Hungry for Change: Borderlands Food & Water in - Southwest ...
Hungry for Change: Borderlands Food & Water in - Southwest ...
Hungry for Change: Borderlands Food & Water in - Southwest ...
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<strong>Food</strong> laBels and tHe<br />
real-mex conundrum<br />
Bil<strong>in</strong>gual label<strong>in</strong>g: El Pato migrates across the border: Mexican imported salsa at <strong>Food</strong> City | Photo Maribel Alvarez<br />
By Maribel Alvarez<br />
not all Mexican food is created equal. I am not talk<strong>in</strong>g<br />
about extremes—like nibbl<strong>in</strong>g Taco Bell fare after an aromatic<br />
meal of home-cooked tamales, barbacoa or cocido.<br />
I’m not talk<strong>in</strong>g about bask<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> the smell of fresh cilantro,<br />
garlic, limes and avocados over jars of green slime<br />
dubiously called guacamole. My measure of comparison<br />
is much more modest and concrete: I am <strong>in</strong>terested <strong>in</strong><br />
plumb<strong>in</strong>g the claims made by labels on Mexican food<br />
products sold <strong>in</strong> popular grocery stores.<br />
In the world of food label<strong>in</strong>g, fierce battles over who gets<br />
to claim higher levels of “authenticity” are waged <strong>in</strong> earnest<br />
across the nation. Mexican food is not the only<br />
target of such protracted market<strong>in</strong>g wars, but among<br />
all ethnic foods, Mexican food is the undisputable<br />
frontrunner. The demand <strong>for</strong> Mexican food across all levels<br />
of social class, regional niches and gastronomical<br />
lifestyles has soared <strong>in</strong> recent years beyond anyone’s<br />
wildest imag<strong>in</strong>ation.<br />
It is a well-known fact that <strong>for</strong> several years, salsa has<br />
surpassed ketchup as American’s favorite condiment.<br />
But as Gustavo Arellano writes <strong>in</strong> Taco USA: How Mexican<br />
<strong>Food</strong> Conquered America, the demand <strong>for</strong> the food has<br />
grown <strong>in</strong> tandem with the demand <strong>for</strong> Mexican labor. To<br />
make a long story short, Taco-mania co<strong>in</strong>cided with<br />
20<br />
higher concentrations of Mexican nationals resid<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong><br />
the USA. Entic<strong>in</strong>g words on salsa jars, cans of beans and<br />
plastic tortilla wrappers stake claims <strong>for</strong> health, traditional<br />
values, environmental consciousness and cultural<br />
heritage. The market<strong>in</strong>g goal here is to grab the attention<br />
of an <strong>in</strong>creas<strong>in</strong>gly diversified and segmented field<br />
of shoppers and consumers that simultaneously <strong>in</strong>cludes<br />
Mexicans, Mexican-Americans, other Lat<strong>in</strong>os and<br />
non-Lat<strong>in</strong>os <strong>in</strong> one fell swoop.<br />
There’s a certa<strong>in</strong> irony <strong>in</strong> this upsw<strong>in</strong>g of popularity: <strong>for</strong><br />
most of the last 150 years, Mexican food has functioned<br />
both as an object of desire and as a focal po<strong>in</strong>t of prejudice<br />
and derision among large segments of ma<strong>in</strong>stream,<br />
white U.S. consumers. Historically, food choices have<br />
been used to stigmatize social and cultural groups.<br />
Folklorist Mario Montaño has studied the ways <strong>in</strong> which<br />
consumption of certa<strong>in</strong> types of meats <strong>in</strong> South Texas<br />
(the well known “organs” or offal meats), choice of spices<br />
and certa<strong>in</strong> modes of preparation became mutated <strong>in</strong>to<br />
racist attitudes expressed by Mexican food slurs (“greasers,”<br />
“chili peppers,” “beaners”). In order to eat these<br />
foods without associat<strong>in</strong>g with the stigma, Anglos <strong>in</strong><br />
Texas re<strong>in</strong>terpreted Mexican cul<strong>in</strong>ary traditions to fit<br />
their, let’s say, more “hygienic” cul<strong>in</strong>ary tastes: thus,<br />
from tri-tip, we get “fajitas.”<br />
I became <strong>in</strong>trigued by this gastronomical conundrum:<br />
Americans, it seems, endure a perpetual love-hate relationship<br />
with Mexico that translates <strong>in</strong> various guises<br />
and fads of Mexican food. In the college campus where I<br />
work, young co-eds (ma<strong>in</strong>ly males) rely on Mexican food<br />
(tacos and burritos) <strong>in</strong> large quantities as their ma<strong>in</strong><br />
source of nutrition. At the same time, one can easily hear<br />
rumbl<strong>in</strong>gs (ma<strong>in</strong>ly among females) about the perception<br />
of Mexican food be<strong>in</strong>g the k<strong>in</strong>d of unhealthy choices<br />
that make people fat.<br />
Despite its popularity, Mexican food (and <strong>in</strong>creas<strong>in</strong>gly<br />
produce that comes from Mexico across the border) is<br />
the subject of sudden health scares, rumors and speculation.<br />
Like Africanized bees, narcos and buffel grass, they<br />
have become the dangers emanat<strong>in</strong>g from south of the<br />
border. The cultural, class-based and social baggage accompany<strong>in</strong>g<br />
Mexican food consumption <strong>in</strong> the U.S.<br />
(s<strong>in</strong>ce the 19th century) has not disappeared. As I began<br />
to pay more attention to the labels on Mexican food<br />
products at my local supermarket, I was able to discern<br />
a pattern: market<strong>in</strong>g ef<strong>for</strong>ts with<strong>in</strong> and without Mexican<br />
market segments seem to share the common goal <strong>in</strong><br />
their attempt to erase the stigma of Mexican food as<br />
“poor people’s food.” My observations led me to this<br />
work<strong>in</strong>g hypothesis: Social class is the constant element<br />
Local but up-scale: Salsa brand<strong>in</strong>g, Whole <strong>Food</strong>s style | Photo Maribel Alvarez<br />
21<br />
referenced by the variety of styles, fonts, colors and<br />
claims on Mexican food packag<strong>in</strong>g.<br />
To gather data <strong>for</strong> my hypothesis, I set up a basic research<br />
exercise modeled after a project at Stan<strong>for</strong>d<br />
University. This study, as recently reported <strong>in</strong><br />
Gastronomica magaz<strong>in</strong>e, sought to identify class identity<br />
<strong>in</strong> food market<strong>in</strong>g via the words <strong>in</strong>scribed on bags<br />
of potato chips.<br />
In short, this is what the Stan<strong>for</strong>d researchers discovered:<br />
expensive chips tend to emphasize exotic <strong>in</strong>gredients,<br />
tout health claims, tend to expla<strong>in</strong> what they are<br />
Social class is the constant element<br />
referenced by the variety of styles,<br />
fonts, colors and claims on Mexican<br />
food packag<strong>in</strong>g.<br />
not (not fried, not greasy) and use more text and more<br />
complicated grammar on their packag<strong>in</strong>g. In contrast,<br />
economical brands of potato chips stress hom<strong>in</strong>ess, old<br />
family recipes or traditions of the company or founder.<br />
Consumers of all social classes, however, value the product<br />
that they th<strong>in</strong>k is most authentic. What counts as<br />
“authentic” <strong>for</strong> each social class, however, is a different<br />
matter altogether.<br />
I kept my <strong>in</strong>vestigation simple. I counted one type of<br />
food—I chose salsa—<strong>in</strong> two polar opposite market segments:<br />
the upscale Whole <strong>Food</strong>s and the economical<br />
<strong>Food</strong> City supermarket. The stores stood 2 miles apart <strong>in</strong><br />
Tucson’s mid-town section.<br />
At Whole <strong>Food</strong>s, I identified a total of 17 commercial salsa<br />
brands (all except one Mexican import were offered <strong>in</strong><br />
glass jars); those 17 brands, <strong>in</strong> turn, offered customers 70<br />
varieties of flavors and levels of heat. In addition, Whole<br />
<strong>Food</strong>s offers 6 varieties of refrigerated “salsa fresca”<br />
made <strong>in</strong> their own deli-kitchen. At <strong>Food</strong> City, there were<br />
more brand names offered (a total of 26) but significantly<br />
fewer varieties of flavor comb<strong>in</strong>ations and heat levels<br />
(40 compared to Whole <strong>Food</strong>’s 70). <strong>Food</strong> City also offered<br />
one s<strong>in</strong>gle k<strong>in</strong>d of refrigerated, made-on-the-premises<br />
“salsa fresca.”<br />
The larger variety of salsa offer<strong>in</strong>gs at Whole <strong>Food</strong>s reflects<br />
a more segmented and niche-based consumer base.<br />
We see the upscale and “health-oriented” store offer<strong>in</strong>g