Irish Democrat September 1983

FOUNDED 1939 

Organ of the 

Connolly Association 

M OCR AT 

No 475 SEPTEMBER 1983 30 p 

LABOUR 

AND 

IRELAND 

OIL FINDS 

TD's PROTEST 

FAST AGAINST 

NICARAGUA 

POLICY OF U.S. 

rlANNA Fail's Nlalt Andrews, 

• T.D. and Labour's Michael D. 

Higgins recently held a 24-hour fast 

outside the United States Embassy 

In Dublin in protest against US attempts 

to overthrow the Nicaraguan 

Government. 

An Irish Nicaraguan Defence 

Committee has been formed to focus 

the attention of the Irish public 

on "a great wrong planned by a 

world power against a small and 

relatively defenceless people." 

They said that the actions of the 

USA on the borders and around 

the coast of Nicaragua were bringing 

shame upon the US and misrepresenting 

the attitude of ordinary 

Americans. While on their fast 

they were visited by Nobel laureate 

Sean MacBride who congratulated 

them on their solidarity effort. 

"There Is nothing more damaging 

to the concept of western democracy 

than the sustained and indefensible 

efforts of the United 

States to de-stabilise Nicaragua," 

Mr MacBride said. 

People everywhere are contrasting 

US indignation over ttie Russians 

in Afghanistan with their 

own carry-on in Central America. 

They contrast Reagan's pretence of 

zeal for elections in El Salvador 

with his indifference to them in 

Duvalier's Haiti and General Pinochet's 

Chile, whose legal governments 

have In the past been overthrown 

by the US. 

CARDINAL 

ON 

'KIDSO' MURDER 

Fj'HE killing of 22-year-old 

X 

Thomas 'Kidso' Reiliy, of 

Armonagh Gardens, Belfast, 

has caused particular indignation 

in the North, for according 

to several witnesses this popular 

young man was shot in the 

chest by a British soldier 

though he was doing nothing 

wrong o; illegal. 

Cardinal Tomas O Fiaich used 

strong words about the incident, 

which were then criticised in 

some British papers. To which 

the cardinal replied: 

"Whenever the usual anti- 

Irish newspapers in Fleet 

Street are out for my blood. 

I know I am on the right 

track. 

"They have never objected 

to my use of the word 

'murder' to describe a killing 

by the IRA or the INLA. Only 

Irish republicans can be 

guilty of murder in their 

eyes, never members of the 

British security forces. May I 

refer these papers to the 

words of their own Prime 

Minister, 'Murder is murder, 

is murder'.' 

MIDDLE PAGES 

COULD MAKE 

IRELAND RICH 

Cork tipped as boom town 

Wealth must be used for the people 

AS a result of oil discoveries in the "Celtic Sea" (the western approaches to Ireland, 

Cornwall and Wales), the Irish people may find their way of life transformed and ail 

their ideas about themselves may have to be revised. 

From being traditionally one of the poorer of the developed 

countries Ireland could become the richest, if we measure by 

national income per head. 

Ministers have warned that it cannot yet be thought of as "in 

the bag". But it looks as if Ireland may have oil assets comparable 

with those of Britain. And the twentysix counties have only a 

fraction of the population to share it out among. 

SELF-SUFFICIENT 

There is every reason to 

think that from now on Ireland 

will be self-sufficient in energy, 

and might even become a substantial 

exporter, something 

that would transform her position 

as a debtor nation and 

make her into a creditor. 

Already warnings have been 

issued, among others by Mr 

Justin Keating whose influence 

was largely responsible for arrangements 

with the prospecting 

companies which are quite 

favourable to Ireland. 

Everybody in Ireland, he said, 

could have a standard of living 

comparable to the best in Europe, 

providing the new wealth 

in prospect is not squandered. 

Be sure the jackals of Brussels 

will have their eye on it. 

Be sure the international hooks 

of the City of London will form 

quick plans. The international 

monopolies will want Irish oil 

neatly slotted into their prolitmaking 

operations. 

It is a time for the Irish 

Labour and Republican movements 

to put on their thinking 

caps and be ready with concrete 

plans by which the people 

can benefit from the nation's 

good fortune. 

NEW INDUSTRIES 

If the first promise is maintained, 

and the discoveries are 

as good as they seem, vital decisions 

will have to be made. 

The international monopolies 

will want to export the oil 

abroad and buy in manufactured 

goods. 

On the other hand the revenues 

could be used for developing 

Irish industry and putting 

to work the huge young idle 

population. Cannot the rigs be 

made in Irish harbours? Cannot 

the oil be refined in Irish refineries? 

Cannot the numerous 

supporting industries be based 

on Irish soil? 

One of the most magnificent 

harbours in Europe has at its 

head the city of Cork. It is one 

of the most heavily industrialised 

areas of the Republic and 

it is likely to become a boom 

town. 

WRONG HORSE 

The short-sighted Calvinists 

of the six counties are likely to 

look a bit silly now. They have 

backed the wrong horse, for 

England won't even give them a 

pipe-line for North Sea Gas. 

Certainly Ireland will be in 

a completely different bargaining 

position if the oil is confirmed. 

You get quite a different 

reception in Downing Street 

if you've money in your pocket. 

The only danger is that 

Common Market regulations 

may prevent Ireland using her 

oil to benefit the people. Perhaps 

that is another reason for 

getting out quick as soon as we 

know the oil is there in sufficient 

quantity. 

DUNGARVAN FIELD GIVES 10,000 BARRELS 

EXPLORATION for oil off the 

coasts of Ireland began fourteen 

years ago, first off the west 

coast, hut more recently off the 

south. 

Off the south coast the water 

is shallower, running at about 

70 fathoms, as against 130 

fathoms off the west coast. Also 

the weather is milder. 

The method of seeking oil is 

to set off a controlled explosion 

from a surface vessel. The sea 

bed and each layer or rock helow 

it, give characteristic echoes, 

and by timing these echoes it is 

possible to guess the possible 

location of oil. 

THEN a drill is put down. If 

the presence of oil is confirmed 

further holes are drilled, 

until finally a full scale test is 

made. 

The Waterford coast oil field 

is already giving off larger quan- . 

titles of gas than the Kinsale 

gas field. Oil is coming from the 

test well at a 1,000 barrels 

a day and this is expected to 

rise to 10,000 barrels a day 

shortly. 

It is already thought that this 

oil, only part of the large expected 

field, is present in commercial 

quantities already, and 

after a pipeline has been built 

will probably be landed at Dungarvan. 

LABOUR 

DEBATES 

IRELAND 

•yHE debate on the Irish question 

has now taken a real 

hold of the Labour movement, 

and it will be impossibe to 

silence it now. 

One of the strongest friends 

of Ireland in the new House of 

Commons is going to be Clare 

Short the daughter of Frank 

Short of Anti-partition League 

fame. He and his wife are 

from Crossmaglen. 

Clare Short recently made a 

statement in favour of a united 

Ireland following a British 

withdrawal. 

She was taken to task by Mr 

Davis Nellist a newly elected 

left-winger from Coventry 

South East. 

He accused her of defending 

the IRA campaign of violence, 

while admitting that British 

"capitalist class" violence over 

generations, had a bearing on 

the subject. 

Mr Nellist is $aid to be sympathetic 

to the notorious "militant 

tendency" who want to 

saddle the Labour Party with 

the responsibility for an organization 

in the six counties. 

He was addressing the 

Labour Youth summer camp at 

Portumna, Co. Galway and 

frankly admitted that the statements 

made by Miss Short 

would "create suspicion in the 

minds of Protestant workers 

about the Labour Party. 

It did not occur to him that it 

might create goodwill for the 

Labour Party among Catholic 

workers. Or do these not matter?

IRISH DEMOCRAT 

September 1983 

LETTER REFERENDUM OF CONTENTION 

I N his report on the World Assembly 

lor Peace and Lite Against 

Nuclear War (Prague, June 1. 

Roy Johnston calls in question 

the 

genuineness ol the peace •novement 

in Eastern Europe and he dilterentlates 

between the official anil 

unofficial (independent) movement. 

His suspicion imparts a rather sour 

note to the whole assembly. 

Has there ever been an occasion, 

in Dublin, or London for that 

matter, where a peace conference 

was convened on as wide a scale 

as the one he attended, with representatives 

from every continent 

and over 130 countries present. 

The Greenham Common women, 

given prison sentences in Britain, 

were given kisses and gratitude 

trom children and adults in Czechoslovakia. 

But then peace is not a 

dirty word over there. Was the 

pcace conference used by the government 

and the broad front parties 

and churches of Czechoslovakia? 

Certainly!! It was used- to 

help raise the ueace consciousness 

ol the entire 

population. 

Surely, that is not a bad thing? 

OTTO 

CAHN 

London. 

LETTER 

4 1 THOL'GII abortion is al- 

1 fiut\ illegal in the Twenty 

Six Counties a < (institutional 

amendment to prevent any 

future Irish legislature changing 

the present position is heing 

voted on this September. 

According to the opinion polls 

the majority o j people think 

that this amendment is unnecessary, 

a waste of time and money 

and something which has been 

ftusted on them by the opportunism 

of the party politicians. 

The amendment had its origins 

in the last Irish general 

election when Fianna Fail and 

Fine duel were vying with one 

another for votes. The pressure 

group advocating an amendment 

secured a promise from Fine 

duel's Garret FitzGeruld that he 

would introduce one if Fine Gael 

got into government. Fianna 

Fail's Charles Haughey then felt 

he had to do the same 

Hut the politicians got into a 

right muddle — strangled with 

their own haloes, as John Healy 

of the 'Irish Times' put it. At 

first Fine Gael were inclined to 

accept Fianna Fail's wording for 

the proposed amendment, but 

then the Attorney-General discovered 

deficiencies in it. Fine 

Gael then brought in its own 

proposed wording, but it was defeated 

in the Dail, as several 

Labour and Fine Gael TD's who 

were against the whole idea of a 

constitutional referendum anyway 

refused to support it. The 

result was that Fianna Fail's 

original wording was accepted 

and will he pu! to the people. 

fHE Taoiseach. Garret Fitz- 

Gerald, who precipitated the 

whole affair by agreeing to a 

GULLIVER IN MOSCOW 

1 'HK Irish community in Lancashire 

is paving its full part 111 

Hi.- international appeal for t t 

MirUm 1 Daviti Centre at Stnnde. 

Mayo. 1 lavitt 01 course, spent m an 

years of his lite 111 the Lancashire 

weaving town of H.tslmgden i.n.d 

his name remains a household 

word amonest manv East Lancashire 

Irish people 

On the 24th September 

a ceil; is being held in 11a-.- 

lmnden to raise funds for the appeal 

and it promises to be a -I'e.it 

night out All-Britain champion 

Kevin Mitchell will be singing. St 

Malaciiy's Ceih Band and the 

Blackburn School ot Irish Daiviil? 

will be peiforming, as well as many 

local Irish musicians. It's at the 

Hashngden Public Hall. 8 00 to 

midnight 

and costs £1.50 for adults 

and £1 for children - excellent 

value for .. worthy cause 1 Further 

details can lie obtained f'.om 

Mleheal Kneafsey, '.el 0254 883034 

Postal bookings for tickets tronv 

R Clout:h 87 Seven Acres Lane. 

Norden. Rochdale. Lancashire 

OL, 1 '2 TRW 

PAUL 

SALVESON 

Bo!: 011 

Becoming 

an atrocity 

1 'HE iir.n .!••:' ot Kidso' Reilly 

• i.nti.s the number of civilians 

killed I)', t he British Army up to !4. 

Thiir names are Eamonn Bradley 

1 2") An 'list 1>821, C.ervais McKerr. 

Eimcne Toman Sean Burns ill 

Nov ember 1382 Michael Tighe ' 24 

November h>82>, Seamus Grew. 

Rodd> Carrol; 112 December U'8. . 

Patrick Elliott '27 December 19ri2>. 

Fraiici.' MeColgan H9 January 

U>83>. Niall McOonagle (2 F'euruarv 

l!'8:l 1 . William Millar 1C 

March 1988'. John Anthony O'H ire 

' 21) .July 1983) and Martin Malone 

i:tO July 1983>. 

So far the office of the director of 

public prosecutions has reached a 

decision 111 only three cases. Two 

charges have been preferred hi 

the 

case of Eamonn Bradlev. In the 

cases of Niall NCcConagle and 

Patrick 

Elliott, (the former shot by the 

SAS' the DPP has directed that 

no charges Ije preferred. 

These killings. which many 

people think arc becoming an atrocity. 

are siud to have arisen as u 

resul' of a "shoot to kill policy.' 

When Parliament reassembles 111 

October we hope that some enterprising 

Member will demand a 

public enquiry to find out, if there 

is a ".shoot to kill' policy, who is 

responsible for it, and why there 

is such a leisurely approach to 

bringing the killers to justice. 

11"HEN Jonathan Swift's Gulliver 

went lo Lilliput where 

the people were only a few inches 

high, the Empress's palace caught 

lire and he was called to put it 

out. This he did in a somewhat 

unorthodox 

way. 

"I had the eveiuni; before drank 

plentifully of a mcst delicious 

wine called Glimgrim which is 

very diuretic . . the Heat I had 

contracted by coming very near 

the flames and by labouring to 

quench them, made the wine operate 

by urine, which I voided in 

-such a quantity and applied so 

well to the proper places, that 

in 

three minutes the tire was 

wholely extinguished; and the 

rest of the nobile pile, which 

had 

cost so many ages in erecting, 

preserved from destruction.'' 

"It was now 

daylight, and I returned 

to my house, without 

waiting 

to congratulate with the 

emperor; because although I had 

done a very eminent piece of 

service, I could not tell how his 

majesty might, resent the 

manner 

by which I had performed it. 

For. by the fundamental laws of 

the realm, it is capital in any 

person, of what quality soever, to 

make water within the precincts 

of the 

palace." 

The empress vowed revenge 

and poor Gulliver was for it. 

\ * OW let's come back to the 20th 

century. 

Taking advantage of a momentary 

preoccupation of the four 

guards 011 the entrance, a tuan 

drove a motor car through the 

entrance of the British Embassy 

in 

Moscow. 

O11 the seat ot the car was a 

bomb. 

The guards, who should not 

have 

let him through without checking 

who he was. rushed in after him. 

smashed the window of the car, 

pulled him out before he could 

throw the bomb, and by all accounts 

gave him a substantial 

drubbing. 

They therefore probably pievented 

the British Embassy from 

being blown up. 

Bui is is a fundamental law of 

the realm that the British Embassy 

is British territory. The 

British authorities therefore solemnly 

protested against the guards 

entering the Embassy compound, and 

in particular against the way the 

would-be bomber was beaten up. 

WAR DANGERS 

I I AS the third world war ically 

' ' begun V 

The tirst world war began in 

the 

Balkans and smouldered until the 

biu powers were ready to come in. 

The second world war began in 

China and Abyssinia, and. after 

the 

new weaponry had been tested in 

Spain, became European in 1939 and 

woildwide m 1942. 

It is common knowledge that cue 

of the purposes of the Falklands 

adventure was to try out weapons. 

Now France has gone into Chad, 

and once again there is a talk of 

testing weapons Over 100.000 

people have been killed in the gulf 

war between Iraq and Iran. There 

is intermittent fighting in the 

Lebanon. 

s 

10 many states are murdering 

their own citizens that the 

United Nations is setting up a commission 

to study genocide. In Pakistan. 

Chile, the Phillipines, El Salvador. 

reactionary governments are 

trying to stamp out popular 

revolt. 

All these governments are iwcked 

by the U.S.A. All the contending 

armies are armed by the "West", in 

whole or in part. And in the territories 

111 question there is oil. 

uranium, copper, or 

chromium 

The conclusion? Imperialism .still 

exists. If these wars are not 

stopped and the reactionary governments 

not overthrown, we may 

find that, we are 111 the third world 

war 

Government 

by 

gangsterism 

SPOKESMEN for the SDLP have 

* strongly criticised the operation 

of the "super-grass" technique in 

the 

six counties. 

While nobody can court, mc the 

kidnapping and threat to murder 

relatives of informers, at the same 

time it is only one miu'i escalation 

of a system of gangs! vistn which 

has become general. 

From what one hears about interrogation 

techniques in the six 

counties jiic ca 1 feel happy 

about the methods adopted to induce 

informing. 

I11 one case it has been alleged, 

and it does not seem impossible, 

that a young man was planted 

by the security forc is. and then at 

the appropriate time informed on 

his colleagues. It is a dirty game 

for any government to play. If it 

pleads necessity" it cunvictcd 

prisoners are given pardon or 

privilege in return for mfumirg 

on others, liovv are wc to be sure 

that the inform it m is true? The 

pi .-oners ir >. to say 1 he least, in 

a very peculiar environment. Perhaps 

in hone of getting out of it 

they might incriminate the u nc- 

C 1 r' L. 

The Government's detern-ination 

t: stay 111 Ireland is "leading to 

some very dubious tactis, gangster 

tactics. 

referendum in the first place, 

has issued a statement opposed 

to the Fianna Fail wording and 

is urging people to vote against 

it. although he makes quite clear 

he is opposed to abortion. He 

says. "The Fianna Fail amendment 

would, in the opinion of 

the Attorney-General, probably 

be interpreted by the Courts to 

exclude operations to save the 

life of the mother that are now 

carried out in all our hospitals, 

in accordance with the medical 

ethics and theology of all our 

churches." 

Officially the main political 

parties now say it is a non-party 

matter and are not campaigning 

in the referendum. Whether it is 

passed or not by the people the 

referendum will make absolutely 

no difference to the current 

legal position of abortion in the 

Twenty-Six Counties and will 

not prevent Irish women travelling 

to Britain for abortions. The 

Irish Congress of Trades Unions 

has said that the constitutional 

referendum is unnecessary and 

a distraction from the much 

more urgent issues facing Ireland 

at the present 

time. 

— A.C., Dublin 

THEATRE 

TRIP 

/ \N 10th August the Central 

London Branch of the 

Connolly 

Association organised a very successful 

trip to the New Half Moon 

Theatre in East London to see the 

new production of the Ragged 

Trousered Philanthropists, freely 

adapted by Stephen Lowe from 

Robert Tressell's classic novel 

about a group of painters and 

decorators 

during the depression 

before 

the first world war. An excellent 

cast played to a packed house 

and the 40 members and their 

friends spent a very enjoyable evening. 

and raised £22 for C.A. furds. 

Due to popular demand, the run 

has been extended to 17th September, 

so anyone who missed our 

theatre party will still have p 

chance to see the play.—Jane 

Tate. 

Central London 

After a short holiday break, the 

Central London Branch will be resuming 

its weekly meetings at the 

Marchmont Street Community 

Centre, 62 Marchmont Street, 

W.C.l (nearest tube: Russell 

Square on Piccadilly line). The 

meetings start at 8 pm and the 

programme arranged will be: 

Wednesday, 7th September: 

Speaker from CNO. 


Report 

of TUC from a delegate. 

Wednesday, 21st September : 

New Prevention of Terrorism Bill, 

Philip Rendle (C.A) and a speaker 

from the Haldane Society, who 

may also be able to deal with the 

new Police Bill, if details are 

available by then. 


Situation in Central America, with 

a speaker from the Nicaraguan 

Solidarity 

Campaign. 

CONTRIBUTORS! 

T HIS issue of the 

Democrat" was 

to have been out for Bank Holiday 

weekend. What delayed it? 

Late arrival of copy from contributors. 

We need copy to ARRIVE by 

the 15th of the month, and account 

needs to be taken of postal delays. 

If we don't get the copy we've no 

time to get 

Illustrations. 

We are still receiving copy with 

unindented paragraphs, irregular 

margins, and (worst of all) in 

single spacing. 

Set your typewriter 

for 60 spaces and stick to that. 

We 

can then see at a glance how much 

your copy will make, with consequent 

saving of time and 

money. 

NEW LABOUR 

AND IRELAND 

T HE final prospectus of the 

Labour Committee on Ireland 

magazine Labour and Ireland" 

has just been issued. 

It promises to be a 

campaigning" 

magazine and a "forum." It 

will aim to provide facts for activists 

'trying to change Labour's 

polic.es in the party, in the unions 

and in the Young Socialists 

Special columns will include 

Women and Ireland," 'In the 

Army," book reviews and "Around 

the world." 

Mr Ken Livingstone has agreed 

to become a contributing 

editor. 

Subscriptions are solicited at 

the rate of £2.00 for live issues 

and the address to write to is: 

"The new Labour and Ireland," 

CO LCI, BM Box 5355, London 

WC1N 

3XX. 

CONFERENCE 

3! MARCH 1984 

T HE Connolly Association has 

been highly encouraged by th« 

reception of its announcement of 

a national conference on Anglo- 

Irish relations, to be held in the 

Conway Hall, Red Lion Square on 

March 31st, 1984. 

There will be considerable 

preparation and it is hoped to 

bring speakers to address themselves 

to the subject matter of 

preprinted 

papers prepared with the 

maximum possible care. However, 

contrary to some reports, there 

have been no invitations to 

speakers issued yet. 

The conference has the support 

of the Labour Committee on Ireland 

which is advertising it in its 

monthly periodical "Labour and 

Ireland." « 

S O far twenty-two Members of 

Parliament have agreed to be 

referred to as sponsors. They are: 

Leo Abse, Norman Atkinson, Syd 

Bidweli, Ron Brown, Dennis Canavan, 

Harry Cohen, Tom Cox, fllf 

Dubs, Martin Flannery, Reg Freeson, 

Harriet Harman, James Lamond, 

Eddie Loydon, Joan Maynard, 

Kevin McNamara, Robert 

Parry, Albert Roberts, Allan 

Roberts, Ernie Roberts, Clare 

Short, Clive Soley and Stan 

Thorne. 

We ask all supporting organizations, 

readers of the "Irish Demo> 

crat" and friendly trade unionists 

and Labour people to make this 

announcement as widely known as 

possible. 

The annual conference of the 

Connolly Association itself is 

scheduled for the end of January, 

SUSTENTATION FUND 

i )UR n 

1 

' 

learn 

UR readers will be pleased to 

that over the past year 

the circulation of the Irish Democrat 

has been rising. It has gone 

up by about ten per cent. 

This, of course, is not a spectacular 

improvement, and indeed we 

hardly noticed it month by month. 

And it has been achieved by the 

hard work of dedicated supporters 

If you can get us any new subscribers 

(£5 a year sterling to 177, 

Lavender Hill, S.W.ll, or Janice 

Williams, 22 Belgrave Road, 

Dublin 

6), you can help this process forward. 

However, we are just as dependent 

as before on balancing 

the 

books with donations. So do your 

best. 

Our thanks 

to: 

A. Chadwlck £2.50, H. Cassidy 

£1.40, P. McCarron £1.40, C. 

Pamment £4, C. Bland £5, M. 

Cook £2, C. Moloney £2, M. Lee 

7Op, G. Ward £1, South London 

C. A. £57, P. O'Donovan, £10, P. 

Salveson £6, p. Bransfield £10, 

C. O S. £100, B. Wilkinson £5, 

M. O'Donnell £7.40, R. Rushe 

£2.41, M. Byrne 60p, W. Burke 

£20, supporters in South London' 

£23.40, in East London £7.72, In 

Central London £U3. 

TOTAL: £270.86. 

September 1983 

IRISH 

DEMOCRAT 

BRITAIN AND THE EEC S c h ' i h o a m i T f c h i i o l ( > » v 

» )URING the recent general election 

in Britain the discussions 

and debates avoided one of the 

major problems facing the country. 

This was the issue of Brit; in s 

membership of the EEC. Has the 

EEC question been finally settled 

by the result of this election? 

Have 

the difficulties over budget payments 

been settled? 

Is it true that 

2i million jobs would be lost it Britain 

left the 

EEC? 

The EEC's contribution to the 

Conservative election campaign 

was 

the postponement of the summit 

to 

the 17th June. The budget rebate, 

originally projected by the government 

as £1,600 millions, turned out 

to be a dodgy ,£450 millions. 

This 

sets an important principle for 

future years. Instead of contributing 

around £500 millions to the EEC 

the British contribution will be over 

£1,000 millions. A 100 c l increase in 

an item of public 

expenditure! 

There is a further sting in the 

tail ol' this Budget rebate. The 

issue has not been finally agreed. It 

will be subject to further Uebate at 

the summit in December. The rebate 

may also be vetoed by the 

European Assembly: they have the 

power. 

To pay not only lor the EEC 

Budget but also lor an extra £257 

millions to farm price support 

there will have to be further 

public 

spending cuts. 

This was one of the 

first actions of the new Chancellor 

of the Exchequer. Support for butter 

mountains will have to be paid 

for by cutting hospital beds and 

nurses or schools and teachers. 

T H E decline of Britain's industry 

J 

continues at an alarming 

pace. 

JOHN 

BOYD 

With this decline unemployment 

creeps past 1 in 8 employees out 

of 

work. This is a reflection ol the 

10% increase in manufactured imports 

with a 4^'; fall in exports 

during January to April this year. 

In 1982 £13 thousand million worth 

of manufactures were exported to 

the EEC compared to £18 thousand 

million imported. 

This is the major 

factor turning Britain into a net 

importer of 

manufactures. 

On .June 30th the EEC 

ORDERED 

a further reduction of half a million 

tonnes in Britain's finished 

steel production on top of the 

massive 

cuts in capacity already imposed 

and carried out. This.places 

the official seal 

on the real role ol 

the EEC's policy to reduce Britain's 

industry to a mere shadow 

of its former self. It also belies 

the government's platitudes about 

wanting to reduce unemployment. 

The only export o! note ui be increased 

has been that ol oil. ihis 

is exported m tile mam to the original 

six as a raw material and any 

that returns is imported in (Inform 

of manufactured v."Ods in 

true 

colonial 

lashion. 

'IT1ESE facts liiaKe .ionsen.se ol 

the claim that over 2] million 

jobs would be at risk it Britain 

withdrew from the EEC 

Ami-marketeers 

should have no fear in 

stating that the reverse is the 

case. 

All of this emphasises once again 

the need for a comprehensive 

plan 

to take Britain out of the EEC. This 

plan will need to include such industries 

and their size required to 

trade on a mutual 

basis with countries 

throughout the world. 

The general election has not 

settled the issue, the Tory government 

is resting on a minority vote, 

there is no confirmation that the 

electorate has agreed to stay in 

the 

EEC. 

Just because a problem is not 

recognised or discussed vv ill not 

make it disappear. It is now more 

important than ever to get out of 

the EEC in order to develop Britain 

lor the benefit of its inhabitants. 

The longer this is delayed the 

longer it will take to clear up the 

inevitable 

mess. 

The facts and actual situation 

due to membership of the EEC will 

become clearer as time passes and 

could well become 

a source of considerable 

embarrassment, and even 

the downfall, of the present government. 

, 

ATLANTA TO THE SEA 

Hierarchy condemns nuclear war 

•frtHE Storm that Threatens'" is 

* the title of a special statement 

on nuclear weapons by the Irish 

Catholic Hierarchy. Here are some 

excerpts: 

"The destructive power of 

^modern warfare, with the nuclear 

weapons at its core, faces 

mankind 

with an appalling fact—the continuation 

of the human race can 

no longer be taken for granted. 

Prom now on. it is only through 

conscious choice and through a 

deliberate policy that humanity 

can 

survive. 

"Although no human good can 

justify wiping out the human 

species, to do so is now within 

our 

grasp. Even if we cannot 

eliminate 

war, in 'oday's world it must be 

subject as never before to limits. 

"Weapons, tactics. strategies, 

and military doctrines and plans 

which are intended Lo bring about 

mass destruction are immoral. The 

use of nuclear weapons, whether 

singly or in combination, for the 

purpose of mass destruction is immoral. 

"Acts of war aimed at 

destroying 

cities or large areas together with 

the oeonle in them, are a crime 

against God and Man. states the 

Second Vatican Council . . . 

"When the damage likely to be 

caused by exercising our right ol' 

legitimate defence is out of proportfon 

to the values being defended-. 

it is better to suffer injustice 

than t.o defend ourselves by the 

means involved in such defence. 

This lack of proportion is most 

likely to obtain when the use of 

nuclear weapons may be involved. 

"Our own country must strengthen 

its role in season and out of 

season as an unflinching advocate 

and spokesman for disarmament. 

We must, as a small country, keep 

saying to the great powers and 

the 

military blocs that what we have 

in common as human beings faced 

with nuclear annihilation is more 

important than any possible consideration 

of national interest or 

international 

supremacy.'' 

"Great as the stakes might be of 

building peace, opposing injustice 

and reaching out to our enemies, 

they can never approach those involved 

in allowing the present unstable 

balance to continue, a balance 

in which literally one slip 

could plunge us all into disaster. 

To break out of this requires 

ac tion which is radical- getting at 

the roots of military confrontation 

-and comprehensive, that is cmbracing 

every level of the life of 

the Christian and the community 

• . . 'The support of the Church 

must be thrown behind this effort. 

This 

means: 

"Promoting education for peace 

. . . Encouraging the study and use 

of the methods of non-violent defence 

and political change . . . 

Unceasing and greater efforts at 

arms control and disarmament 

than are at present taking place 

Building up justice within and 

between countries . . . Opposing 

injustice and oppression, present or 

threatened." 

| mentioned towards the end ol 

last vear the background 

to the 

setting up of tile European Research 

Institute of Ireland at Limerick. 

Thi 1 -- constituted an attempt 

oil the part ol the Georgia Instilu'e 

of Technology lo get a foothold 

m the European contract research 

and development market. " 

had plans to emplov .,(1-100 scientists 

and engineers, and there was 

IDA support for building their 

laboratories. 

Based near the NIHE campus it 

was expected to interact creatively 

with the research interests of the 

academic 

staff. 

The background in Atlanta 

i Georgia i was one of science-led 

economic regeneration alter World 

War II. in a depressed 

agricultural 

State with a bad record of racialism. 

I went into this in some depth, 

drawing positive conclusions and 

giving the enterprise on balance, 

a welcome thought, mentioning a 

preference for such initiatives to 

have local roots. 

Well, the news has come 

through 

that this enterprise has foundered. 

I am not in a position to give the 

full story, but it is clear that it has 

failed to meet its targets for getting 

in the European contract 

R ct n 

business. 

I can suggest some possible 

reasons based on several encounters 

since. 

I attended a seminar 

in Limerick shortly after ER1I 

was set up. at which was 

discussed 

the hardening of electronic circuitry 

for use in military equipment. 

Subsequently 1 attended a 

seminar in Dublin where ERII 

put 

its wares in the window for the 

benefit of Irish industry under the 

chairmanship of Mark Helv-Hutchinson. 

T. P. Hardiman and 

others. 1 found the content of the 

seminar somewhat unrelated to 

Irish industrial problems. There 

was considerable attention given 

to 

the Georgia development epic of 

the 50s and 60s, followed by some 

interventions by spokesmen from 

equipment firms like Foxboro and 

Ericsson: hardly 

a good sales pitch 

for a service that was supposed to 

be provided by a contract 

research 

institute in Limerick. 

1 had picked up a hint, earlier on 

that the prime target markets in 

Europe were the US military 

bases, 

which were said credibly, to need 

energy management systems 

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Name 

Address 

Mr Justin Keating, fresh from the excoriation of Gerry Fitt, 

whose bottom is shortly to draw comfort from the plush seats of 

the 

"Upper House'' ("How can you sit with these ornaments of imperialism?") 

has had a go at the Cruiser. He accuses O'Brien of polarising 

Northern Ireland Society, and contributing to "our total unpreparedness 

for a British withdrawal which I believe is coming anyway. 

Now that oil is being discovered in Irish waters people may 

be glad that Keating set a good example in his dealings with 

transitional 

companies. But his enemies, noticing his enhanced political 

profile, are asking Is it possible that he would like to sit with 

ornaments 

of plutocracy in Brussels. 

We hope not. 

• • * 

The leadership of the Irish Labour Party has been accused by 

former General Secretary Mr Brendan O'Halligan of postponing the 

party's annual conference to next year in order to "keep people 

silent." But Mr Mervyn Taylor T.D. saw no connection between the 

postponement and increasing criticism of the coalition in which Labour 

plays its not too enviable part. Mr Halligan. who is a European 

Assemblyman is on record as something more than halt-favouring 

Irish withdrawal from the EEC. 

* * » 

i REND AN Butler has iust returned from five weeks in El Salvador. 

He said the Salvador army was dropping phosphorus 

bombs on villages. Unlike England, Ireland is trying to improve 

things. Bishop Casey has denounced the American-backed 

genocide 

that is going on. Ouring a visit to Marlona prison, Mr Butler 

met 11 leaders of an electricity workers' trade union whose lives were 

spared after representations were made on their behalf by ESB 

unions In Ireland. 

* * * 

Look out lor developments this autumn. Mr Peter Barry has 

met 

Sir Geoffrey Howe and Mr James Prior and they have agreed the 

dale for a meeting between An Taooiseach and Mrs Thatcher to be 

held in London. The anticipated venue was Dublin and the change 

considered due to a certain coyness on her ladyship's part 

But by the 

time the meeting 

takes place, the Forum (rumoured to have decided on 

the "renogiation of the treaty'" will have reported, and most important 

of all, the Irish exchequer may be building fresh vaults to 

store gold earned from oil revenues. We rather suspect the iron 

lady respects a piece of "siler." 

B' 

ROY 

JOHNSTON 

111 .viaiita itself, some i but b\ no 

luCans all i of the (ieoi gia 

Institute 

eoliiiael R ,V" I) business is with 

'he military The same could be 

sod ol most US institutions: this 

iaetoi ',,.- | ^airl last month lias 

been identified < by SIPKI. the 

Swedish peace research institute 

and nihers 1 as the prime cause of 

"»' decline ol the US lead in 

S' lent iiie technology. In certain 

key areas Ihcv are being 

overtaken 

by ,I,.pan whose U

THE IRISH DEMOCRAT September 1983 

THE ECONOMIST CASE 

: i.i A i : 1' held ; I 

. i' i i i • i; :.ia (il l ipos; 11,g ,, 

,, v>.aa '.in.: 11 a (."in • 

i! l):i n.':,!,• 

' .1 '• . : : ' ' ' ' i I 'I "• lil'lt .1 

• ethei i.'! i|u t rt'o : < • 

I ! | 

ii 

! • ••. • .>! I.IDSi w a - 

: ie< a i: : i .a 

,I; 11 ,1..': 1 i \ . a< aujfg the inn 

' 1 ' ' : ' ' i i , 1 I (11 lit nil'- ( I I' i i'ij 

I I' -a 'lit sm h :. 

' i.,: • i \ 

.V : ist 1111 ''i'.n,- a sjnnn 

' • '.'•"': n! ol t In.' [,:!•( - 

' :. ::•'-; l,..,a\ t i benefit J !•• 

i a a a '!'!•:•• a re t wo w 

;.' m in I Si, worklftg class < ! 

II ii : a ci i n 11 aw Ill he yn a m 

a. !,. mlnm a membership in 

! i a h n i:i a an Ilaai it can lis; 

i "!:•!! n i! -1 •!! ! n i a a 1 

ol t hi a: i 

la. i:ir -..•line token, tin 

mini' ix la! n a. aspen I ics ' 1 ' 

' 1111 a n ! ! he eettIT. This \vi 1 

: i a a Ii i 

1 la membership na as 

I a 1 ili Tin im-aiis tv this •• • 

a I'i 1 1 11 an ! a • - - nn com na 1 

v. i irl; i n l'-cI a-.- ; nl crests ai a i ; 

a HI I: Fin c, ..•!:' y: this \\a a 1 1 

nl' cunrsc a " ive oppo-aa. 

11 iscr: 1111 nat" < a < a: groun,i > 1 

rol i gu ai. n '.a \ I in aim i . 

rich I - a in 1 

iiia 

j'lii ;il I ,,a. a- u. a 

'-•mil .i | a'.na i a in nic si r i . 

i c\ i a,- i i Jft I . 'ma:., i a • • a > 

ma I ; ill iJi'Siaa: ,: 

r i a a a'l *:.-! ' I .!•(•: i ll-c ' l'( - 

' ,i i I - the eci iin aa.a ml ' • • I 

11 i 11 a i n a i! i eai a pi!'.'!• • 

I a, a si n 111 : i na,a a: . 

: 1 le I n 1 a i i n i : a a i ana. 1 ' 

I. kI i il ni tin Pi' a al:i,:l • 

1 hen 1 i a la ftaev here . .a 

t i m ! i hi' i -eoi infra -.1 nr . 

ara n : n a. i - am alieicni I 'a: 

! tin mil a. ;a., n thai it 1, 

till life lima,I i\a I a a a a, 

w a;,' 

mm, • arthy. 

( )ne 1 rouble is 'lan a man 1 :, 

call cause fium n -am!; a. i 

lew sect a a l 1 ha 11 {a,-.- accm i- 

iimi la! a a i can pa:,t I re 'el her a i 

a year I! i - na! a i 11 In rise ! 

tt i ! h a a Mi a he mUfec:! w 

I lien 

'.ma- n. manlenae 

what make-' llangs 

i 

i e. till V a a e .cm 

: 1, 

sa 

! h.c 

i ,1 Ilia me' 1 (i! ! I f l'i 'en 

nii's-ii go a a.- n> a uicn 111 

vii >i.("t a c v, l;ri'(Vi'!' 11 ami a .-, 

i i, an 

Nnlc ! la , a man- '" ii a . - 

cvt'i 11 ci a em- i rm n I 1 ! 

Preen ai H ! nt i mi 

1 11 ci :,, imi ai 

. a a. I \' the Viilcnci ..! the 

i',, ,, ( Man god e, ai aiaf6ft''"S 

in 'lie six com it ics ' t «r hai 1 

la a iiiiitl violence m 186 a 1 

a :' - 1 i. I la- \"i ilia aac mili ted 

i m 1 lie \\ toac el Ireland by 

I'in: lish impel nih.-ni throilghnut 

ci nt u r ics a in I cont i inn n g 

tin lav For t he (trance vt:o- 

Icl ice a III1 t lie (il'cHS 

violence 

ai'c nimi n n i alcss excepting 

ri'1 at a at In t lie t hml. ,inpm iah 

aileiice I ! nimi i 1 \ a ilciice 

l.s viiiielmc 111 support of impel 

la 1 violence. Repuiii ica 11 

violent e is \ ioIeilei• against 

imperial violence And e,l 

three are outside the control 

ol the ATGWU, leaving Mr 

Freeman nothing hut to ''nn 

demn what is a I act of life, 

thoiiLih a very deplorable 

fact 

ol life I agtfee. 

a I ao furt ha i Sec'at - 

,. a s,x-ci a n il y pel:'al 

, ., ' exist.- am! ci a it m aes 

antiima ham been 

y, pal an eta! t" nipc- 

; sileiam It m ali very 

, l la ATGS" ' to le- 

' 1 < nana! itsmlf o m.l'nci' 

: .a! inn to do so. Hut unt il 

• hi a.J - h w< irkin a class ai e 

i a ' ' i ' 1 1 em i i n ipei lal 

• ,, ! la e'l am s! niggle 

ei ia.I i line 

UK pe\',aa 

el ]ihy.sleal \ :•»- 

i l lice In pa'O!inee ilis! anl 

,, i -,,t a in will mom 1 ver 

a mac uilllii the estrangftl 

mm':! lis call ant ce 0!1 the 

ics that divide them and 

! 

ai aal'.e of which then 

prepared lo iilB each 

m iir die gn huiiaca .4nam 

le niaki- tWallet's worse 

, ei these issii'as admit of 

ready compromise, lor 

mena, whose existence is 

used as a smokescreen to 

conceal the first, 

I am not Mium >tUK that 

aii Freeman should take tip 

till' position I have .just approved 

at the ATGWU conference. 

Rut could somebody 

el e not do so" 

The ATGWU 

a- an international oryanisaf, 

ith mcniiiers in two 

iles and four mil ions. What 

do it- n'embereoimt 

ics say ? 

' I"H K follow in 

published 

in 

1 !,f!M issue of ' 

Irelafnl® is from 

m the 2(5 

(| notation 

t tie 

August 

aibour 

and 

Mr 

Matt 

\I.mean. Dublin secretary of 

the ATGWU and vice-president 

of the Irish Coimress of 

Trade Unions a- 

"Regrettably the British 

laliour and socialist movement 

has tended to see this 

as a sectarian conflict. It 

SGSfB* 

ORITAIN'S largest trade union, the 

ATGWU discussed the Irish question 

at its recent conference. All that has 

appeared m the press has been a few 

extracts from the speech made by Mr 

John Freeman of Belfast, who spoke on 

behalf of his executive. 

Mr Freeman is 

one of the most highly respected 

trade 

unionists in Ireland, and in venturing to 

criticise the implication of his remarks as 

reported we reiterate our profound respect 

for him as an individual with a long 

record of service to the working class 

movement. We invite readers to comment 

on articles on this page. 

example whfjjiier sovereijinty 

over ilia six counties rests by 

rmht m [junto or Dublin. 

You must answer one or the 

othf>y. One is right, the other 

N 

V01" 

ow Mr Freeman 

nnyht at 

reply that 

it is all 

to talk like that 

, hut that such talk 

v 

v. el 

11$ l.ondoi 

will not hold a trade union 

together i 

be 

qui |fj 

concerned 

with 

1! 

Belfast. He would 

ight. I am not 

hat is said 

Belfast. That can lie left 

perfectly competent 

ladies 

,enl 1 em en who know the 

limitations imposed on them 

an( 

circumstance,- 

over 

e have no control. 

w hi el 

A lilth 

anecdote wi'.rl show 

how old this discussion is. In 

UI47 some of our friends in 

Belfast thought the 

Connolly 

Association was nut sullicientiy 

pressing the light 

against partition, and a deputation 

came to I .ondon 

I wHl 

rememhgr asking Miss Kli/.aheth 

Sinclair. "Are you prepared 

to press it also '.'" She 

replied 

i 

added 

"the 

class 

has a 

think 

! lie 

right 

She negative 

and 

Belfast 

working' 

special role." I 

delegation 

'acre 

and some years 

afterwards I had t he 

pleasure 

of telling Miss Sinclair so. 

The point is that 

it is the 

third violence, imperial 

violence, 

that is the fundamental 

violence, and the others are 

secondary, derivative 

phenoha- 

not tried to deal witn 

the c--enltal 

political character 

of the problem. 

British 

presence, both civil 

and 

military', does not .just 

hold the ring between two 

warring tribes with distinct 

religious banners. 

It is an 

imperial presence. The 

trade union and labour 

movement must adopt a 

socialist approach to guide 

a future Labour government." 

This would be the opinion 

of the majority of trade 

unionists m Ireland. But 

when are the British 

workers 

allowed to hear their opinion 

11 Fact-finding delegations 

cross the Irish sea. 

With one 

or two exceptions they go 

only to the six coun'ies 

where the trade unionists 

are constrained by circumstances 

to speak like Mr 

Freeman (and heaven knows, 

I donl blame him) and. if 

they are prepared to meet 

them, they hear the opinion 

of the majority of Irish 

trade unionists not from their 

own hps but 

from the provisional 

Sinn 

Fein. 

The I,ondon executives 

are 

moreover very reluctant to 

allow their members to hear 

or discuss this point ot 

view, 

as Ben Murray's famous intervention 

in the Trades 

Councils conference illustrates. 

And yet when they 

discourage such discussion 

the executives are certainly 

net acting m the spirit of not 

committing themselves to the 

view of one or other 

community 

| T is of great importance 

that the British working 

class should hear both sides. 

More than that, they must 

ultimately decide which side 

is right. They should know 

• he views of the ITGWU. the 

biggest trade union in Ireland 

at w hose 1979 cm Terence 

the following was rose 

I ved : - 

"In looking for a democratic 

solution to the 

Northern crisis that will 

be in the Irish interest, 

the 

first principle that needs to 

be borne in mind is the 

fundamental 

responsibility 

of Britain, the British 

Parliament 

and the British 

Government for the present 

situation. So much 

attention has been inevitably 

paid to the 'negative 

veto' of the Unionists and 

to the hall-century-long 

Unionist 

ascendancy in the 

North that this essential 

truth about Britain's responsibility 

is 

forgotten." 

It is no disparagement of 

Mr Freeman, who is a distinguished 

and dedicated 

trade unionist, to say that 

it is not good enough to 

present British workers 

with a line of reasoning 

that may be quite m order 

m Belfast, without 

providing 

eoual prominence for lines ot 

reasoning current in Dublin. 

This 

is too like commit nr ait 

to one 

section. 

( )F course there are problems 

peculiar to an international 

trade union. 

During 

the period ol' the Union 

British 

trade unions organised 

in 

Ireland and accepted amalgamations 

from local trade 

societies. This was possible 

because the English and the 

Irish spoke the same language. 

One could speculate 

about possible constitutional 

arrangements to allow the 

British members better access 

to information on Ireland. 

Things are, however, 

the way they 8'rew up and a 

good proportion of Irish trade 

unionists are in 

British-based 

internationals. 

It is not easy 

for these to take up a clear 

position. 

The fact remains, 

however, 

that the question of partition 

is not an internal Irish question. 

Il is a matter of dispute 

between two states and two 

governments. The British 

taxpayer 

is expending L'l.HW 

a vear for every man. woman 

and child m the six counties. 

There is no comparable return. 

if there is any return 

at all. 

Not onlv treasure but 

blood is being poured out in 

cascades. 

The British worker 

needs an opportunity of 

judging the lights ; nd 

wrongs. 

r I'HE Labour Party has already 

decided that those 

who want a united Ireland 

are right and those who want 

to retain partition are wrong. 

It wants reunification by 

conent. Presumably a future 

Labour government would 

take steps to obtain that 

consent. What sort of steps',' 

One can think of economic 

inducements. 

If a fraction of 

LABOUR 

AND 

IRELAND 

MR BENN'S PROGRAMME 

J^HE great point at issue in 

regard to Ireland is that of 

Sovereignty. Those who recognise 

the sovereignty of Dull 

Eireann over aII Ireland are 

progressives, 

and-imperialists. 

Those who deny Dublin 

sovereignty are, to the extent 

that they deny it, consciously 

or unconsciously 

chauvinists. 

We appreciate that our republican 

friends do not accept 

that Eeinster House is the 

legitimate Parliament of Ireland, 

and we know it came 

into existence as a result of 

an unequal treaty. But we believe 

it has become legit i- 

THE IRISH ARGUMENT 

J) 1 

lit. Hon. ,1. Harold Wilson, PC . 

M.P., 

Prime 

Minister. 

10 Downing Street, 

London 

B.E.I. 

EAR Mr 

Wilson. 

We are writing to you in 

our personal capacities to put 

before you some views which 

we would like you to consider 

as you confront the problems 

of 

Northern frelaid. 

Our qualifications for doing so 

are two-fold. Firstly, we are 

aware of the traditional sympathy 

of the Labour and democratic 

movement in Britain with 

Irish aspirations for unity and 

independence and we share the 

hope that the advent to office of 

the new Labour Government 

will see that sympathy reaffirmed. 

Secondly, we have all 

been concerned in one way or 

another with the Northern 

problem 

in recent years; whether as 

elected public representatives, 

as 

trade unionists or through our 

involvement m civil liberties 

work. We are therefore anxious 

that the new British Government 

should not repeat the 

mistakes 

of its predecessors, but 

that it should pursue a policy in 

Northern Ireland which will restore 

civil liberties there, end 

violence and open up the way 

for a permanent solution of the 

Anglo-Irish 

problem. 

I N our view, the most urgent 

' steps Which need to be taken 

to allow for political progress 

are the ending of detention 

without trial, the repeal of the 

Emergency Provisions Act and 

the early withdrawal of troops to 

barracks to enable normal unarmed 

policing to be resumed. 

These should be accompanied 

by 

the passage of a Bill ol 

Rights 

for Northern Ireland along the 

lines mentioned in the previous 

Government's White Paper. As 

you know such a Bill of Rights 

was urged on the Conservative 

Government by the Trades 

Union Congress. Lord orockway 

and Mr Arthur Latham 

sought to introduce a Bill of 

Rights for Northern Ireland 

daring 

Mr Heath's period in office 

and we believe that such a 

measure could provide fundamental 

guarantees nr civil liberties 

in Northern Ireland and 

could outlaw all fa: us of religious 

discrimination 

More fundamenia y, however 

we believe that gfc'V a Bill of 

Rights could pro- the basis 

for a political sell ion to the 

Northern Ireland aroblem if 

simultaneously :!. British 

Government would declare its 

own desire to acha e a united 

Ireland and its . 'elision to 

work towards polilr ,1 and 

military 

disengagement from Ireland. 

It is becaa the latter 

step would requii" change in 

what has been Err sh Government 

policy sine. liO that we 

would like > seto... some arguments 

in its fa o r and urge 

them upon yea, 

agree 

that 

forward, in ; 

dale communique 

it! 

ish Government .-.r 

port Irish reaniae 

majority in Nortl 

should wish it Mo 

was a 

step 

e 

Sunningit 

the Brit,- 

ed to 

supion 

if the 

n 

Ireland 

a 

important 

ly. however, $!ie Bra ish 

Government 

still did no: ;ive any indication 

it was Its v. sh to maintain 

or to dissolve the Union, 

majority of the Northern 

people 

about the constitutional 

guarantees 

and arrangements which 

would safeguard their 

legitimate 

interests in a United Ireland. 

We believe that only such a declaration 

of policy by the Briish 

Government will give the 

mass of Unionist, opinion the 

necessary immpetus to reorient 

their political aspirations towards 

working with their fellow-countrymen 

an a United 

Ireland. 

I T seems to us that until the 

British Government makes 

such a declaration, all brands 

of Northern Unionism, whether 

represented by Messrs. West, 

Paisley ana Craig or by Mr 

Brian Faulkner,. cannot but 

make defence of the Union the 

mainstay of their policy. If 

any group of them does not 

seek 

to stand adamantly for the 

Union, then it must continually 

fear being politically outflanked 

by more fervent Unionists to 

the right, as the Faulknerites 

have been in the recent U.K. 

General Election. If the British 

Government makes such a 

declaration, however, it comfHlS 

letter was sent to Prime Minister Harold Wilson on 

May 24th. l!>74. It was signed by 13 deputies of Dail 

Eireann, 13 Senators, 2 Northern Ireland Assemblymen, 16 

leading trade unionists including Andrew Barr and Senator 

Fintan Kennedy, and 7 citizens prominent in Irish life. It is 

one of the most snaming facts of British Labour history that 

it was utterly ignored, left, right and centre. 

although a clarification of this 

vital point is 

we b iieve, crucial 

to any realistic attempt to solve 

the 

problem. 

We believe tiiit all parties 

should strive for f;sh 

reunification 

through peacrlul means and 

with consent. Bar in our view 

the prerequisite to winning the 

consent of the Northern 

majority 

is that the British Government 

should make clear what its 

policy is and th.it this should, 

in fact, be cmoadied in a declaration 

of intent to work towards 

disengagement. In accordance 

wilh this policy the 

British and Irish Governments 

should then seek to satisfy the 

what is spent on repression 

was spent on reconciliation 

we might see changes. 

Years ago when wo used to 

lobby Parliament over the 

recurrent 'misdemeanours of 

Stormont we used to be 

told 

first that the Westminster 

government 

had no power to 

intervene. When wo proved 

that Parliament could, we 

were told that there was a 

convention that it did not. 

All that is now swept away, 

Stormont was not perhaps 

built in a day, but it took 

only a day to knock it down. 

The danger is that some 

similar soil of convention 

should establish itself in 

the 

trade union 

movement. 

There is no reason lo go 

wildly into the fray with 

battle-axes swinging. 

A good 

beginning would be to support 

what is now Labour- 

Party policy. Results will 

not be speedy, hut the issue 

of what is right and what 

is 

wrong cannot he avoided in 

the conditions that exist at 

the present time. 

C.D.G. 

pletely changes the framework 

of the argument 

for Unionists of 

all \ arieties. Realistically, the 

issue for them then 

becomes one 

of obtaining the best possible 

deal within a united Ireland 

situation: it becomes a question 

of negotiating among all the interested 

parties about timespans, 

a new Constitution lor an 

All-Ireland State, political and 

civil liberties guarantees and 

interim 

administrative arrangements. 

We are not in favour of the 

idea that Britain should unilaterally 

set a time-limit for a 

military withdrawal, as this and 

the other details of the disengagement 

process would have to 

be agreed with the Irish 

Government 

and the representatives 

of 

both communities iri Northern 

Ireland. What we urge is that 

by means of a declaration of intent 

Britain would initiate such 

a process, with its conseqsent 

realignment of attitudes, in the 

course of which we are confident 

that the S.D.L.P., Republicans 

and Unionists of the 

Faulknerite, Loyalist and Alliance 

persusion would be compelled 

over time to work out a 

mutual 

accommodation with one 

another and with the Irish and 

British 

Governments. 

I T is worth noting in this 

connection 

that the demand 

that the British Government 

should make quite explicit 

whether (it seeks to maintain 

the Union or not has been 

made 

in recent months by Messrs. 

West, Paisley and Craig on different 

occasions—as if they too 

were aware that only a clear 

British declaration of policy 

would get them "off the hook' 

of having to continually advocate 

the strengthening of the 

Union: it would thus open a 

constructive political way forward 

for them also. We do not 

believe that such a declaration 

by Britain would precipitate 

bloodshed and further violence. 

Rather, as such an intelligent 

and influential Unionist as Mi- 

Desmond Boal. Q.C., has 

recently 

implied, it would be a development 

which could restore 

political dignity and morale to 

the Northern Protestants and 

enable the "Loyalists" to play a 

constructive 

political role —' in 

negotiating the constitutional 

guarantees and interim administrative 

arrangements referred 

to above on behalf of their 

Community. A British declaration 

of intent to work towards 

ultimate disengagement from 

Ireland, if allied to the ending 

of internment and the passage 

of a Bill of Rights, would almost 

certainly have the further 

welcome consequence of 

bringing 

the Provisional I.R.A. campaign 

to a halt. 

We hope that you may And 

these views worth considering 

as you and your colleagues 

concern 

yourselves with Northern 

policy in the period ahead. 

We 

believe that if the course suggested 

were adopted, 

it would be 

an histrorical advance towards 

solving the "Irish Question" 

and would rebound to the benefit 

cf peace and political and 

constitutional progress in both 

islands. 

• Signed 

Lorcan Allen, TD, .John Callanan 

'I'D. Sean Calleary TD, 

Brendan Daly TD, Sean Flanagan 

TD, Hugh Gibbons TD, 

Richard Gogan TD. Michael 

Kitt TD. Noel Lemass TD. Ciaran 

Murphy TD, John OLeary 

TD, Joe Sheridan TD Eugene 

Timmons TD, Senator Robert 

Atlward, Sr. J. J. Brennan. Sr 

Sean Brosnan, Sr. Fad Browne, 

S. Jack Fitzgerald, Sr. Jack 

Garrett, Sr. Sean Keegan. Sr. 

Patrick Kerrigan, St. Augustine 

Martin, St. Michael Moynihan, 

Sr, Evelyn Owens. S, Liam 

Whyte, Northern Ireland Assemblyman 

Desmond Gillespie, 

N.I.A. Patrick Duffy. Andrew 

Barr i Vice-president ICTUa 

Maura Breslin (Gen. Sec. Irish 

Women Workers' Union i. Jack 

Cassidy (Gen. Sec. National Engineering 

and Electrical Trade 

Unioni„ Michael Clearay (Gen. 

See. National Union of Vintners), 

Joe Cooper (Chairman. 

Belfast Trades Council i. Jack 

mated by long continuance, 

and for all practical purposes 

it is the institution that has 

to be reckoned 

with. 

Recognition of the sovereignty 

of Dublin means a 

willingness to hand over to 

Dublin, not just to withdraw. 

Those who talk gaily of a 

British withdrawal (which is 

necessary if sovereignty is to 

go to Dublin) are only telling 

half the story. 

\ T present the British gov 

ernment does not want to 

withdraw. Let us imagine a 

government that did want to 

withdraw in favour of Dublin. 

What would it do? It would 

first say so — either publicly 

in a declaration or intent, or 

privately to the Taoiseach 

Then would come a long 

period of planning in which 

the wishes of Dublin would 

be paramount but British cooperation 

would be guaranteed. 

Probably a green paper 

would have to be issued. 

There would be public debate. 

The partitioning of Ireland 

took several years. Years 

would he required to put it 

together again. There would 

be legal problems to solve as 

well as administrative problems. 

The legal position is 

that Britain recognised the 

Irish Free State as a 32 

county entity, but accepted a 

petition from both houses of 

the six county Parliament to 

exclude the north - eastern 

area. Constitutional lawyers 

would need to study whether 

that simple process could he 

reversed. 

The declaration of intent is 

the all-important thing. After 

it would come a period of 

constructive withdrawal, of 

national reconciliation and 

bridge-building in which we 

hope that our republican 

friends would show their 

capacity for peace as well as 

for 

war. 

\yE consider Mr. Benn's programme 

from this standpoint. 

He starts with a statement 

of intention to withdraw. 

This is insufficient. 

England must give back 

to Ireland what she took. 

We will take his points 

seriatim: 

Coyle (Secretary Deny Trades 

Council). Dermot Doolan (Gen. 

Sec. Irish Actors Equityi, Noel 

Harris 

(Irish organiser ASTMS 

T. Heery (Gen. Sec. Irish Electrical 

Trades Union a Senator 

Fintan Kennedy (President. 

Irish Transport and General 

Workers' Union i. Matthew 

Merrigan 

(Irish organiser. Amalgamated 

TGWU , John Mullhall 

(Gen. Sec. Irish Union of Painters 

and Decorators),. Elizabeth 

Sinclair (Secretary, Belfast 

and District Trades Union 

Council i. Mr Smyth (Secretary 

Galway Trades Council a T. 

Quinlan (Gen. Sec. Post Office 

Workers Union), Dr Vincent 

Barry (Director Medical Research 

Council Laboratories). 

Anthony Coughlarf (Lecturer, 

Trinity College Dublin a Father 

Austin 

Flannery, O.P.. Rev. Terence 

McCaughey (Presbyterian 

Minister), Seamus Murphy 

R.H.A. i Sculptor i, Peadar 

O'Donnell (Author), Micaeal 

O' Loingsigh (Company Director). 

"First we should legislate 

to 'terminate Her Majesty's 

jurisdiction in Northern Ireland 

and set a date — not 

more than two or three 

years ahead — by which 

time Britain would withdraw 

leaving open the possibility 

of an earlier withdrawal 

if suitable arrangements 

could he made." 

Comment It is suggested 

that after the termination of 

Her Majesty's jurisdiction 

there would be no government 

in the six counties? 

Hardly, then who would the 

rulers be'.' Setting a date 

would give the Unionists 

something to prepare for. Far 

better to reunite Ireland 

piecemeal and give them no 

opportunity. 

WHILE other contenders for 

Labour leadership are figuring 

what parts of the party 

programme they can scuttle in 

order to get votes, Mr. Benn 

stands in the wings on policy 

and principle. Whether this 

betokens real understanding 

and conviction or deep design 

we shall see when he becomes 

leader as most of us believe 

and hope he will. Here we 

comment on his latest pronouncement 

on the Irish question. 

We invite readers to 

comment on any of the articles 

on this page. 

"Second we should invite 

the United Nations to send 

a peace keeping force into 

the province to replace our 

troops to sustain law and 

order until such time as the 

new government could assume 

that responsibility." 

Comment: What right has 

England to invite anybody on 

to Irish territory without the 

consent of the Dublin govern 

merit'.' Also what is "the" new 

government ' It seems odd to 

use the definite article with 

something that has not vet 

been men 

turned. 

"Third We should negotiate 

a tripartite agreement 

setting out a basis for 

future relations between 

Britain, the Republic and a 

new So:-them Ireland government 

including sa le 

guarding of human rights. ' 

Comment: 

So it is to be a new 

Northern Ireland government 

Sovereign or devolved'.' And 

partition is to remain. England, 

as ever, demands tile 

right lo "negotiate" Ireland's 

future. So possibility of that 

"basis for future relations" 

involving abandonment of 

Irish neutrality or ION A heloved 

of the "Cuardian"'.' 

J'HE fourth and fifth points 

provide for an amnesty and 

financial aid to the new Government 

oj Northern Ireland. 

It is obvious, if these proposals 

are taken literally, that 

the plan amounts to maintaining 

British supremacy in 

Ireland by new means, bv 

United Nations forces, and a 

fresh treaty between Britain 

and two Irish governments. 

I do not however think Mr. 

Benn expects ever to see any 

of this happen. In the meantime 

it is best to stick to the 

declaration of intent to restore 

Irish territory to Ireland 

and proceed pragmatically 

from there. Such a declaration 

would alter everything. 

It would be like a reversal 

of the (ore, of gravity 

in Anglo-Irish relations. 

— Fcicreanach. 

LABOUR HEARS GERRY ADAMS 

" VO nation that enslaves 

another can itself be 

free", Sinn Fein M.P. Gerry 

Adams told a packed 

meeting 

at Finsbury Town I lal I on his 

recent visit to England, under 

the auspices of Islington 

Labour 

Party. 

"Plastic bullets which 

have 

murdered 14 Irish people including 

seven children nave 

been issued to the British 

police lor use against disaffected 

sections of your 

people, the blacks, the unemployed 

a n d alienated 

youth, and Kenneth 

Newman, 

who learned his strategies 

from the RUC. is now in 

charge of the police in 

London . . . 

"There is really no question 

of whether the British should 

disengage from Ireland. The 

only question is when and 

how they should disengage. 

A necessary first step must 

be the unilateral removal 

by 

the British Government of 

the loyalist veto. No 

national 

political minority has the 

light to tie the majority of 

Irish people against their 

will to the parliament and 

laws of a foreign British 

power . . . 

"The next sien must be for 

the British Government to negotiate 

the terms for a British 

withdrawal and the disarming of 

the RUC and UDR. both 

British 

forces, so that the conditions for 

withdrawal be secured in a 

manner most advantageous to 

establishment ef a peaceful, 

united and stable society m an 

independent Ireland . 

"The acid test of commitment 

tu socialism in both Britain and 

Ireland i. s to be found m ones 

attitude to the issue of Irish 

self-determination. In Ireland 

you can't be a socialist without 

being a separatist, in Britain 

you can't be a socialist if you 

cuidQllc. support or ignore the 

continuing colonial stranglehold 

which the British government 

maintains over our country 

It is our contention that, m 

socialist terms, socialism in Ireland 

can only be secured when 

we have independence and that 

a precondition for the emancipation 

of Irish workers is the scveinm 

of the connection between 

Britain and Ireland. 

"We do not charge the 

British 

people with the past and

6 THE IRISH DEMOCRAT September 1983 

ii 

ii 

•taai| 

i» 

* til i • 

inn 

lull 

inn 

ll» 

lull 

(ID 

limit! 

Edited by 

PATRICK BOND 

TICTll 

JiJUUI 

THE JACKETS GREEN 

H E N i was a maiden tair and young on Ihc pleasant banks ot 

No bird that in tiie greenwood sun^ was halt so blithe and tree, 

My heart ne'er beat wiih flying teet. no love sang me his queen 

fill down the glen rode Sarsfield's men, and they wore the jackets 

green. 

Young Donal sat on his gallant grey like a king on a royal seat, 

And my heart leaped out on his regal way to worship ai his feet. 

Love, had you come in those colours dressed and wooed w.tii 

a soldier's mien 

I'd have laid my head on your throbbing breast for the sake of your 

jacket green. 

No hoarded wealth did my love own, save the good sword thai he 

bore; 

Bui 1 loved him for himself alone and the colour that he wore. 

For had he come in England's red, to make me England's queen, 

I'«! rove the high green hills, instead (or the sake o! t!te Irish green. 

When William stormed with '•hot and shell at the walls of 

Garryowen 

8n the breach of death my Donat fell and he sleeps near {he Treaty 

Stone. 

that breach the foemen never crossed when he swung his broadsword 

keen, 

And f do not weep my darling lost, tor he feil in his jacket green. 

When Sarsfield sailed away I wept as I heard the wild ochone, 

I telt, then, dead as the men who slept 'neath the fields cf Garryowen, 

While Ireland held my Ocinal blessed, no wild sea roiled between, 

Till I would fold him to my breast all robed in his jacket green. 

My soul has sobbed like the waves ol woe that sad o'er tombstones 

break, 

For I buried my heart in his grave below for his and Ireland's sake, 

ftnd I cry: "Make way tor the soldier's bride in your hails of death, 

sad queen," 

For I iong to rest by my true love's side, and wrapped in the folds 

of green. 

! saw the Shannon's purple tide roll down by the Irtsh Town 

As I stood in the breach by Donal's side when England's flag wem 

down; 

And now it glowers as it seeks the skies like a blood-red curse 

between — 

I weep, but 'tis not women's sighs will raise the Irish Green. 

Oh Ireland, sad is thy lonely soul, and loud beats the winter sea, 

Bui sadder and higher the wild waves roll from the hearts that 

break for thee; 

Vet grief shall come to our heartless foes, and their thrones in the 

dust be seen, 

So Irish maids, love none but those who wear the jackets green. 

MICHAEL 

Kelly the bay from Killane 

SCANLON. 

%A#HAT'S the news, what's the news, 0 my bold Shemalier. 

" With your long-barrelled gun from the sea? 

Say what wind from the South blows his messenger here 

Witn a hymn of the dawn tor the free? 

"Goodly news, goodly news, shall I hear, youth of Forth, 

Goodly news shall you hear, Bargy man; 

For the boys march at dawn from the South to the North. 

Led by Kelly, the boy from Killane." 

"Tell me who is that giant with the gold curling hair 

He who rides at the head of your band? 

Seven feet is his height, with some inches to spare, 

And he looks like a king in command." 

"Ah, my lads, that's the pride of the bold Shemaliers 

Mong our greatest of heroes, a Man; 

Fling your beavers aloft and give three ringing cheers 

Foi John Kelly, the boy from Killane." 

Enniscorthy's in flames, and old Wexford is won, 

And the Barrow tomorrow we cross, 

On a hill o'er the town they have planted a gun 

That will batter the gateway to Ross; 

All the Forth men and Bargy men march o'er the heath; 

With brave Harvey to lead on the van, 

But the foremost of all in the grim Gap of Death 

Will be Kelly, Ihc boy from Killane. 

Bui the gold sun of Freedom grew darkened at Ross, 

And it set on the Slaney's red waves; 

And poor Wexford, stript naked, hung high on the cross. 

And her heart pierced by traitors and slaves. 

Glory 0; glory 0; to the brave sons who died 

For the cause of long down-trodden man; 

Glory 0; to Mount Leinster's own darling and pride 

Dauntless Kelly, the boy from Killane. 

BE MODERATE THE CITIZEN ARMY 

By James 

Connolly 

OME men. * aint-hearted, ever 

S seek 

Our programme to retouch, 

And will insist, wiener they speak 

That we demand too much. 

Tis passing strange, yet I declare 

Such statements cause me mirth, 

for our demands mcst modest are, 

We only want THE EARTH. 

Be moderate, the trimmers cry. 

Who dread the tyrant s thunder, 

You ask too much and people fly 

From you aghast in wonder.' 

Tis passing strange, lor I declare 

Such statements give me mirth, 

For our demands most modest are, 

We only want THE EARTH. 

Our masters all, a godly crew. 

Whose hearts throb lor the poor, 

Their sympathies assure us, too, 

II our demands were fewer. 

Most generous souls; But please 

observe. 

What they enjoy Iroin birth. 

Is all we ever had the nerve 

To ask. that is. THE EARTH. 

The right-wing leader, full of guile, 

Base doctrine ever preaches, 

And while he tleeds the rank «nd 

file 

Tame moderation teaches. 

Yet in his despite, we'll see the day 

When with sword in its girth, 

Labour shall march in war array 

To seize its own, THE EARTH. 

For Labour long, with srghs and 

tears. 

To its oppressors 

knelt, 

But never yet, to aught save tears, 

Did heart of tyrant melt. 

We need not kneel, our cause is 

high 

01 true men there's no dearth, 

And our victorious rallying cry 

Shall be We WANT THE 

EARTH. ' 

MY LOVELY 

IRISH ROSE 

A WINDING river wends its 

way 

Near to an Irish home, 

And mingled with Trabegga 

Bay 

Close to the Atlantic foam; 

Twas in a spot close to a cot, 

Where the river gently flows, 

That I bade farewell to my own 

dear girl, 

My lovely Irish Rose. 

Oh, Donegal, the best of all, 

I never will forget, 

In Carron fair beyond compare, 

I think I see it yet; 

I sailed away from Derry quay, 

Just at the evening's close, 

I waved my hand to the dear 

old land, 

And my lovely Irish Rose. 

The stranger's land is fair to 

see, 

The strangers, too are kind; 

But still there's one I can't forget, 

set, 

It's the girl I left behind; 

I'd rather stray by the old mill 

brae, 

Where the soft green grass 

grows, 

On a summer's night, with my 

heart's delight, 


Oh N'^'v dear, I'm lonely here, 

Without yen all the while, 

I miss your loving words of 

cheer, 

Your kindly Irish smile; 

And when I go to sleep at night 

Before my eyes I close, 

I pray that God may guide you 

right, 


By LIAM MacGABHANN 

THE Citizen Army is out today and if you wonder why. 

Go ask the lords of the tram-lined way if their cash returns 

be high. 

l':sn't the bosses who bear the brunt, 'tisn't you and I, 

But the women and kids whose tears are hid as the strikers go 

stumbling by. 

The docker loads two hundred tons in his master's siiip per day. 

At night the docker's daughter bends her weary limbs ic pfay, 

From the old North Wall to Liberty Hall was a deadline ot 

unskilled, 

They heaved and hauled when the bosses called and slopped 

wnen the bosses willed. 

The Citizen Army is out today and if you wonder why. 

Jim Larkin came this way to nail the bosses' lie. 

That the iron gyves on their limbs and lives would crush ihcm 

till they die, 

Those women and kids whose tears are hid as the strikers go 

marching by. 

The docker and carter and heaver of coal, were only the 

backwash then, 

Till Larkin built the union up and the bosses feared again. 

From the old North Wall to Liberty Hall came that deadline of 

unskilled, 

In a new-born fight for the workers' rights, that the bosses 

thought they had killed. 

The Citizen Army is out today and if you wonder why, 

Go ask the troops in the master's pay if the blood on their guns 

be dry. 

Ah, well, they won, and the Baton and gun have swung where 

the dead men lie, 

For the women and kids whose tears are hid as ihc. wounded 

go stumbling by. 

Jim Connolly watches ships go out through flags at Kingstown 

Pier, 

And starving Dublin sends its toll of Guard and Fusilier, 

Food for the guns that over the world have thundered murder's 

peal, 

And Dublin's broken union men die first on Flanders fields 

The Citizen Army is out today and if you wonder why. 

Go ask the men in the grey and green why the Plough and the 

Stars flag flies, 

'Tisn't only the bosses we challenge now, 'tis Connolly has cast 

the die, 

For the women and kids whose tears are hid as the soldiers go 

marching by. 

Four hundred bosses planned to break that deadline of 

unskilled ; 

Four hundred bosses drink tonight for Connolly is killed. 

But dead or alive, there are those who strive a glorious thing 

to do, 

For Connolly built that union up, for the likes of me and you. 

The Citizen Army is out today and if you wonder why, 

Go ask the lords of the banking house if their cash returns be 

high, 

For they are there and we are here, and a fight to the knife 

again, 

The Citizen Army is out today ; come, workers, are ye men ? 

THE JUBILEE 

SONG 

fills song by Jim Connell was written to mark Queen Victoria's 

Diamond Jubilee in 1897. We reproduce it for the edification 

of Mrs Thatcher, that enthusiast for "Victorian Values", and thank 

Pat O'Donovan for drawing it to our attention. — P.B. 

WITHERED slave of the molten steel, 

" Lungless wreck of the grinder's wheel, 

Falsied drudge of the pois'nous mine, 

Pampered ghost of a manhood fine, 

Lift high your glasses 

Wiih three times three 

And toast Victoria's Jubilee 

Scottish crofter of visage gaunt, 

Victim ever of toil and wani, 

Irish peasant of ragged coat 

Whom landlord swindled and ruler smote. 

Maimed survivor of glory's host, 

Legless, foodless, fortune-tossed, 

Shrivelled drift of the chilling sea, 

Mate of pains and poverty. 

OLAIM 

PUNCH 

QLAIM punch is olaim tae 

S an la 'na dhiadih sin olaim toddy; 

Ni bhim ar meisce ach uair sa re — 

Mo gbra-sa an deirc is an te do cheap i. 

La mia bhim ie qiota treith 

Sim ta 'na dhaidh ag glaoch na geannai; 

La le non 's aris gan braon. 

Mo ghra-sa an deiro is an te do cheap i. 

Ar mo thiochi 'na tui ar thread — 

An bhni sa bhfeith na heimhe ag leanai, 

Baisteach fhill is riran ar ghaoth — 

0 taim le deiro ni baol dom gharrai. 

Is samh de bhim im lui te grein 

Gan suim esa fcael ach scleip is staraiocht 

Gan chain gan chios ach m'intian saor— 

Nach fearr i an deire na ceird is eatoi. 

September 1983 IRISH DEMOCRAT 7 

The saga of 

Glencolumbkille 

Fr McDyer of Glencolumbkille. 

An Autobiography. Price Hardback 

£5.50. ppl 18. Published 

by Brandon Book Publishers 

Ltd. 

I RATHER James McDyer was 

' bom in 1910, the son of a, stnill 

farmer in the Glenties, Co. Donegal. 

Among his earliest memories were 

the poignant gatherings of neighbours 

in thp homes of those about 

to emigrate to America, Australia, 

or New Zealand. What struck him 

most was the loss to the community 

of the young and vibrant. 

His early life is a deceptively 

simple tale; happy hard-working 

religious home, study for the 

priesthood in Maynooth College, ten 

years as a young curate in England 

which took in the London Blitz, 

then a return to Ireland for a 

lonely spell on Tory Island off the 

north-west coast. 

In 1951 he was appointed curate 

of Glencolumbkille. an isolaUd 

Donegal valley, ringed by mountains, 

and looking out to the Atlantic 

Ocean, a place of wild 

beauty and poverty and hopelessness. 

"On reaching the age of sixteen 

or seventeen about eighty per 

cent of the boys and girls were emigrating, 

and in some cases where 

the parents were young, the home 

was abandoned and the whole 

family left." 

A man of vision, a man of 

action, Fr McDyer brought all his 

exceptional vigour to bear jn the 

problems of poverty and unemployment. 

He initiated a great 

number of schemes, improving the 

primitive infracstrucure with piped 

water, electricity, and better roads. 

Industries were developed, vegetable 

growing and processing, hand knitting, 

machine knitting, fish processing 

and tourism. - 

There were successes and 

failures. An ambitious attempt to 

start a communal farm in an effort 

to raise the standard of living of 

the smallholders ran into predictable 

opposition from local conservatives 

and from bureaucrats in 

Dublin. It was one of many clashes 

with bureaucracy over the years as 

he cajoled and bullied reluctant 

government ministers and departments 

into giving sanctions and 

grants for various schemes. 

A "sheep farmers' co-operative" 

was eventually started but Fr Mc- 

Dyer describes it as an anaemic 

scheme compared to his original 

vision. 

Holiday cottages were built and 

a hotel acquired. 

Glencolumbkille became a hive of 

activity and attracted nation-wide 

attention. Other west coast communities 

looked to it for inspiration 

and Fr McDyer was much in demand 

as lecturer and advisor on 

community self-help. He undertook 

fund-raising tours in the 

United States and the U.K. He 

also campaigned against Irish 

entry into the EEC, believing that 

it would bring about a loss of independence, 

lifestyle, and culture, 

and the gradual demise of the 

small family farm. 

It is an inspiring story, and yet, 

at the end, things seem to have 

gone a little sour in Glencolumbkille 

itself. One is left with a suspicion 

that some of the cause may 

lie in the personality of the man 

himself. Direct, dynamic, bubbling 

over with ideas, impatient of opposition, 

did he have the patience 

and the diplomacy needed to build 

lasting structures? Only time will 

tell. 

Meantime the people of the 

beautiful valley have been stirred 

out of their apethetic acceptance 

of poverty and emigration, and Fr 

McDyer, at an age when others 

would be contemplating retirement, 

turns his attention towards others 

in greater need, far aw.iy in the 

third world. 

EDITED 

BY 

GERARD CURRAN 

TREASON 

Jail Journal. By John Mitchel. 

(Sphere Books). £3.50 pbk. 

pp 463. 

J^AWYER, journalist and revolutionary; 

visionary, nationalist 

and Patriot; John Mitchel 

was all of these and more. Imbued 

with a passionate love of 

his country coupled with an 

overwhelming hatred of that 

which rendered his country impotent 

namely, the English Government, 

Mitchel spent his adult 

life in a relentless endeavour to 

arouse the Irish people from 

slavery and as a result stands 

unchallenged as the greatest 

Irishman of the 19th century. 

Born near Dungiven in 1815, 

the son of a Unitarian clergyman 

who, in his time, had been a 

United Irishman, he grew up in 

Newry. A nature-lover, a lover 

of mountain scenery and the 

music of the rivers, he enjoyed 

long, solitary rambles over his 

beloved Ulster mountains. 

He chose for his profession 

the law, married in 1837 and 

practised at Banbridge. 

On a visit to Dublin in 1842 

he met Thomas Davis with 

whom he formed a strong friendship. 

Davis drew Mitchel into 

the Repeal Association and 

Young Ireland. Writing for the 

Nation, founded in October 1842, 

his earliest articles were of an 

educational and ameliorative 

nature in accordance with the 

views of Davis and Duffy, as 

well as attempting to keep 

O'Connell's pacifistic kowtowing 

in check. Following the 

death of Davis in 1845 Duffy invited 

Mitchel to take Davis' 

place as chief political writer for 

the Nation. 

the deliberate starvation of 

Ireland's peasant class, erroneously 

referred to as the 'Famine', 

began to take hold, his attitude 

hardened and thenceforth 

he advocated a campaign of passive 

resistance, civil disobedience 

rpHE new edition of "Cam" is of 

exceptional interest to all those 

who value the life of the Celtic 

nations. Its editor is a Cornishman, 

Bernard Deacon, of 2 Murton's 

Terrace, Lanner. Redruth. But it can 

also be obtained from Alan Heusaff, 

9 Mount Sion Road, Drumcondra. 

Dublin 9, at 6flp a copy. It is retailed 

at "News from Nowhere" 

Bookshop, Whiteehapel, Liverpool, 

where incidentally the Irish Democrat 

is also obtainable. 

The most prolific contributor to 

the current issue is Ifan Lloyd of 

Cardiff. He thinks Plaid Cymru 

could have done better in the 1983 

election, and seems to suggest that 

the reason is their failure adequately 

to -present the issue of independence 

from England. "The 

Plaid has almost all serious nationalist 

ideology'' is his charge. A 

trifle sweeping one would think. 

I 

N another article he presents 

views on ti development of the 

Welsh language which will interest 

students of Irish. Years ago when 

I was in Co Mayo parents would 

not talk Irish to their children because 

they were being taught "book 

Irish". Ifan Lloyd tells of a crank 

educational scheme to avoid teaching 

children to real standard 

Welsh, substituting a colloquial 

mish mash. The pupils were reduced 

to the state in which I have met 

FELONY 

and obstruction, while at the 

same time reserving the right of 

Irishmen to gain absolute independence 

from England by force 

of arms 

One can imagine the effect on 

a man of Mitchel's sensibilities 

of the following statement in an 

English newspaper at the height 

of the Starvation — "The Celts 

are gone — gone with a vengeance! 

The Lord be praised!" 

His radical new outlook contrasted 

sharply with that of 

Duffy and in 1848 Mitchel left 

the Nation to found his own 

newspaper, the United Irishman. 

Free now from all restraint, his 

powerful invective caused considerable 

and immediate alarm 

in the Castle and at Westminster, 

and after the United Irishman 

had been in print for only a 

few months, and following a 

series of 'seditious' editorials he 

was arrested and charged with 

treason. Tried by a 'packed' jury 

of Castle Protestants and Englishmen 

he was inevitably found 

guilty and sentenced as a felon 

to fourteen years transportation. 

Mitchel spent the early part of 

his sentence in a prison hulk at 

Bermuda. The authorities considered 

his presence such a threat 

that they removed all Irishmen 

from his hulk and replaced them 

with English and Scots. He records 

— "The fools are actually 

afraid that I will stir patriotic 

mutinies here." 

At this time, in London, the 

Chartists held meetings to express 

their support and sympathy 

for Mitchel, "whereupon the 

insulted Government clapped 

them in jail and indicted them." 

fHE Bermudan climate was 

severe on Mitchel's health, he 

being an asthmatic, and deteriorated 

to the point that had he remained 

there it was feared he 

would have died. The kindly British 

Government, ever conscious 

of his welfare, ordered his re- 

Summer CARN is out 

Scots as far south as Gleneoe 

able to speak but unable to lead 

or write a word of it. 

In a further article he deals with 

the question of minority languages 

on an international scale. And in a 

letter he challenges francophile F. 

O'Sullivan who wrote (in French> 

urging that the Celtic nations 

whose present "lingua franca" is 

English would bp well-advised to 

turn to French. This subject has 

been tangled up with the question 

of which of the two imperialisms 

treated its national minorities 

worse. 

(•"PHERE is much about Celtic 

J- music. Heusaff writes on Breton 

music with special reference to the 

Pipers' Association, and there is an 

engaging photograph of Brian 

Stowell being filmed singing in the 

Mines Tavern, in Laxey, He certainly 

gives the impression that he 

is singing very well. 

The Manx section, incidentally, 

continues its monitoring of the 

mysterious goings-on in the "Bermuda 

tr. ingle" of the Irish Sea. 

It is also announced that a volume 

is to bo published as a tribute to 

Celtic League secretary Alan 

Heusaff. 

Both literary and financial contributions 

are solicited and people 

living In England can send them to 

Micheal O Laoire, 5 Bedton Road, 

Berkhamsted, Herts. 

moval to a penal colony near 

Capetown. The outraged Cape 

citizens, tired of England's con 

vict-dumping, refused to allow 

Mitchel's English fellow-convicts 

ashore but assured Mitchel that 

he was welcome, and unbeknownst 

to him, requested the 

authorities to allow him to remain 

there as a free settler. The 

request was denied and Mitchel 

eventually reached Van Diemen's 

Land in April 1850, where, 

having first exacted his parole 

not to escape, the authorities 

permitted him to live in comparative 

freedom. 

His Journal reveals his 

thoughts regarding his new surroundings 

and tells us that his 

dislike of things English had not 

diminished, far from it: "Every 

sight and sound that strikes eye 

or ear, reminds me that I am in 

a small misshapen, transported, 

bastard England; and the legitimate 

England itself is not so 

dear to me that 1 can love the 

convict copy." 

To learn how Mitchel spent 

his time in captivity and of his 

meetings there with some of his 

leaders of the abortive 1848 

Rising and his eventual escape 

to America, one must read the 

book. The Journal is resumed in 

New York where Mitchel continues 

the fight against Ireland's 

enemies, in his newspaper The 

Citizen. 

He became involved with the 

Fenian Movement, acting for a 

short period as its Financial 

Agent in Paris. He disliked secret 

organizations and only actively 

supported the Movement while 

it seemed probable or possible 

that England would be engaged 

in a European war. 

fHE book's inside cover notes 

are incorrect in stating that 

Mitchel did not see Ireland again. 

During his years of exile his love 

and longing for his native land 

intensified and in 1874, deciding 

to risk arrest, he returned for a 

short visit. 

He returned again in 1875, 

having been invited to stand for 

election as the Home Rule candidate 

for Tipperary. He made 

no secret of his dislike for Home 

'"Irish Steam", by O. S. Nock 

(David and Charles, 225 pp, 

£6.95). 

" I RISH Steam deals with the ce- 

' velopmcnts in the locomotive 

field on the Irish railways between 

1920 and 1939. Recovering from 

the effects of the first World War 

and subsequent military engagements 

In Ireland, it was mostly a 

case of "make do and mend". The 

newly-formed Great Southern Railways 

was beset by the usual problems 

associated with trying to weld 

together a cohesive organisation 

from previous competing constituents. 

This is difficult in most industries, 

but with railways greater obstacles 

have to be overcome as loyalties 

to companies' •practices persevere. 

Coupled with the general 

industrial depression, scope for experimentation 

was limited. 

In the North, the Northern Counties 

Committee found itself working 

under the directives of its newlycreated 

owners, the L.M.S., while 

the County Down muddled along in 

its losing battle with increasing bus 

competition. 

The one bright spark was the 

ever-enterprising Great Northern 

Railway. Allowed to remain intact 

because of the intervention of the 

border, this "international railway", 

as the author rather quaintly describes 

it, set about rebuilding its 

reputation as one of the best of 

European railways. 

/~\LDER locomotives were rebuilt 

* ' with much improved results ( not 

always the case with steam engines) 

and a new series of compounds, 

Rule but agreed to stand, taking 

the invitation as a testimony of 

the people's appreciation, and on 

the understanding that he would 

never enter the English House 

of Commons. He was elected (3 

lu> immense pleasure, by 3,114 

votes to 746 and regarded his 

election as an act of defiance t9 

the enemy. He died soon afterwards 

on March 20th, 1875, art 

unrepentant rebel to the end. 

It has been said, dismissively, 

that the overriding factor in 

Mitchel's personality was his ex 

treme hatred of England Certainly. 

it would be foolish ta 

argue that he ever spoke favourably 

of the arrogance and 

hypocrisy which was England's 

trademark. Mitchel's contempt 

for England can only be measured 

in relation to the great 

love he bore for Ireland and his 

anguish at the injustice and 

oppression perpetrated by the 

Saxon upon the wretched, down 

trodden Irish peasant It was not 

that he loved Caesar less, but 

that he loved Rome more. "I was 

the enemy of England, only be 

cause England (that is the English 

Empire, English Government„ 

English thing, as Cobbett called 

it) is the enemy of the human 

race." 

Mitchel's Jail Journal began 

on May 27th, 1848, when he was 

taken in chains from prison to 

ship. Leaving behind him Dublin 

City, he pronounced it to be a 

"city of bellowing slaves and 

genteel dastards." It was to be 

forty-one years after Mitchel's 

death before another young lawyer, 

visionary and revolutionary, 

inspired and driven by Mitchel's 

concept of a free and independent 

Ireland, would ignite the 

beacon of Irish freedom in the 

heart of Dublin thereby taking 

the first steps to expiate and reverse 

Mitchel's harsh eondem 

nation. 

A preface by Arthur Griffith 

concludes by saying of Mitchel, 

"This was a Man." 1 can think 

of no finer tribute other than ta 

say, a Man's just a Man for all 

that; Mitchel. the magnificent 

exponent of Irish Nationalism, 

was a great Irish Man. 

QUEENS THAT NEVER REIGNED 

where the steam is used twice, parsing 

from a high-pressure to lowpressure 

cylinders, were provided 

for the Dublin to Belfast main line. 

Tiie colours of the passenger locomotives 

and coaches were changed 

to a beautiful blue, which survived 

among the dreary blacks and greens 

of C.I.E. and U.T.A. until the untimely 

death of the G.N.R. in 1958. 

It was not until 1939 that lnclncore 

works returned to the prominence 

in railway manufacturing 

circles it had enjoyed prior to 19'JO 

In that year, the doors of the erecting 

shop opened and Mr Bredin's 

staff showed the world the first of 

their magnificent "Queens'. 

"Maedhbh" was built to preve 

that the Great Southern was determined 

to be among the leaders 

when it came to express passenger 

train running. She was soon followed 

by her sisters, "Macha" and 

"Tailte". 

1 Tnfortunately, it was a case of 

what might have been. The 

second World War had its effect in 

.neutral Ireland. Travel J>ecame 

restricted, visitors stopped coming 

and the supply of first class British 

steam coal dried up After the 

war C.I.E. opted for diesels und 

so the "Queens" never achieved 

the regal acclaim which was their 

due. 

Mr Nock has adequately summarised 

developments in the locomotive 

policies of various Irijh 

railways. Included in the book are 

a number of logs" of performances 

"on the road" bv the principle 

express types. 

BRIAN 

WILKINSON

THE IRISH DEMOCRAT September 1983 

BEARINGS 

BY 

DONAIL 

MacAMHLAIGH 

: ' >; i'l i: oj \i urs hjjo in ii • 

ini:d 1 had a mildly 

disturb 

nu: Mwii ncc. I wonder if un\ 

'••I . r-, km . heard of the FOIDIN 

Ml A f\ AI — I don't know n 

tin r. \ anv hand English equi • 

altnl. hat it's a hind of dis 

i ;en!a! n>r, which can sometime-

Irish Democrat September 1983

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