of knowledge

has vastly increased. Our knowledge of ancient cultures has

become plural. In our response to contemporary art,

pluralism also prevails. It is no longer possible to devise a

Modernist and Post-Modernist storyline that narrates a single

unified line of development. Although, it must be said, many

Western commentators on new developments in art still seem

to feel a nostalgia for this – with Western ideas and values

remaining fully in charge.


Jamil Naqsh is an important figure in this complex development.

Born in Uttar Pradesh, from a Muslim family, he was forced by the

post-war partition of the Indian subcontinent to take refuge in newly

created Pakistan.

There he studied both in an art school that followed an essentially

European curriculum, and also under a master who followed the

traditions of Mughal miniature painting. Like many young Indian and

Pakistani artists of his generation, he kept in touch with European

post-war developments through the art books and catalogues

illustrated in full colour which were at that time becoming

internationally available. He became one of the major contemporary

artists in post-Partition Pakistani.

There is a gallery in his name that flourishes in Karachi. Eventually,

however, he made the decision to move to London, away from the

conflicts of the sub-continent. He now lives there as a recluse, happy

to be able to devote himself fully to his art, without outside

distractions. Modern technology – television and the internet –

enable him to remain fully in touch with the contemporary world.

The major series of new paintings in this exhibition the complex.

interaction in his work of both choices. More perhaps than most artists,

simple his complex cultural background and equally personal history

which has from time to time put him at the m events over which

he could exercise no control to consider the impact of an often

remote pas remaining firmly committed to the idea of ma

intrinsically modern.

The paintings in this show are best described works, moving

towards abstraction. The degree able figuration seems to diminish as

the series pro images are deliberately fragmented, just like o relationship

to the distant past, which we can only imperfectly, in shattered fragments.

The main inspiration for the series is the famous Mohenjo-daro site,

located west of the Indus River in District, Sindh.


the largest cities of the ancient Indus Valley Civilization.

Forgotten for more than 3500 years, but extensively excavated

since the mid-1920s, the site offers proof that Pakistan was at a

very remote epoch in possession of a complex urban culture.

The paintings do not, however, insist on a single set of cultural

references. There is instead a whole network of other images,

which often seen to appear then disappear again as you look.

There are references to cultures even more remote from us

than that of Mohenjo-daro – for example to Palaeolithic

graffiti. There are references to European classical antiquity,

and to the neo-classicism of J.-L David and Ingres. Perhaps

also to the classical phases of Renoir and Picasso.

There are still-lifes featuring fish, and at least one

painting whose main image is a zebu, filling the whole of

the picture-space. Zebu cattle exist today, sometimes in

miniature form, but they are thought to be derived from

the much larger pre-historic Indian aurochs, which

became extinct during the time of the Indus Valley

civilization, and possibly because of its rise.

The more closely you examine these compositions,

the richer the range of cultural reference becomes.

In this sense Jamil Naqsh’s new paintings are extremely

modern, in a very comprehensive sense of that much-abused

and much misused adjective. They remind us that, wherever

we actually come from, we live in an echo chamber, and that

the resonances become increasingly complex and intense as

we moved towards whatever the future may have in store for

us. A citizen of the world, content to remain enclosed in his

studio, Jamil Naqsh may be more keenly aware of that than

we are ourselves. His paintings bring us face to face with this

realisation, but slyly, cunningly hold just a little bit back. We

have to do more than just look – we have to become part of

the work, through the act of looking.



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