Zabaleen

Za-ba-leen

Noun. Garbage Collectors

by

Reem Tawfik

A thesis book for the Final Architectural Project submitted to the Department of Architecture,

School of Architecture, Art, and Design, American University in Dubai

In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of

Bachelor of Architecture

Fall 2022

Copyright @ 2022 by Reem Tawfik

All rights reserved

Approval of the Thesis Book for Final Architectural Project

Department of Architecture,

School of Architecture, Art, and Design, American University in Dubai

Student’s Full Name: Reem Tawfik

Thesis Book Title:

: Za-ba-leen; Garbage Collectors

Student Signature: ________________________________ Date __________________

Advisor / Professor Name: Dr. Abdellatif Qamhaieh

Advisor / Professor Signature: _______________________ Date __________________

Dedication

This book is dedicated to my home country.

Dedicated to all Zabbaleen living in the shadows of Egypt.

You make the country whole.

Acknowledgment

This thesis would not have been possible without the

support of many people.

Thank you Dr. Abdellatif Qamhaieh, my thesis mentor, for

pushing me beyond my limits

and for believing in my topic from day one.

My parents and siblings, thank you for your endless

support, love, and prayers.

My friends thank you for always being there for me through

my craziness and ugly cries.

Figure 1. Edited by:Author

A B S T R A C T

Informal settlements are known to take

place in cities that have rapid increase

of population moving from the rural side

to the urban side of the country. These

informal settlements have miserable living

conditions due to the governments’

abandoning actions towards the

dwellers and prohibition of providing

basic municipal services such as water,

hygiene, waste collection, drainage,

etc. Additionally, those communities

lack easy access to educational and

health services and public areas for

community gatherings and socializing.

The aim of this book is to tackle on the

miserable situation of slums of Manshiyet

Nasser located in Egypt for better living

condition and to reverse the stigma of

the area as it brings many benefits to

the country. Due to the rapid growth

of the citizens of Egypt and to the

ignored situation of the settlements

by the government, slums are the

easier solution for poor citizens to find

shelter. One of Cairo’s largest informal

settlements, Mansheyat Nasir, is most

famous for Garbage City neighborhood

in which the most prominent labor work

is collecting garbage from the city and

bringing it back to the neighborhood

for recycling. However, the Zabbaleen

(garbage collectors) of Garbage City

live in miserable conditions as they do

all the recycling work in their houses

which makes them prone to diseases and

illnesses. Due to the heaps of garbage

that fill every corner of the neighborhood,

the residents of the area find it difficult

to get access to hygienic ways of living,

healthcare and educational services, and

community and green spaces. Residents

of the area are very attached to their

neighbourhood despite their living

conditions, yet they hope for better living

conditions to perform their recycling work.

Manshiyet Nasser unfortunately have been

founded years ago and keep expanding,

as a result, causing various threats to

the people living in such conditions and

causing environmental problems. For that

reason, Slum upgrading should be looked

into as it can be one way of solving the

physical, social, environmental problems

that the neighbourhood faces. Slum

upgrading could turn the neighborhood’s

economic, social, and institutional aspects

into a better one. It does not have to

necessarily change the way people work

and live yet provide better living conditions

and opportunities that can make them feel

part of the community. Slum upgrading

can help develop the informal settlements

on an urban scale that will serve as a

prototype for other neighborhoods to

follow, making these neighborhoods

hygienic, accessible, healthy, safe,

community friendly, and green.

14

15

16

17

Figure 4

Figure 2

Figure 3

18

19

Today, the developing countries are

growing on an urban scale enabling social,

spatial, and economic changes (Skinner et

al., 2014). However, this development

comes with its downsides causing many

social and economic problems throughout

the process. Urban development couples

with rural immigration of numerous poor

people to find better living opportunities

in the urban cities. Unfortunately, with

the occurrence of this phenomenon,

rises the rapid formation of informal

settlements or slums, resulting in

numerous effects on the inhabitants of

those settlements and on the cities.

The most visible expression of urban

poverty is the increase of informal

settlements which manifest harsh living

conditions, and are characterized by

scarce of water supplies, poor waste

management, malnutrition, diseases,

unemployment, violence, sanitation

issues, high mortality rates, and much

more on the list (The Encyclopedia of

World Problems and Human Potential,

2020). Since 1990, the number of slum

residents has increased rapidly every

year. As of now, 20% of the world’s

population, or roughly one billion people,

live in slums (Knudsen et al., 2020).

20

Figure 1.1

21

IN CAIRO

Of some of the developing countries,

Egypt has been facing a rapid increase

in amount of slum formations that have

been developing over the years in Cairo.

Although the Egyptian government has

attempted for over 30 years to restrict

the formation and expansion of informal

settlements on agricultural land in the

capital, they have significantly failed,

leading to the habitation in slums by more

than 7 million people in 1998 (Howeidy

et al., 2009). People began to establish

informal settlements at this time, mostly

in Cairo’s eastern suburbs such Manshiyet

Nasser and Kum Ghura, where they

would construct their homes on stateowned

property (El-shenawy, 2016).

Figure 1.2

22

23

Figure 1.3

24

This book is about three communities

that immigrated from the rural to the

urban side of Egypt to settle in Cairo and

establish better living conditions for their

families and start-up a career in garbage

recycling in one of Cairo’s largest informal

neighborhoods, Manshiyet Nasser. Those

people, originally farmers, first moved to

an area in the city and established their

name as Izbit al-Safih (The Tin Village).

They depended on recycling steel using

oil drums and used tin to build their

shelters. Eventually the government

demanded control over Izbit al-Safih,

which then, President Nasir, relocated

them to Manshiyet Nasser. As they

gained more fame in their recycling field

in the district, they needed more workers

(Tadamun, 2020). Furthermore, a group

of people named al-Wahiyaa immigrated

from al-Wahat to Cairo seeking new

homes at the outskirts of the city. They

gained notoriety for gathering, drying,

and selling organic garbage to turn it into

fuel for ovens and public baths. Al-Wahiyya

community turned to a group of laborers

who were Coptic immigrant farmers from

al-Badary district in Asyut who relocated

to Manshiyet Naser in order to give more

assistance for the growth and expansion

of their field in recycling garbage (Wiacek,

2020). The Coptic immigrants; Zabbaleen

(garbage collectors), eventually became

the dominant figure in recycling garbage

and were able to recycle 80% of

the waste they collect, meanwhile in

the Western world, they only recycle

up to 25% of the collected waste.

25

Although the Zabbaleen’s lifestyle is

so simple, yet they faced many hatred

and banning trials from the government

as the government tried to take away

their only employment opportunity,

garbage collection and recycling. The

government, through different contracts

made with private companies to collect

garbage from the city instead of the

Zabbaleen doing it, still failed and

were never able to accomplish half the

work the Zabbaleen could accomplish.

Another governmental intervention that has

also contributed to the Zabbaleen losing

their jobs was the order of slaughtering

all pigs of Egypt during the Swine Flu

Pandemic. Many of the Zabbaleen could

not continue in the recycling system as

to recycle, they needed their pigs to eat

the solid waste to get rid of the waste and

to be able to sell them later to touristic

restaurants (Fahmi & Sutton, 2010).

The absence of government assistance

for Egypt’s low class of citizens has left

the Zabbaleen community with several

economic and social issues. Even though

the district has some medical facilities,

the health services are inadequate to

address the health problems brought on

by rubbish sorting. Lack of designated

sites for sorting waste is one of the

district’s biggest concerns, therefore

the Zabbaleen are forced to perform the

sorting process within their houses, which

worsens the family’s health conditions

(Wiacek, 2020). Additionally, they also

lack open, breathable spaces away from

the garbage heaps they are surrounded

by all day long. The Zabbaleen face a very

tough day all week long in the garbage

recycling system which makes it very

frustrating at some point. That is why it is

important for them to take a break from

all this and enjoy socializing in hygienic

areas away from all the chaos they face

during the day, however, they also lack

social and green spaces to interact.

26

Figure 1.4

27

Figure 7

Figure 6

Figure 5

28

29

30

Figure 2.1

31

2.1 Defining Informal Settlements

According to UN-Habitat’s definition of

slums, there is no single definition since

slum conditions vary worldwide, yet a

characteristic of it is that “slums are

neighbourhoods that are in some respect

substandard” (Skinner et al., 2014).

A slum is an area with one or more of

the following characteristics: insufficient

access to safe water, inadequate

access to sanitation and other facilities,

inadequate access to safe housing, and

overpopulation (Skinner et al., 2014).

32

Figure 2.2

33

Slum dwellers unfortunately lack

basic municipal services and suffer

from deteriorated environmental

living conditions and healthcare, this

phenomenon makes them prone to many

diseases and dangers. According to UN-

Habitat, a group of people living under the

same roof while lacking one of more of the

five amenities listed below, is considered

to be living in a slum (Skinner et al., 2014).

Figure 2.3. Edited by:Author

34

Figure 2.4

35

Since 1990, slum dwellers population is

on a rapid increase every year, and as

of today, around 20% of the world’s

population, or about one billion people

live in slums worldwide (Knudsen et al.,

2020) . Slums remain to be a large and

growing feature of the urban landscape

that is neglected by planners and the

government. On the other hand, the

proportion of urban population living in

slums is decreasing due to the supply

of new affordable housing to prevent

the formation of new slums (Skinner et

al., 2014). However, prevention of the

appearance of new slums is not enough

to solve the miserable life other slum

dwellers face on a daily basis. Prevention

is a solution to the country’s benefit

more than it is a solution to other

slum dwellers of the same country.


36

37

2.2 Typologies of Informal Settlements

Slum typologies over the past five

decades were carefully studied to be

able to find suitable solutions for the

issues those informal settlements pose

on the society through categorising and

identifying their underlying processes,

problems, and attributes. As a result,

two slum characteristics emerged and

were identified as “Slums of hope”

and “Slums of despair” according to

Charles Stokes (Skinner et al., 2014).

Slums of hope, as it sounds, consist

of slum dwellers that are more active

and progressive. They are poor

neighbourhoods that their inhabitants

over the course of many years, have made

tremendous efforts to improve their homes

and environments. On the other hand,

slums of despair, are slums that could not

develop and progress their environments

due to some social and economic

reasons (Skinner et al., 2014).

38

Non notified slums: Mumbai Slums, Fig 2.6. Edited by:Author

39

Notified slums: Manshiyet Nasser, Fig 2.7. Edited by:Author

40

According to some official agencies

worldwide, there are two types of slums:

officially declared or notified slums and

non-notified slums (Krishna et al., 2014).

Notified slums are usually recognized by

respective municipalities, corporations,

local bodies or development authorities

are treated as notified slums. On the

other hand, non-notified slums are

recognized if at least 20 households

lived in that area (Chandrasekhar, 2005).

However, although there exist different

typologies, yet slums remain to be

inhumane places for anyone to live in.

41

2.3 Causes of Slum emergence

Slums may be formed due to a myriad of

reasons. Some of which may be government

related such as futile government policy,

the government’s inability to keep with

the demand for housing (that is decent

and affordable), insufficient investment in

infrastructure development, an inefficient

urban planning system, among others.

More general causes may be things such

as rapid urbanization, or widespread

poverty (Knudsen et al., 2020).

Urban population living in slums, 2018

42


43

Figure 2.9

44

A major contributor to housing shortage

is rural to urban migration. When a rapid

influx of migrants arrive to urban areas

in a short time span, it becomes very

challenging for governments to be able

to keep up with the rapidly increasing

demand for housing. To make matters

worse, the migrants usually are poor and

are only able to work low skill jobs. This

makes it very difficult for them to obtain

decent housing, forcing them to live in lowquality

housing or even leading to them

being homeless (Skinner et al., 2014).

Another factor is that there is no

governmental consideration during urban

planning. In most developing countries,

urban planning does not have ways

to cope with, or even prevent slum

formation. City officials tend to often

exclude slums from any sort of physical or

social infrastructure. In order to alleviate

the troubles slums bring about, then they

should be integrated into the physical

and social infrastructure so that they

can match the economic development

plans of the city (Skinner et al., 2014).

45

Regulatory systems in many countries

add another complication. Generally,

regulations and housing standards are

manageable to the rich but cause trouble

to the poor. People with enough money

can easily comply with said regulations.

Slum dwellers, on the other hand, face a

major Impediment when it comes to any

construction plans as their construction

that does not meet the regulatory body’s

requirements will be deemed “illegal” and

the consequences may be as severe as

being fined or evicted. This means that

the poor have little motivation to invest in

permanent materials, locking them into a low

standard of living (Skinner et al., 2014).

46

Figure 2.10

47

Figure 2.11

48

Land is also difficult to obtain. Not

only is there a shortage of land, but

land is often held and underutilized.

Furthermore, sometimes law hinders

the poor’s ability to purchase land

due to property laws or government

regulations (Skinner et al., 2014).

49

2.4 Government Response

Throughout history, governments have

taken one of 7 approaches when dealing

with slums, and those approaches

are: ignoring the slums, using them for

political campaigning, eradicating them

and evicting slum dwellers, relocating

them, providing public housing,

providing sites and service schemes, or

upgrading (Skinner et al., 2014).

50

Numbers in circles are in millions.

If governments failed to control the

issue of slum formation, slum populations

world wide will increase according to the

percentages above by the year 2025.


51

A. Ignoring Slums:

The first, and most unfortunate of the

7, is the complete brush aside slums.

Some governments ignore the presence

of slums completely and treat them

like a problem that will be solved on its

own, and that their erasure is solely a

matter of time (Skinner et al., 2014).

B. Using slums politically:

In some countries, slum dwellers are

used for political gain and to gain popular

support. Politicians promise slums

dwellers protection from eviction or

promise them land titles. This approach

may prove beneficial to slum dwellers.

Collier (1976) was among the first to

document how governments in Peru

supported the formation of squatter

settlements through offering protection

against their eviction, and promises

of land titles (Skinner et al., 2014).

Figure 2.13

52

53

C. Eradication, eviction, and displacement:

Some governments opt to evict or

eradicate those slums. The Centre for

Housing Rights and Evictions reports

that 18.59 million people worldwide

were affected by forced evictions

between the years 1998 and 2008

(Skinner et al., 2014). Evictions happen

for numerous reasons. They be related

to the development of projects such

as dams, or preparing for global events

like a world cup, or evictions due to

missed payments. Evictions may also

be caused by natural disasters such as

hurricanes, earthquakes, and tsunamis.

Figure 2.14

54

Other evictions may be directly due to the

government’s urbanization plans such as

urban development plans, urban renewal or

regeneration strategies, and the action of

urban land markets. These include freeing

up land for private investors, or for the

implementation of master plans with strict

land use zoning. These eviction attempts

often prove futile, as the evicted dwellers

have no affordable housing options and

so resort to finding other slums to reside

in. This makes the eviction solution a net

loss as it is not only costly financially but

has detrimental social ramifications and

puts the evicted (the old and young, the

women and men and children) in inhumane

circumstances (Skinner et al., 2014).

55

D. Relocation:

Another common way of dealing with

slums is relocation. Some governments

relocate slum dwellers to other locations

to rebuild the slum land. This may go

one of two ways. The first is the slum

dwellers are forcefully evicted and thrown

outside of city limits with no rights to

housing making their living situation

unchanged at best. The second is that

they are relocated to new housing in

the form of public housing that is either

sold or rented (Skinner et al., 2014).

E. Public Housing:

In some cases, re-housing slum

dwellers has proved successful. Public

housing may prove to be a solution as

demonstrated by Singapore and Hong

Kong. Both Singapore and Hong Kong

were able to transform horrendous living

conditions into decent accommodation

for most poor people over a span of

30 to 40 years (Skinner et al., 2014).

Figure 2.15

56

57

Another type of housing development

used in combination with relocation is

sites and services scheme. According to

UN-Habitat, a planned settlement layout

could be either a plot with no house but

infrastructure is provided or a plot with

a core unit such as a room and a wet

cell providing drinking water and basic

sanitation. Additionally, road network,

schools, health centers and community

centers are also important to be

provided. In sites and service schemes,

building standards are usually relaxed to

give chance for occupants to build with

affordable materials (Skinner et al., 2014).

G. Recognising the value in upgrading:

Slum dwellers usually invest in the informal

areas they live in. these investments

in their homes and communities is

sometimes lost due to governmental

actions. That is why a policy should be

developed to protect these investments

from authorities. Slum upgrading is a valid,

cost-effective method to improve the

living conditions and urban environments

of cities (Skinner et al., 2014).

58 Figure 2.16 F. Sites and Service Schemes:

59

2.5 The Right to Housing

A home is where one finds shelter, safety,

peace, and dignity. Housing is the basis

of stability of an individual or a household.

Most importantly, housing is a human right

rather than a commodity. According to

international laws, having secure tenure is

to be adequately housed and not have to

worry about being evicted. In addition, to

be adequately housed is to have access

to services, schools, and employment.

However, the right to housing is usually

neglected because the government does

not treat low-income and poor people

as humans with rights (OHCHR, 2009).

60

Figure 2.17

61

According to The United Nations

Committee on Economic, Social and

Cultural Rights, the right to adequate

housing should not be taken lightly,

rather, should be a right to all humans.

To be able to understand and take

action, it is important to recognise that

the right to adequate housing contains

freedoms and entitlements. Freedoms

such as: “Protection against forced

evictions and the arbitrary destruction

and demolition of one’s home; the right

to be free from arbitrary interference

with one’s home, privacy and family; and

the right to choose one’s residence, to

determine where to live and to freedom

of movement” (OHCHR, 2009b). While

the government must be entitled to

provide: “security of tenure; housing,

land and property restitution; equal and

non-discriminatory access to adequate

housing; participation in housing-related

decision-making at the national and

community levels” (OHCHR, 2009).

62

Figure 2.18

63

Right to adequate housing means that a

house should constitute of more than 4 walls

and a roof (OHCHR, 2009b). According

to OHCHR, certain requirements must

be met to acquire the right, including:

• Security of tenure: tenure is important

to provide security for the occupants

against forced evictions, harassment,

and other threats.

• Availability of services, materials,

facilities and infrastructure: such as

safe drinking water, sanitation, heating,

lighting, food storage or refuse disposal.

• Affordability: adequate housing should

be affordable and should pose no threat

on the occupants’ enjoyment of other

human rights. Figure 2.19

64

65

• Habitability: adequate housing should

provide physical safety and protection

against harsh weather, structural hazards,

or harm to health.

• Accessibility: disadvantaged and

marginalized groups’ needs should be

considered.

• Location: adequate housing should

be in good location with respect to

employment, heath care services,

schools, childcare centers, and other

social facilities.

• Cultural adequacy: adequate housing

should respect he expression of cultural

identity.

66

Figure 2.20

67

2.6 Slum Upgrading as a response

As mentioned earlier, any human has the

fundamental right to adequate housing.

Not only does adequate housing is in

humans’ best interest, but also it is

in the city’s as it doesn’t allow chaos

to occur which eventually will lead to a

corrupt country. A solution to putting an

end to slum formation is slum upgrading.

Slum upgrading is a process in which informal

areas are gradually incorporated into the

city through improvements considering

slum dwellers by extending land, services,

and citizenship. It also makes sure that

they get access to land tenure, physical

infrastructure, social, and economic

services undertaken cooperatively

among residents, community groups,

businesses, national governments, and

city authorities (Cities Alliance, 2019).

68

Figure 2.21

69

According to UN-Habitat, slum upgrading

interventions typically include the

following(Skinner et al., 2014) :

•Installation or upgrading of fundamental

infrastructure, including water reticulation,

sanitation, trash collection, road systems,

storm drainage, flood protection, power,

security lighting, and public telephones

•Relocation and compensation for

inhabitants (men and women) displaced by

the upgrades, as well as regularization of

security of tenure

•Enhancing access to health care,

education, and social support programs

to address issues of security, violence,

and substance abuse

•Improving access to housing

•Building or renovating community

facilities like nurseries, health posts, and

community open spaces

•Removing or mitigating environmental

hazards

•Offering incentives for community

management and maintenance

•Improving income-earning opportunities

through training and microcredits

Figure 2.22

70

71

Figure 10

Figure 9

Figure 8

72

73

74

Figure 3

75

3.1 Informal settlements in Cairo

Similar to the situation of many developing

countries, Egypt is plagued by the

vast spread of informal settlements.

As of 2006, an estimate of 39.9% of

Cairo’s population lives in slums, which is

approximately 11.8 million citizens (Abdel

& Morsi, 2015). Furthermore, according

to Our World in Data, the percentatge

of people in urban populations living in

slums in 2018 is 5.20. This phenomenon

occurs due to many reasons that trace

back to the ways the government dealt

with rural immigrants, the economic

capacity that is unable to provide housing

and urban services provision, and the

construction industry that is unable to

provide acceptable housing for the poor

(Abdel & Morsi, 2015). Consequently,

the slum dwellers build homes either

semi-legally or illegally on lands that are

private or public (Howeidy et al., 2009).

Unfortunately, the country faces immense

complications to control the annual spread

and increase of slums and slum dwellers

that almost make up 70% of Cairo’s

inhabitants (Howeidy et al., 2009).

Road network

Existing settlement

Deteriorated historic core (generalised)

76

Agricultural land

Informal settlement on agricultural land

Informal settlement on desert land


77

Informal development has been occurring

on the urban fridges of Egypt for a quite

good time. Although the government has

tried for almost 30 years to limit the growth

and spread of the informal settlements

on agricultural land of Cairo, they have

drastically failed and caused more than

1 million people to inhabit slums in 1998

(Howeidy et al., 2009). This trend grew

more in Greater Cairo after the Second

World War, as immigrants from Upper

Egypt and Delta started moving into

Cairo’s neighbourhoods seeking better

economic conditions (El-shenawy, 2016).

These young men would settle in rented

rooms of shared flats in central or historical

districts of Cairo. During this period,

informal settlements started to emerge,

and people would build their homes on

state-owned land mostly in the eastern

part of Cairo, such as Manshiyet Nasser

and Kum Ghura (El-shenawy, 2016) . This

urbanization process started speeding

up on the peripheries of the capital

and resulted in 4.4% of annual growth

between 1960-1966 which marks the

first expansion of informal settlements

on agricultural lands such as Boulaq al-

Dakrour, Waraq al-Hadr, Waraq al-Arab,

Munira on the west and Shubra al-Kheima,

Matariya on the northern part of the city

(Howeidy et al., 2009). As a result of

the spread of the informal settlements,

the state reinforced legislation to

stop the informal urbanization on

agricultural land (El-shenawy, 2016).

However, these laws were ineffective

and housing demands grew more and

urbanization kept continuing due to

the population growth and immigration

into the capital The increase of informal

urbanization could be seen in districts like

Dar al-Salaam, Imbaba, Zawyat al-Harma,

Baragil, and Saftal-Laban (Howeidy et al.,

2009). On the other hand, people who

could not afford agricultural land found an

alternative to build houses on state-owned

land which was almost desert land. Of the

most famous were Manshiyet Nasser and

Ezbet al-Haggan (Howeidy et al., 2009).

78

Figure 3.2

79

Not only did the immigrations from

rural to urban areas cause the growth

of the informal settlements, but also

young people wanting to start a family

seeking for their own houses. However

due to the high value of the formal real

estate market and the rent control laws,

people would alternatively seek housing

in the informal market. Moreover, the

wars of 1967 and 1973 resulted in

blocking state investments in public

housing as the money would better

be allocated to the war effort against

Israel, as a result, the public housing

went lacking (Howeidy et al., 2009).

During the mid-1980s demographic

growth rates and rural migrations almost

stopped which caused an impact on the

urban informal districts. Although there

was no new formation of informal districts

during the 1990s, yet the development

of informal areas kept growing and

becoming even more populated. During

the 1886 – 1996 the demographic rate

of informal settlements, which was 3.4%,

was higher than the growth rate of legal

areas that had a rate of 0.3% (Howeidy

et al., 2009). Construction rate of

informal settlements was 3.2% per

year, compared to formal districts with

a rate of 1.1% (Howeidy et al., 2009).

Figure 3.3

80

81

3.2 History of Manshiyet Nasser

Manshiyet Nasser is one of the largest

informal districts of Egypt and the most

densely populated area not only in

Egypt, but all Africa (Tadamun, 2020).

It was among the first areas to be given

attention by the government, donorfunded

planning, and development

projects which makes it unique in

comparison to other informal settlements.

According to the German agency for

International Cooperation, almost all

the district is inhabited by informal

dwellers which are about 800,000 to

one million inhabitants (Tadamun, 2020).

82


83

Due to the unfair laws of agricultural

property on farmers during the British

occupation and the Second World War,

farmers had no choice but to leave their

homeland and immigrate to the urban

areas seeking better opportunities.

Of which were residents from Qina and

Suhag immigrating to Cairo for cheaper

houses and residing in al-Gammaleyya

District in the heart of old Cairo.

Those people’s income was based on

recycling steel using oil drums which

then used tin to build their shelters as

the governate’s authorities warned them

against building permanent structures.

As the immigrant farmers developed in

selling cheap building materials, the area

gained more fame and was known as Izbit

al-Safih (The Tin Village) (Eddin, 1977).

However, the people’s hopes and

happiness in their achievement didn’t last

long. During the 1960s, the government

declared to take authority of Izbit al-Safih’s

land to build a hospital and a school. After

negotiations between the residents and

the government on where to relocate the

residents, the government gave “implicit

permission to the people to live on

government land in al-Muqattam Mount”

(Tadamun, 2020). President Gamal

Abdel Nasser was the one to give verbal

acknowledgement for the community

to live Muqattam Mount, the new area

was named Manshiyet Nasser after him.

However, the people remained uncertain of

their legal status due to the government’s

denial of granting them tenure of the

land and because the area was known

for harbouring outlaws. This phenomenon

however didn’t let them down, the

residents although found it hard to build

on uneven land, started building 100

sqm houses, warehouses and workshops

made of brick at the foot of the mountain.

Due to the increase of the population

in the district, their needs for basic

facilities increased as well. Unfortunately,

due to the mountainous landscape,

access to electricity was much easier

to be granted than access to water and

sanitation as it would be difficult to extend

the pipe systems (Tadamun, 2020).

Figure 3.5

84

85

3.3 The Egyptian Government Response

At the beginning of the emergence of

the informal settlements caused by

the immigrant farmers, the Egyptian

government chose to ignore those areas

until they decided on eradicating them.

During the 1980s, the government

started looking for approaches to halt the

increase of the informal settlements on

agricultural land(Abdel & Morsi, 2015).

Their approaches were either demolishing

or relocating them until 1993, when the

government decided to launch a program

for redeveloping 20 slum areas. After

conducting surveys for identifying the

areas to be upgraded or demolished, the

cases for demolishing were higher than

upgrading. However, the government

failed to do so because this would

impose no benefits to the residents but

would force them to change their way

of living, consequently, the residents of

the slum areas resisted these plans. As

a result, the Egyptian government tried

to adopt two main approaches to tackle

on the problem of informal settlements,

such approaches are Preventive and

Interventionist approaches (Maher, 2017).

A. Preventive approaches:

Preventive approaches are meant to put

a limit to or strop the increase of informal

settlements by four methods: belting

programs, urban growth boundaries,

banning the construction on a desert

land owned by the state, and using

building codes and planning regulations

(Maher, 2017). The belting program is

a planning technique to stop the growth

of the informal settlements by providing

the basic needs for the slum areas, such

as water, sanitary, landscape, electricity,

and then setting precise plans on

limiting the growth of these settlements.

The second method which is setting

urban growth boundaries focused on

limiting the development of slums on

agricultural land by developing regional

boundaries that allows for building within

the boundary but banning the growth in

others. The third method was achieved

through the issuing of some laws that

forbid any urban expansion on stateowned

desert land in which if broken, the

mandated minster has the right to remove

those buildings. Lastly, the building

codes and planning regulations “are

used to prohibit or restrict the types of

buildings, building densities, or population

densities typically found in lower-income

informal areas” (Tadamun, 2014).

B. Interventionist approaches:

Interventionist approaches are methods

in which the government either intervenes

to improve the informal settlements or to

abolish them. These approaches include 1.

eviction, demolition, and slum relocation

2. in situ slum upgrading 3. participatory

upgrading (Maher, 2017). However, only

two government authorities are allowed

to intervene and take action, those are

the Informal Settlements Development

Facility (ISDF) and the governorates.

The ISDF runs annual reviews on unsafe

informal areas to measure the level of

unsafety of the area that may affect the

inhabitants, these levels are given grades

from one to four. As soon as the ISDF

recognizes unsafety, those areas are

to be subject to interventions by them.

The foundation also implements socioeconomic

programs to increase health,

education, job opportunities, and living

conditions of the inhabitants. On the

other hand, the governorates do not have

a formal policy toward these settlements,

which as a result, leaves these areas

more in danger (Tadamun, 2014).

86

87

Figure 3.6 Figure 3.7

88

89

3.4 History of Garbage City

During the 1890s, a group of people

named al-Wahiyaa immigrated from al-

Wahat to Cairo seeking new homes at the

outskirts of the city. Those people were

famous for collecting, drying, and selling

organic waste to be able to generate fuel

from it to be used for ovens and public

baths. Later, as they became expertise

in their field and expanded their work,

they became the dominant figures in

garbage collection of the capital. For the

al-Wahiyya community to provide more

service for the increase and expansion

of the city, they resorted to a group of

laborers of Coptic migrant farmers from

al-Badary neighborhood in Asyut who

immigrated to Cairo(Wiacek, 2020).

Those farmers already had contact with

the al-Wahiyya as they would buy organic

waste from them to feed their pigs. In

Cairo, they settled in Shubra al-Khima

neighborhood where they performed

their main job, which was collecting

garbage from the city and transporting

it to their neighborhood. Although this

job provided them with some money, yet

their main source of income came from

selling their pigs to tourist restaurants

in the city. Later, due to the smell of

garbage that affected the neighborhood

near the community, the government

relocated them in al-Muqattam Mount.

90

Figure 3.8

91

After settling there, and with no secured

living conditions, the community built

temporary housing made of tin in case of

sudden eviction. The community did not

have a sense of belonging to the area

up until the 1975, as the construction

of al-Inba Siman Church and Monastery

proved them the opposite, and they were

finally able to build permanent houses. In

1984, Bishop Sumwil, “who established

and served as the bishop of the Coptic

Orthodox Church’s Bishopric of Public,

Ecumenical, and Social Services (BLESS)”

established the garbage collection

association, which besides pig selling,

served as another source of income.

The BLESS program came with many

benefits to the poor and the community

of al-Zabbaleen neighborhood, providing

them with a profession and some services

that eventually created a solid foundation

for the garbage collectors’ development.

During the latter years, BLESS was able to

transform the community from a neglected

rural community that was considered to be

out of the city into an urban community that

serves the city and provides the garbage

collectors with income (Tadamun, 2020).

92

Figure 3.9

93

Figure 3.10

94

Today, Garbage City (El-Zaraib) forms

an important part of Manshiyet Nasser.

It is the most famous neighborhood of

the district due to the piles of garbage

that cover every street, building, and

rooftop of the settlements. The garbage

heaps in the area are the result of a

failed garbage collecting system of

Cairo. The people of Garbage city work

hand in hand to allow for the flow of the

system. As men collect the garbage from

the city and transport it back to the

neighborhood, women and their children

start sorting out the garbage that could

be recycled and the organic waste to be

fed to the pigs. Those recycled materials

could be made into bags, carpets,

accessories, and more to be sold to

touristic places (El-shenawy, 2016).

95


96

97

3.5 Waste recycling as a source of income

Although Manshiyet Nasser is most

famous for the Zabbaleen neighborhood

that expertise in waste recycling and

pig selling, the inhabitants are also

proficient in other fields. According to

Cairo Governorate statistics, 65% work

in crafts and administration, 14% work in

garbage activities, 21% work in private

vocations (Tadamun, 2020). The garbage

collectors have always worked hard to

reach their optimum skills and efforts in

recycling. They experiment with recycling

different kinds of materials and would

refurbish the waste into new products

with local machines. With traditional

tools, they eventually succeeded in

establishing one of the best systems

in the world for recycling. As a result,

their systems give them the chance to

recycle 80% of Cairo’s garbage which

is considered one of the high recycling

rates compared to other countries such

as Austria with a rate of 63% and Germany

with a rate of 62% (Tadamun, 2020).

98

Figure 3.13

99

Although these efforts by the Zabbaleen

have many benefits on their community

and the capital, yet the government

has never seen these benefits as an

opportunity for the development of

Egypt, instead, the government neglects

them and adopts policies to take them

down. For example, in the 1990s,

garbage collectors used wagons to

transport the garbage from the capital

to their neighborhoods, however, the

General Authority for Cairo Cleaning and

Beautification ordered to replace wagons

by huge trucks, knowing that the garbage

collectors will not be able to afford them.

Furthermore, they ordered private

companies to collect garbage from

all the city, causing disruption in the

garbage collectors’ system. The garbage

collectors who had the feasibility to buy

a truck, would have to work with the

private companies, if not, the collector

would not be able to work in the system

Consequently, the veteran trash collectors

collected trash from residential areas but

without the residents paying them for

their services. However, the government

did not support them when any shifts in

the system affects their work, causing

this policy to fail (Moughalian, 2018).

100

Figure 3.14

101

The government did not stop but went

into further adoption of harsh policies.

In 2003, three European companies

have signed contracts with the Egyptian

government for trash collecting. Instead

of allowing the garbage collectors to

work with them, the government chose

to neglect their efforts. The problem that

came with this phenomenon was that the

trucks were too huge for the streets, as

many of the capital’s streets are narrow

enough to hardly fit one car, causing

trucks to not reach many residential

areas. Furthermore, the contracts were

meant to only recycle 20% of the trash,

while the rest would be dumped in landfills.

This system failed as trash was piling in

the streets of Cairo and eventually, got

cancelled by the government, yet they did

not inform the garbage collectors about

the cancellation (Moughalian, 2018).

Figure 3.15

102

103


104

105

3.6 The Swine Flu Pandemic effects

One of the Zabbaleen’s source of income

are pigs, beside collecting and recycling

waste. on a daily basis, they would collect

6,000 tons of solid waste from the

capital, of which 60% was organic waste

to be fed to the pigs (Fahmi & Sutton,

2010). Every 6 months, the Zabbaleen

would trade 5-15 adult pigs for LE 7

(7 Egyptian Pounds) per kilogram (US$

1.25) and they would make around LE

450 per pig (US$ 80) (Fahmi & Sutton,

2010b). Little did they know that

this phenomenon would not last long.

Unfortunately, in 2009, the Swine Flu

Pandemic has struck Egypt and caused

flaws in the Zabbaleen’s work system.

Although the swine flu is not transmitted

form pig to human, rather human to human,

the government insisted on slaughtering

all the pigs of Egypt, which were

around 300,000, for the sake of the

fears of the citizens (Tadamun, 2020).

As a result, the livelihood of around

70,000 of the Zabbaleen community

was jeopardized (Tadamun, 2020).

106

Figure 3.18

107

Due to the governmental actions, the

Zabbaleen stopped collecting garbage

from Cairo, which caused all the garbage

to pile up in all districts, from the most

elite to the poorest. Protest riots filled

the streets of Manshiyet Nasser as the

Coptic Christians were furious about the

slaughter claiming that it represented

religious bias towards the Christians. The

Zabbaleen children appeared to show signs

of malnutrition as pig-meat was their only

source of protein(Fahmi & Sutton, 2010).

As some health officials worldwide

claimed that the flu is not to be passed

directly by pigs, the government

changed its story that the slaughter was

no longer about the flu spread, but about

getting rid of the Zabbaleen community.

Figure 3.19

108

As a compensation, the government paid

US$50—$100 per pig as opposed to

the meat processors that would pay them

$200 per pig (Fahmi & Sutton, 2010b).

Couple of months later, the Minister

of Agriculture decided to keep 1,000

pigs for breeding them to not lose the

Egyptian stock while compensating the

Zabbaleen financially. As a result, some

garbage collectors decided to abandon

their garbage collection and recycling

business because pigs are an integral part

of this business (Fahmi & Sutton, 2010).

109


110

111

3.7 Lifestyle of the Zabbaleen

As the sun rises, approximately 2,000

donkey carts of the Zabbaleen hurry to

start their 1-2 hour journey of garbage

collection before morning rush hour

of Cairo (Meyer, 1987). As soon as

their arrival, the eldest brother or the

father starts to collect the garbage

while the children wait for them and

look after the donkey (Meyer, 1987).

Usually, the amount of garbage they

collect are from about 100-250

residences across Cairo. After this

hectic process is over, the team heads

back to the neighborhood, when they

have already been tired to their cores.

Children are sleeping between the

dirt of the cart, the driver is almost

failing asleep on the way back, and the

donkey is already tired from pulling the

heavy cart (Our Human Planet, 2019).

As soon as they arrive to the neighborhood,

the women and their children’s sorting

process begins. With no precautions of

hygiene while sorting, such as wearing

gloves or masks, women and children sort

out the garbage in categories: paper,

cardboard, metal, and then resorted in

specific piles, while the organic waste is

fed to the pigs. This phenomenon puts

them at higher risk of getting diseases or

infections such as Tetanus and Hepatitis.

After sorting out the recycling material,

they are stored on the roofs of the

settlements as the area lacks storage

spaces. The materials to be recycled

goes through different processes of local

machines, and eventually, the recycled

items are sold to touristic places in

Egypt (Our Human Planet, 2019).

112

Figure 3.22

113


114

115

Figure 3.25

116

The Zabbaleen over the years have

established an informal hierarchy among

themselves in the ways of dealing with

waste sorting. Garbage collectors who

collect garbage from the city on donkeydrawn

carts are the lowest class. The

higher-class garbage collectors are the

ones who collect waste from upper-middle

class residences, whose garbage after

sorting goes to the pigs (Wiacek, 2020).

117


118

119

3.8 Coptic identity in the neighborhood

Garbage City’s inhabitants are almost

all Coptic Christians and that is what

gives them and their living conditions

uniqueness. In 1975 the construction

of al-Inba Siman Church and Monastery,

at the foot of the Mokattam Hills, gave

the Coptic Chrictians a sense of identity

in the area (Wiacek, 2020). This peace

of architecture has influenced Coptic

construction technology and allowed

them to build with materials such as

stone and bricks for better durability.

120

Figure 3.28: hanging altar

121

Figure 3.29

122

The area also includes several churches

and Monasteries such as Monastery

of St. Simon the Tanner, the churches

of St. Hurts, St. Mark, and St. Simon

the Tanner’s Hall. This religious complex

not only gave the residents a sense

of belonging but also attracted many

Christians across the Middle East.

However, the disadvantage of the site

is the garbage. To reach the sacral part

of the city, one should pass through the

garbage, the nasty smells, and the red

brick buildings. In the secular space,

sacral decorations are implemented in

the architecture to give off the religious

identity of the Zabbaleen, such as: shrines

with saints, Coptic crosses, images of the

Coptic pope on large banners, and handmade

miniature altars (Wiacek, 2020).

123

Figure 3.30

124

Figure 3.31, cave churcg

125

3.9 Living conditions of the Zabbaleen

The Zabbaleen face many economic and

social problems in their area due to the

lack of governmental care for the poor

class of the society of Egypt. Such

problems are high density, poor access

to the area, narrow streets, streets of

elevations that are linked by stairs, and

not to forget, the huge piles of garbage

and its smell. The area almost lacks the

basic municipal needs such as electricity,

sanitation, and water resources. Even

though some medical centers are available

in the district, yet health services are not

sufficient to deal with the health issues

that result of sorting trash (Tadamun,

2020). Almost all Zabbaleen are Hepatitis

positive due to the unhygienic conditions

they are surrounded with while sorting

garbage. For example, people working in

sorting syringes and medical purposes

waste are highly prone to getting

infection that can end up with death.

126

Figure 3.32

127

Figure 3.33

128

Furthermore, there are poor educational

services in the district which limits the

children’s educational opportunities,

resulting in working with the trash sorting

system. Additionally, many people in

the district live in risk-buildings and

moving them to safe houses is not easily

managed (World Documentary, 2017).

One of the major issues of the district,

is the lack of specified areas for sorting

trash, consequently, the Zabbaleen have

no choice but to perform such actions

inside their homes, causing more health

problems on the household (Tadamun,

2020). For example, a typical plan for

a garbage collector comprising of 5

people is a room consisting of shared

living room and bedroom with a floor

area of 12-15 sq.m.(Meyer, 1987).

These living conditions are extremely

unbearable on the household as it means

that they are constantly amid dirt,

smells, rats and flies (Meyer, 1987).

129


130

131

Figure 11

Figure 12

Figure 13

132

133

4.1 SUKAGAWA

COMMUNITY CENTER

ARCHITECT: Unemori Architects

LOCATION: Sukagawa, Japan

TYPE: Community center

AREA: 13,698 sqm

Figure 4.1

134

135

BACKGROUND:

The Sukagawa Community Center was

built to revitalize the city centre after the

Great East Japan Earth-quake on March

11. Subsequent to a series of citizen

workshops, the architect designed a multipurpose

building complex as a response,

eventually becoming a community center.

Figure 4.2

136

137

CONTEXT:

The site consists of mixed-use

buildings not necessarily related

to the community center, yet the

community center is an architectural

meeting point for people around.

Figure 4.3

138

139

140

Figure 4.4

CONCEPT:

The complex consists of five floors with

numerous activities on different floor

levels that are open to one another

to regenerate the community life,

transcending into a community center

that connects the city and its citizens.

141

MASS VS VOID:

Ground Floor

First Floor

Second Floor

Figure 4.5

142

DESIGN STRATEGY:

The architect followed some theme

activities such as: ‘raise’, ‘play’,

‘create’, ‘learn’ and ‘meet’ to divide the

building into different areas of action.

Third Floor

Fourth Floor


143

KEY ELEMENTS:

- Open floor plan creating dynamic views

- Open floor setbacks

- Cantilevered slabs

- Activity-based floor plan

Figure 4.8


144

145

KEY ELEMENTS:

The exterior of the building consists of

slabs that are layered and staggered to

form a series of canopies and terraces.

146

Figure 4.9

147

AREA AND PROGRAM:

Zone Space Number of space Area / Space Total

Facility

Education

Entertainmnet

Professional

Leisure

Performance

1. Civic activity support center 1 110 110

2. Child care support center 1 88 88

3. Main Library 1 1781 1781

4. Research library 1 562 562

5. Kids library 1 428 428

6. Study room 1 81 81

7. Community space 2 300 600

8. Playground 2 579 1158

9. FM Studio 1 55 55

10. SFX Museum 1 541 541

11. Rental room 11 77 847

12. Office 1 177 177

13. Office library 4 68 272

14. Shop 3 12 36

15. Café 1 112 112

16. Convenience store 1 149 149

17. Inner terrace 5 96 480

18. Outdoor terrace 8 511 4088

19. Hall A 1 190 190

20. Hall B 1 80 80

BOH 21. Toilets 5 48 240

148


149

AREA AND PROGRAM:


Facility

Education

Entertainmnet

Professional

Leisure

Performance










10. SFX Museum 1 541 541


12. Office 1 177 177


14. Shop 3 12 36

15. Café 1 112 112




19. Hall A 1 190 190

20. Hall B 1 80 80


150


151

AREA AND PROGRAM:


Facility

Education

Entertainmnet

Professional

Leisure

Performance










10. SFX Museum 1 541 541


12. Office 1 177 177


14. Shop 3 12 36

15. Café 1 112 112




19. Hall A 1 190 190

20. Hall B 1 80 80


152


153

AREA AND PROGRAM:


Facility

Education

Entertainmnet

Professional

Leisure

Performance










10. SFX Museum 1 541 541


12. Office 1 177 177


14. Shop 3 12 36

15. Café 1 112 112




19. Hall A 1 190 190

20. Hall B 1 80 80


154


155

AREA AND PROGRAM:


Facility

Education

Entertainmnet

Professional

Leisure

Performance










10. SFX Museum 1 541 541


12. Office 1 177 177


14. Shop 3 12 36

15. Café 1 112 112




19. Hall A 1 190 190

20. Hall B 1 80 80


156


157

Figure 4.15

MATERIALITY:

158

The architect chose simple and calm

materials such as white clad and natural

wood to give a sense of warmth.

159

4.2 HIDA FURUKAWA

COMMUNITY CENTER

ARCHITECT: Sou Fujimoto

LOCATION: Hida, Japan

TYPE: Community center

AREA: 21,300 sqm

Figure 4.16

160

161

BACKGROUND:

The design of the center follows the

shape of an Utsuwa, a shape of a bowl or

vessel in Japanese, and a shed-like roof

over criss-crossing paths, inspired by the

city’s traditional townscapes. The center

will include a university research base,

student accommodation, an all-weather

playing field, and commercial facilities, all

interconnected to allow people and tourists

to experience the functions of the center.

162

Figure 4.17

163

164

Figure 4.18

CONTEXT:

The center is located adjacent to Hida

Furukawa Station in Hida city, Japan.

Additionally, it is close to the proposed

Hida Takayama University also designed

by the architect , aiming to connect

both buldings to inhance the interaction.

165

CONCEPT:

The oval structure gave flexibility for

the people to enter from any direction,

eventually reaching the rooftop that dips

to meet the ground, where people will

access with a vision towards the sky.

DESIGN STRATEGY:

Pop-up events and activities that combine

themes like tradition and the future,

diversity and convergence, the individual

and the group, nature and artifice, exposure

and protection, will animate the plaza.

ARCHITECT SKETCHES:

Plaza like a valley, open to town.

166


Large plaza where activites take place.

Figure 4.20

167

KEY ELEMENT:

The roof is punctuated with circular

openings and will act as an accessible

grass-covered park.

Figure 4.21

168

169

MASS VS VOID:

170

Ground Floor

Figure 4.22. Edited by:Author Figure 4.23

171

AREA AND PROGRAM:


Leisre

1. Hot Spa facility 2 597 1194

2. Exhibition space 8 243 729



Commercial 5. Commercial space 5 423 2110

Residential

6. Residential units 2 513 1026

7. Dormitory 2 819 1638


172

Ground Floor

Figure 4.24 Edited by:Author

173

AREA AND PROGRAM:


Leisre

1. Hot Spa facility 2 597 1194

2. Exhibition space 8 243 729




Residential

6. Residential units 2 513 1026

7. Dormitory 2 819 1638


174

First Floor

Figure 4.25 Edited by:Author

175

4.3 ROLEX LEARNING CENTER

4.3 ROLEX LEARNING CENTER

ARCHITECT: SANAA

LOCATION: Lausanne, Switzerland

TYPE: Learning center

AREA: 20,000 sqm

Figure 4.26

176

177

178

Figure 4.27

BACKGROUND:

The Rolex Learning Center designed

by SANAA is designed to provide

students of EPFL and the public with a

laboratory for learning, a cultural hud, and

a library with 500,000 volumes. Other

services include social spaces to study,

restaurants, cafes, and outdoor spaces

179

Figure 4.28

CONTEXT:

The center is built on the campus of

EPFL (Ecole Polytechnique Fédérale

de Lausanne) University to brng

more benefits to its students.

180

181

Figure 4.29

182

CONCEPT:

The learning center is designed with

gentle slopes , curvilinear roof, and

internal patios, and almost invisble

supports to give the feeling of continuity

and seamlessness of the center.

Figure 4.30

183

MASS VS VOID:

Figure 4.31

KEY ELEMENTS:

184

- Curving 3d walls

- Seamless / continuos structure

Ground Floor


185

AREA AND PROGRAM:


Performance 1. Multi-purpose hall 1 1502 1502

Professional

Education

Leisure

2. Offices 17 353 6001

3. Work area 2 188 376

4. Bookshop 1 291 291

5. Library 1 1340 1340

6. Ancient book collection 1 43 43

7. Research collection 1 734 734

8. Café 1 505 505

9. Foodcourt 1 283 283

10. Restaurant 1 151 151

Financial 11. Bank 1 133 133

186


187

4.4 MANUFACTURING TECHNOLOGY

AND ENGINEERING CENTER

ARCHITECT: JGMA

LOCATION: Chicago, USA

TYPE: Manufacturing center

AREA: 60,000 sqm

Figure 4.34

188

189

BACKGROUND:

JGMA’s design focused on reversing

the stigma that manufacturing spaces

are reserved typically for minority

populations. As a result, the design

focused on celebrating state-of-the-art

manufacturing spaces proving such careers

in the industry require qualified people.

Figure 4.35

190

191

Figure 4.36

CONTEXT:

192

The project unites the existing

complex by establishing a campuslike

setting with engaging pathways

and cooperative areas all around.

193

Daley College

Manufacturing Technology

and Engineering Center

CONCEPT:

The steady and linear flow of the

manufacturing process served as the

model for the building’s seamless fluidity.

The structure connects Daley College’s

south and north campuses by spanning the

main roadway on a sturdy industrial bridge.

194

Figure 4.37. Editied by:Author

195

Figure 4.38

DESIGN STRATEGY:

The design strategy makes use of building

transparency to display showcase

machines, equipment, and products crucial

to the universities’ educational goals as

well as to provide a visible connection

to the neighborhood of West Lawn.

196

Even the casual viewer may have a

similar experience because to the

building’s transparency, which offers a

glimpse into the highly sophisticated

nature of modern production.

197

MATERIALITY:

The new building celebrates the

industrial sector through the use of

elements like glass, metal panels, and

exposed steel.

Figure 4.39

KEY ELEMENTS:

198

- Transparency in the design

- Colors such as yellow resembling

caution in manufacturing

Figure 4.40

199

AREA AND PROGRAM:


Adminstration

1. Lobby/Bridge 1 1402 1402

2. Adminstration 11 14 154

Leisure 3. Seating space 3 34 102

Education 4. Classrooms 10 74 740

Professional 5. Manufacturing area 1 948 948

BOH

6. Toilets 4 25 100

7. Services 10 18 180

200

Ground Floor


201

4.5 MCE PRODUCTION FACILITY

4.5 MCE PRODUCTION FACILITY

ARCHITECT: Heim Balp Architekten

LOCATION: Timisoara, Romania

TYPE: Production Facility

AREA: 4.000 sqm

Figure 4.42

202

203

204

Figure 4.43

BACKGROUND:

The facility is one of the two primary

locations for the manufacture of commercial

coffee machines for Astoria, the

historical brand of Italian coffee machine

culture and the third-largest producer

of commercial coffee machines globally.

The company has significantly boosted

its production capacity as a result

of the building of the new plant.

The design satisfies the primary client’s

desire for a new layout to boost daily output

and to provide the overall corporate image

a younger and more innovative attitude.

205

CONTEXT:

Instead of constructing a new facility, the

old structure was retained, but significant

renovations were made to renew the

workplaces, the showroom, and the offices.

A new manufacturing line, logistics,

new executive and business offices,

training facilities, and showrooms

are all part of the building plans.

206

Figure 4.44

207

CONCEPT:

The production facility is conceived of

two volumes, the one-story hosting

the production area while the twostory

hosting offices, meeting rooms,

a showroom and training spaces.

Figure 4.46

Figure 4.45

208

“The office and public building on one side

expresses the needs for representation

of the company, being this location the

expression of its products and values

towards the clients and distributors,

and on the other side meets the

needs of efficiency and dynamism

of its administrative department.”

209

KEY ELEMENT:

The design of the facade focused on

the selection of different materials

such as walls and glazed façades, as

well as a red aluminum cladding, which

provides diffrent levels of opacity

depending on the function of the space.

210

Figure 4.47

211

AREA AND PROGRAM:


Learning

Professional

1. Training room 1 340 340

2. Showroom 1 180 180

3. Acquisiton 1 143 143

4. Production 2 80 160

5. Welding 1 1610 1610

6. Hydraulics 1 130 130

7. Components 1 1076 1076

8. Assembly line 1 1350 1350

9. Production Packaging 1 1045 1045

10. Finished product 1 643 643


BOH

12. Storage and printing 1 1220 1220

13. Services 3 142 426

14. Technical room 1 56 56

212


213

4.6.1 Solar Trees Marketplace

4.6.1 Solar Trees Marketplace

Located in Shanghai, China, the 3,450

sqm marketplace is distinguished by the

32 architectural ‘trees’ that are inspired

by the Chinese forest landscape. The

trees rise to form a canopy above

the marketplace, celebrating what

is originally the Chinese market as a

community space, yet in a modern way.

Modular market stalls are brought into

the design to give a sense of authenticity

to the contemporary development.

Figure 4.49

4.6 Relevant Architecture

214

215

Figure 4.50

216

Figure 4.51

217

4.6.2 Newlab

4.6.2 Newlab

The 7,618 sqm manufacturing space

focuses on engaging the users to one

another using translucent materials, views

between floors, blended workspaces.

Figure 4.52


218

219

Figure 4.53

220

Figure 4.54

221

4.6.3 Zhejiang Factory

4.6.3 Zhejiang Factory

The key element of the 26,004 sqm

factory lies in the use of the red staircases

that connect all buildings together in a

way inspired by the Chinese mountainous

landscapes. Eventually the staircase

provides a path for the workers to the

canteen and lodging house, and a place

for workers to take a break. Stairs on

the roof are for maintenance of the solar

panels and outdoor activity space for

workers to climb high and look far away.

Figure 4.55


222

223

Figure 4.56

224

Figure 4.57

225

4.6.4 Chongqing Taoyuanju

Community Center

The 10,000 sqm community center is

located in the mountains of Taoyuan Park

intending to merge the building outline

with the topography through extending

the greenery on the roof. Moreover,

outdoor and indoor spaces were

important in the design strategy, allowing

more engagement with outsiders.

Figure 4.58


226

227

Figure 4.59

228

Figure 4.60

229

Figure 16

Figure 14

Figure 15

230

231

5.1 Proposed Program:

Manufacturing Technology and Engineering

Keyword Zone Space Sukagawa Community Center

Hida Furukawa Community Center

Rolex Learning Center

Keyword Zone Space

Manufacturing MCE Technology Production and Facility Engineering

Keyword

Proposed Project

Zone Space Sukagawa Community Center

Hida Furukawa Community Center

Rolex Learning Center

Keyword Zone Space Center

MCE Production Facility

Proposed Project

Center

No. of spaces Area (sqm) Total (sqm)

No.

No.

of

of

spaces

spaces

Area

Area

(sqm)

(sqm)

Total

Total

(sqm)

(sqm)

No.

No.

of

of

spaces

spaces

Area

Area

(sqm)

(sqm)

Total

Total

(sqm)

(sqm)



No.

No.

of

of

spaces

spaces

Area

Area

(sqm)

(sqm)

Total

Total

(sqm)

(sqm)

No.

No.

of

of

spaces

spaces

Area

Area

(sqm)

(sqm)

Total

Total

(sqm)

(sqm)


Entrance

Entrance

Entrance

Lobby

Lobby

Lobby 1

Lobby

1402 1402

1 1402 1402

2 80 160

2 80 160

Entrance

Escape

Socialize

Escape

Community space 2

Community

300

space

600

2 300 600

Community space

Community space

15 100 1500

15 100 1500

Hot spa facility

Hot spa facility

2 597 1194

2 597 1194

Hot spa facility

Hot spa facility

2 250 500

2 250 500

Playground 2

Playground

579 1158

2 579

565

1158

1130

2 565 1130

Playground

Playground

1 150 150

1 150 150

Seating area

Seating area

Seating area 3

Seating area

34 102

3 34 102

5 30 150

5 30 150

Socialize

Escape

Socialize

Escape

Socialize

Explore

Entertainment

Explore

Exhibition

Exhibition

8 243 1944

8 243 1944

Exhibition

Exhibition

3 180 540

3 180 540

Entertainment

Explore

Entertainment

Multi-purpose hall

Multi-purpose hall

1 1502 1502

1 1502 1502

Multi-purpose hall

Multi-purpose hall

1 400 400

1 400 400

Outdoor terrace 8

Outdoor terrace

511 4088

8

2

511

177

4088

354

2 177 354

Outdoor terrace

Outdoor terrace

4 100 400

4 100 400

Explore

Entertainment

Hands-on

Learning

Hands-on

Classroom

Classroom

Classroom 10

Classroom

74 740

10 74 740

5 70 350

5 70 350

Training room / workshop




1 340 340

1

10

340

40

340

400

10 40 400

Showroom

Showroom

Showroom

Showroom

1 180 180

1

2

180

80

180

160

2 80 160

Study room 1

Study room

81 81

1 81 81

Study room

Study room

5 60 300

5 60 300

Library 1

Library

1781 1781

1 1781 1781

1 1340 1340

1 1340 1340

Library

Library

2 150 300

2 150 300

Learning

Hands-on

Learning

Hands-on

Learning

Work

Professional

Work

Office 1

Office

177 177

1 177 177

17 353 6001

17 353 6001

Office 11

Office

14 154

11 14 154

8 80 640

8 80 640

Work area

Work area

2 188 376

2 188 376

Work area

Work area

4 180 720

4 180 720

Production area

Production area

Production area 1

Production

948

area

948

1

2

948

80

948

160

2

2

80

80

160

160

2 80 160

Finished product storage




1 643 643

1

1

643

200

643

200

1 200 200

Civic activity support center

Civic

1

activity support

110

center

110

1 110 110



1 100 100

1 100 100

Professional

Work

Professional

Work

Professional

Recreation

Leisure

Recreation

Shop 3

Shop

12 36

3 12 36

Shop

Shop

15 80 1200

15 80 1200

Café 1

Café

112 112

1 112 112

1 505 505

1 505 505

Café

Café

2 150 300

2 150 300

Restaurant

Restaurant

1 151 151

1 151 151

Restaurant

Restaurant

3 150 450

3 150 450

Commercial space

Commercial space

5 423 2115

5 423 2115

Commercial space

Commercial space

1 520 520

1

1

520

200

520

200

1 200 200

Leisure

Recreation

Leisure

Recreation

Leisure

232

Back of House

Back of House

Services

Services

Services 10

Services

18 180

10

3 142

18 180

426

3

5

142

20

426

100

5 20 100

Back of House

Storage

Storage

Storage

Storage

1 1220 1220

1

2

1220

80

1220

160

2 80 160

Toilets 5

Toilets

48 240

5

1

48

31

240

31

1 31 31

Toilets 4

Toilets

25 100

4 25 100

4 50 200

4 50 200

Back of House

Total=

Circulation: 10%

9740

974

Total=

Circulation: 10%

9740

974

233

5.2 Bubble Diagram: 5.3 Relationship Matrix:

234

Should be

Could be

235

5.4 Function Analysis:

Sukagawa

Community

Center

Hida Furukawa

Community

Center

MCE Production

Facility

Proposed

Project

Rolex

Learning

Center

Manufacturing

Tech. & Eng.

Center

236

237

Figure 19

Figure 18

Figure 17

238

239

6.1 Site Selection

Popular slum areas in Cairo:

Of the 350 slum areas in Cairo,

some of the most popular include:

El - Baragil

Ezbet El Haggan

Manshiyet Nasser

Manshiyet Nasser is the chosen site

as it is the most heavily populated

in Egypt and Africa. It is also where

the most popular neighborhood

for recycling waste is located.

240

241

Neighborhoods:

1. Al Zaraib (Garbage City)

2.Al Khazan

3. Al Maadasa

4. Al Mazlakan

5. Al Masaken

6. Ezbet Bekheit

7. A’la Al Razaz

8. Al Doeka

9. Al Shahba

10. Masaken Al Hirafiyeen

11. Masaken Suzane Mubarak

242

243

Plot 1:

1. Proximity to nature

2. Proximity to touristic attractions

3. Proximity to recycling facilities

4. Away from dense areas

5. Away from pollution

6. Architecture potential

Score: 4

Site Selection Criteria:

Plot 2:






6. Architecture potential

Score: 3

244

Plot 3:






6. Architecture potential Meeting

Score: 6 criteria

Rating system:

Averagely

meeting criteria

Does not meet

criteria

245

6.1 Site Analysis

Site Location and Area:

The site selected is located in Garbage City within Manshiyet Nasser. To the

East lies Mokattam Mountain, to the North is the continuation of Garbage city.

Area: 7935 sqm

Site

246

247

Landmarks and Surroundings:

The site barely has landmarks as

it is mainly dedicated to the poor

people who recycle garbage.

Site

Citadel of Saladin, 1.2 km

1.2 km

670 m

National Military

Museum, 670 m

The Cave Church, 350 m

350 m

248

249

Mass and Void:

Mass

Site

Road Netwroks:

Primary Roads

Secondary Roads

Main access to Garbage City

Site

Al Ebageah Street

Al Mokattam Street

250

251

Parking:

Nature:

Parking spots are rather unplanned.

Cars park on the side of the street

where there is no alotted parking spot.

Parking

Site

The area lacks vegetation and water bodies

as it is packed with slums and garbage.

Mokattam Mountain

Site

252

253

Pedestrian circulation and Public Transport:

The area lacks pedestrian crossings/sidewalks

due to the random arrangement of the streets

and buildings. It also lacks dedicated bus stops.

Pedestrian Circulation

Site

Wind and Temperature Analysis:

Dominant wind is from the North with a

speed of 8.01 m/s.

The highest temperature prevails from the

North with a temperature of 35.68 C.

254

255

Zoning:

Building Heights:

Commercial

Educational

Residential

Recycling related facilities

Site

Most buildings around the site are 4-7

floors heigh, while the mountain contrasts

the heights with a height of182 meters.

1-3 Floors

4-7 Floors

182 m

Site

256

257

Sun Analysis:

Winter Solstice: 21 December

Sun Analysis:

Summer Solstice: 21 June

Shadows at 9am

Shadows at 9am

Shadows at 12pm

Shadows at 12pm

Shadows at 3pm

Shadows at 3pm

258

259

Figure 22

Figure 21

Figure 20

260

261

A central point derived from street and boundry lines

Masses on ground converge to the central point

7.1 Concept 1

7.1 Concept 1

ULTIMATE

262

263

Concept

Representing the chaos, the single

buildings on ground are formed due to

the randomness of the streets that are

all directed to a point on the mountain.

These single buildings represent the

cultural/societal gap between people of

the inside and outside. As the single

buildings rise on the mountain, they are

more in order reaching the vertical core.

To reverse the chaos that results from the

stacked garbage, the buildings’ axis and

the streets’ randomness, a vertical core

is placed in the center of the mountain

acting as an ‘infrastructural core’; rising

high to reach the ultimate escape that

the Zabbaleen are chasing after.

264

265

Program

Entrance/lobby

Professional zone

Learning zone

Entertainment zone

Leisure zone

Socialing zone

266

267

Street and site boundry lines form underground masses

Masses blend with mountian edges seamlessly

7.2 Concept 2

7.2 Concept 2

REBIRTH

268

269

Concept

Rising from the undergrounds (the

claustrophobic environment) to the

mountain top; reaching revival and rebirth.

The openings in the ground are all directed

towards the elevated masses, denoting a

faster ‘recovery’ from the claustrophobic

environment. Rising up, one can see the

masses blend with the contours, giving

the feel that the recovery is possible due

to the rising effect.

270

271

Program

Professional zone

Learning zone

Entertainment zone

Leisure zone

Socialing zone

272

273

Blue lines: projections of buildings on site;

Resulting in subtraction of mass

7.3 Concept 3

7.3 Concept 3

GROWTH

274

275

Concept

The concept revolves around the

increasing immigration rate from the

villages to Manshiyet Nasser. As the

population increases, the random slum

settlements also increase, causing an

informal growth. The voids in the mass

are derived from the surrounding masses,

representing the informal growth of the

settlements. These voids eventually

cause an irregular form to the building (the

mass); representing the disconnection/

separation between people of the inside

and of the outside.

276

277

Program

Professional and learning zone

Entertainment zone

Leisure and socializing zone

278

279

8

8.1

8

Abdel, A., & Morsi, G. (2015). THE URBAN UPGRADING PROJECTS

IN CAIRO, THE SOCIOURBAN DIMENSION VS THE ECONOMICAL

REVENUES. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/320865737

282

References:

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slums for the development of emerging cities. 247.

Chandrasekhar, S. (2005). Growth of Slums, Availability of

Infrastructure and Demographic Outcomes in Slums: Evidence from

India.

Cities Alliance. (2008). Slum Upgrading Up Close: Experiences of

Six Cities. http://www.citiesalliance.org/index.html

Cities Alliance. (2019). About Slums Upgrading. www.citiesalliance.

org

Dormann, F. (2010). Analysis on three Informal Settlements in Africa

– Khayelitsha (Cape Town), Kibera (Nairobi) and Manshiet Nasser

(Cairo).

Eddin, S. (1977). Arab Society Class, Gender, Power, and

Development.

Elgendy, N. (2013). THE PARALLEL CITY A Proposal for the Reconnecting

the Formal and Informal cities-The Case of Greater Cairo.

Elgizawy, S. M., El-Haggar, S. M., & Nassar, K. (2016). Slum

Development Using Zero Waste Concepts: Construction Waste

Case Study. Procedia Engineering, 145, 1306–1313. https://doi.

org/10.1016/j.proeng.2016.04.168

El-shenawy, S. (2016). Urban development of informal areas: Case

study: Ezbet El Zabaleen (Garbage city). www.erpublication.org

Fahmi, W., & Sutton, K. (2010). Cairo’s contested garbage:

Sustainable solid waste management and the Zabaleen’s right to the

city. Sustainability, 2(6), 1765–1783. https://doi.org/10.3390/

su2061765

Howeidy, A., Shehayeb, D. K., Göll, E., Abdel Halim, K. M., Séjourné,

M., Gado, M., Piffero, E., Haase-Hindenberg, G., Löffer, G., Stryjak,

J., Gerlach, J., el-Jesri, M., Fink, M., el-Sebai, N. M., Kipper, R.,

Sabry, S., Liebel, V., & Cobbett, W. (2009). Cairo’s Informal Areas

Between Urban Challenges and Hidden Potentials.

Khadr, Z., Nour el Dein, M., & Hamed, R. (2010). Using GIS

in constructing area-based physical deprivation index in Cairo

Governorate, Egypt. Habitat International, 34(2), 264–272. https://

doi.org/10.1016/j.habitatint.2009.11.001

Knudsen, C., Moreno, E., Arimah, B., Otieno, R., & Ogunsanya, O.

(2020). The Value of Sustainable Urbanization.

Krishna, A., Sriram, M. S., & Prakash, P. (2014). Slum types and

adaptation strategies: identifying policy-relevant differences in

Bangalore. Environment and Urbanization, 26(2), 568–585. https://

doi.org/10.1177/0956247814537958/FORMAT/EPUB

Maher, S. (2017). Dealing with slums in Egypt: Learning from the

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Meyer, G. (1987). Waste-recycling as a livelihood in the informal

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Skinner, R., French, M., Acioly jr., C., & Reid, J. (2014). A Practical

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watch?v=fwrZfZPFIV0

283

8.2 List of Figures:

Figure 1: https://www.behance.net/gallery/147529307/Old-Cairo-

Photo-Manipulation?tracking_source=search_projects%7CCairo

Figure 2: https://www.wilsoncenter.org/article/building-slum-freemumbai

Figure 3: https://www.nytimes.com/2020/04/08/opinion/coronavirusslums.html

Figure 4: https://foreignfork.com/recipes/caribbean/dominicanrepublic/

Chapter 1:

Figure 1.1: https://geographical.co.uk/culture/the-global-effort-toimprove-the-worlds-slums

Figure 1.2: https://www.dreamstime.com/map-city-cairo-giza-egyptvector-image155843244

Figure 1.3: https://www.behance.net/gallery/129390895/Egypt

Figure 1.4: https://cure.org/2015/09/a-city-on-a-hill/

Figure 5: https://parallelozero.com/zabbaleen-the-garbage-people/



Chapter 2:

Figure 2.1: https://www.vidaeacao.com.br/desigualdade-social-seaprofunda-no-pais-durante-a-pandemia/

Figure 2.2: https://psmag.com/social-justice/a-case-for-retiring-theword-slum

Figure 2.3: https://unhabitat.org/a-practical-guide-to-designingplanning-and-executing-citywide-slum-upgrading-programmes

Figure 2.4: https://ideas4development.org/en/insecure-settlementdevelopment-of-slums/

Figure 2.5: https://unhabitat.org/a-practical-guide-to-designingplanning-and-executing-citywide-slum-upgrading-programmes

Figure 2.6: Mumbai Is Getting a Museum Designed For and About

Its Slums | Smart News| Smithsonian Magazine

Figure 2.7: People of Zirzara on Behance

Figure 2.8: https://ourworldindata.org/grapher/urban-slumstotal?tab=chart&country=~EGY

Figure 2.9: Al Qasr village, Egypt, Western Desert (guillenphoto.

com)

Figure 2.10: https://www.alamy.com/stock-photo-hongkong-apr-10-2011-a-typical-sheet-metal-house-in-tai-o-onlantau-172204959.html

Figure 2.11: https://www.oxfam.org.au/2014/10/the-politics-ofpoverty-and-the-new-consensus-for-equality/

Figure 2.12: https://unhabitat.org/sites/default/files/2020/06/

indicator_11.1.1_training_module_adequate_housing_and_slum_

upgrading.pdf

Figure 2.13: wugmq7ozp1g11.jpg (1920×1281) (redd.it)

Figure 2.14: https://www.news18.com/news/india/karnataka-hc-asksstate-to-compensate-victims-of-bellandur-demolition-but-where-arethe-victims-2489499.html

Figure 2.15: Singapore Public Housing | randy p | Flickr

Figure 2.16: Navigating the complexities of slum upgrading | by

Mundus Urbano | Medium

Figure 2.17: https://www.arab-reform.net/publication/urban-rightsand-local-politics-in-egypt-the-case-of-the-maspero-triangle/

Figure 2.18: https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2022/06/how-to-fixglobal-housing-crisis/

Figure 2.19: https://thecityfix.com/blog/were-grosslyunderestimating-worlds-water-access-crisis-jillian-du-diana-mitlin-

victoria-a-beard-david-satterthwaite/

Figure 2.20: https://www.flickr.com/photos/un_photo/5573791517

Figure 2.21: https://transcultural-leadershipsummit.com/2018/04/

why-brazil/

Figure 2.22: https://www.globalgiving.org/microprojects/sponsorschool-material-to-slum-kids/share/




Chapter 3:

Figure 3: https://www.atlasobscura.com/places/garbage-city

Figure 3.1: https://conservancy.umn.edu/bitstream/

handle/11299/92714/Informal%20Housing%20in%20Cairo.

pdf?sequence=1

Figure 3.2: https://www.skyscrapercity.com/threads/rural-egypt-

%D8%B1%D9%8A%D9%81-%D9%85%D8%B5%D8%B1-photogallery.1624125/

Figure 3.3: https://global-geography.org/af/Geography/Africa/Egypt/

Pictures/Luxor/Luxor_-_Village_Life_3

Figure 3.4: https://www.dreamstime.com/map-city-cairo-giza-egyptvector-image155843244

Figure 3.5: https://www.atlasobscura.com/places/garbage-city

Figure 3.6: https://www.atlasobscura.com/places/garbage-city


Figure 3.8: Káhirské “odpadkové mesto” Manshiyat Naser -

Mastská část | Turistika.cz

Figure 3.9: https://phmuseum.com/manelquiros/story/manshiyatnaser-the-garbage-city-35102aafcd


Figure 3.11: https://parallelozero.com/zabbaleen-the-garbagepeople/

Figure 3.12: Drowning in Waste – Case Cairo, Egypt - Woima

Corporation

Figure 3.13: https://www.behance.net/gallery/27314645/The-

Garbage-city?tracking_source=search_projects%7Cgarbage%20

city%20cairo

Figure 3.14: Egyptian Zabbaleen adapt to life without pigs | Scott

Nelson (photoshelter.com)

Figure 3.15: Egyptian Zabbaleen adapt to life without pigs | Scott

Nelson (photoshelter.com)




city%20cairo

Figure 3.18: In Cairo’s ‘Garbage City,’ Illegal Pig Farming Is Coming

Back (vice.com)

Figure 3.19: In Cairo’s ‘Garbage City,’ Illegal Pig Farming Is Coming

Back (vice.com)


Figure 3.21: https://www.martynaim.com/zabaleen




Figure 3.25: https://parallelozero.com/zabbaleen-the-garbage-

284

285

people/



city%20cairo




Figure 3.30: Garbage City: The scavengers making a fortune from

other people’s rubbish - BBC News

Figure 3.31: Garbage City: The scavengers making a fortune from

other people’s rubbish - BBC News



Figure 3.34: In pictures: meet Egypt’s garbage people, the

Zabbaleen (thenationalnews.com)

Figure 3.35: In pictures: meet Egypt’s garbage people, the

Zabbaleen (thenationalnews.com)




Chapter 4:

Figure 4.1: https://www.dezeen.com/2021/06/10/sukagawacommunity-centre-unemori-architects-fukushima/















Figure 4.16: https://www.archdaily.com/979988/sou-fujimotoarchitects-reveals-design-of-hida-furukawa-station-in-japan










Figure 4.26: https://www.designboom.com/architecture/sanaa-rolexlearning-center/








Figure 4.34: https://www.archdaily.com/961069/manufacturingtechnology-and-engineering-center-jgma








Figure 4.42: https://www.archdaily.com/925161/mce-productionfacility-heim-balp-architekten/5d850426284dd136320007

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Figure 4.49: https://architizer.com/projects/solar-trees-marketplace/



Figure 4.52: https://www.archdaily.com/922614/new-lab-marvelarchitects?ad_source=search&ad_medium=projects_tab



Figure 4.55: https://www.archdaily.com/925151/zhejiang-perfectproduction-factory-phase1-gad-star-line-plus-studio



Figure 4.58: https://www.archdaily.com/776435/chongqingtaoyuanju-community-center-vector-architects












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