Iolkos and Pagasai: Two New Thessalian Mints* - Royal Numismatic ...

Iolkos and Pagasai:
Two New Thessalian Mints *
KATERINI LIAMPI
[PLATE 3]
THE purpose of this article is to present two new issues of bronze coins of about
the middle of the 4th century BC from Iolkos and Pagasai, neighbouring cities
on the Pagasitic Gulf in eastern Thessaly, which have not hitherto been credited
convincingly with any coinage.
IOLKOS
In legend founded by Kretheus, the grandfather of Jason, Iolkos was the
starting-point of the expedition of the Argonauts in prehistoric times. 1 Our
knowledge of the city in historic times is very limited. 2 Stephanos Byzantios and
Hesychios (s.v. ������) both call it a Thessalian city, and Herodotos (V, 94)
reports that the Thessalians offered it to the Peisistratid Hippias (511/510 BC).
In the 4th century BC, Pseudo-Skylax (Peripl. 65 [GGM I, pp. 50-1{Müller}])
describes it as������������������������������(so too the Schol. ad Pind., Nem.
IV). 3 By contrast, in his only reference to the Iolkos of historic times, Strabo
(IX, 5, 15) calls it not a polis but a polichne, as does Plutarch (Demetr. 53, 3);
* This study was presented in preliminary form as a lecture at the ‘Periapto’ Association on 22
November 2000. Warm thanks are due to the comments on that occasion of Dr Miriam Caskey, Mr
V. Demetriadi, the archaeologist Mr Ch. Intzesiloglou, Prof. Dr P. Marzolff, Dr Cleopatra
Papaevangelou–Genakos, and Prof. Dr Erika Simon. I thank also Mr P. Magoulas who photographed
the casts
1 For the myths concerning prehistoric Iolkos, see Jessen 1914, col. 759, s.v. Iason; Lordkipanidze
1985, pp. 9, 15, 21-2, 35, 46; Severin 1985, passim; Papageorgiou – Steiros – Hourmouziadis 1994,
p. 23; Papageorgiou 2003, pp. 85-98; Doumas 2003, p. 23. For the identification of Mycenaean
Iolkos as Dimini, see Intzesiloglou 1994, pp. 31-56, especially p. 50, Pl. II; Intzesiloglou (Volos
1994), pp. 71-83; see likewise Batziou–Efstathiou (Volos 1994), pp. 59-69; for an interesting
analysis of the Mycenaean centres of the Pagasitic gulf, see Hourmouziadis – Asimakopoulou–
Atzaka – Makris 1982, pp. 33-7 (Hourmouziadis); Adrymi–Sismani 1992, pp. 272-8; Adrymi–
Sismani (Volos 1994), pp. 17-43; Adrymi–Sismani 2000, pp. 279-81.
2 For discussion of its exact location, see Bakhuizen 1979, p. 64 (on a hill of Goritsa);
Intzesiloglou 1994, pp. 31, 37, 48-9, Pls 36, 50 (the site of Palia); Intzesiloglou (Volos 1994), pp. 79-
83; Malakasioti (Volos 1994), pp. 47-54; Batziou–Efstathiou (Volos 1994), p. 68; Intzesiloglou
1996, p. 97; Marzolff 1996, p. 49.
3 On the evidence that it belonged to Magnesia, see Intzesiloglou 1994, p. 35.

24
KATERINI LIAMPI
but Strabo is here describing the group of villages and small cities which were
synoecized to form the new city of Demetrias, and probably uses the word
polichnai loosely to cover them all.
The Magnetes 4 were subject to the tyrants of Pherai, except for a short period
after 363 BC when they came under the Boiotians. We shall see that Philip II
later placed the region under his control. Around 294/293 BC, Demetrios
Poliorketes founded Demetrias, 5 which became the royal Macedonian
residence 6 and a naval station (Strabo IX, 5, 15). The inhabitants of the cities or
settlements which had joined the synoecism formed demes within the new city.
Thus the demos of the Iolkians occurs in a decree of the 3rd century BC. 7 A
stone with two inscriptions from the period of Antigonos Gonatas appears to
show that the heroes of the cities that joined in the synoecism of Demetrias were
worshipped there. 8 Thereafter, the sources make no further reference to Iolkos,
apart from an occasion in 169 BC when Eumenes II and the Romans camped
there in order to attack Demetrias (Livy XLIV, 12, 8 and 13, 5).
Until recently coins of Iolkos were unknown, but a few years ago I was
fortunate enough to see five bronze coins in a private collection in Germany
with the legend ���������as follows.
Obv. Head of Iolkian Artemis r. with hair in a low krobylos and a quiver at her
neck. She wears pendent earrings and a necklace. Border of dots.
Rev. �������. Prow of Argo l. with apotropaic eye and schematised waves
below, like pellets. On stem-post, an oak branch (?). AE, 12 mm. All coins are
illustrated on Pl. 3.
Die-Axis (h) Wt. (g)
1. O1/R1 a. 09 1.53 Private collection (found in Thessaly).
On the obverse there is an oblique incision in the hair.
b. 12 2.26 Private collection (found in Thessaly).
c. 12 2.19 Private collection.
On the obverse of 1b and 1c there is a small die-break in front of the forehead,
and on 1c a small diagonal break in front of the mouth.
2. O2/R1 a. 06 1.68 Private collection (found in Thessaly).
b. 01 2.53 Private collection (found near Larisa).
4 For the history of Magnesia, see Stählin 1928, cols 464-7, s.v. Magnesia (1).
5 Marzolff 1980, pp. 24-35 (with sources and bibliography); Cohen 1995, pp. 111-4.
6 For the development and building phases of the new city, see Marzolff 1992, pp. 337-48;
Marzolff 1994, pp. 57-70; Marzolff 1996, p. 51; Marzolff (Mainz am Rhein 1996), pp. 148-63. See
also Hourmouziadis – Asimakopoulou–Atzaka – Makris 1982, pp. 40-2 (Hourmouziadis).
7 Intzesiloglou 1996, pp. 97-100 (graph 1), with discussion of the administrative organisation of
Demetrias under Macedonian rule. Two citizens of Demetrias are recorded with the demotic Iolkios:�
������������������(IG IX 2, 1109, l. 6), and����������������������������(Helly 1971, pp. 555-9).
8 Leschhorn 1984, pp. 264-7, with references.

IOLKOS AND PAGASAI 25
A die-flaw resembling a small globule on the only known reverse die occurs in
the upper left field of all the coins.
The two obverse dies appear to be more or less contemporary since they are
clearly by the same hand and the reverse die with which they are coupled shows
the same degree of wear with both. The flans of all the coins are very thick,
resembling those of other Thessalian coins dated to the first half and middle of
the 4th century BC. The die-axes are irregular and some of the coins are poorly
centred. The diameter of all coins is consistent and does not exceed 12 mm.
With an average weight of 2.03g our coins seem to be chalkoi, denomination C
in the analysis of Papaevangelou-Genakos and the smallest bronze minted in
Thessaly. 9
The letters of the legend are not particularly revealing for dating purposes, but
are consistent with the Ionian alphabet of the 4th century BC, having, for
example, a fairly large omega. The ethnic������������������� is known from the
written sources (Stephanos Byzantios, s.v.��������� and also from inscriptions. 10
The head of Artemis has a bulbous eye with thick eyelashes set at an angle and
a markedly arched eyebrow, a low forehead, an almost triangular jutting chin,
and a flat cheek. As we shall see, it bears some similarity to the head of Apollo
Pagasaios on the coins of Pagasai. For dating purposes the most important
feature is the hair, which is in the so-called melon style. This style appeared
shortly before the middle of the 4th century BC, reached its peak of popularity
during the 3rd century BC, but continued in use sporadically in sculpture,
figurines, and coins. The style appears on the head of Ennodia on coins of
Pherai issued under the tyrant Alexander (369-358 BC) and in the name of the
city in the second quarter of the 4th century BC, 11 and on the head of Artemis on
the coins of Ekkarra. 12 In addition to these Thessalian mints, a similar style
appears on the head of Artemis on coins of Orthagoreia 13 and of Philip II, both
dated by Le Rider to around 342/341-329/328 BC, 14 and on the head of Artemis
on the silver coinage of the Scythian king Ateas 15 during the second half of the
4th century BC under the influence of the coins of Philip II. There are many
parallels in sculpture and figurines. 16 Note in particular a grave relief from Agria
9
Papaevangelou–Genakos 2004, p. 47.
10
IG IX 2, 1109, l. 6.
11
Wartenberg 1994, pp. 151-6, Pl. 159, no. 15 (Alexander); no. 8 (Pherae).
12 Liampi 1998, pp. 417-39.
13 Gaebler 1935, pp. 92-3, nos 1-3, Pl. 18, nos 21-3.
14 Le Rider 1977, pp. 395-6, Pl. 43, nos 504-11 (Amphipolis II, B).
15 SNG BM (Black Sea) 200; for a better preserved example, see Numismatica Genevensis 1 (A.
Baron, Geneva, 27/11/2000), no. 76.
16 For example a Bear from Brauron (Themelis (-), p. 70, fig. 16 b), and a terracotta female
figurine found in a grave near Nea Anchialos in Thessaly (Hourmouziadis – Asimakopoulou–Atzaka
– Makris 1982, p. 65, fig. 35 (Hourmouziadis)).

26
KATERINI LIAMPI
in the Iolkitis of the last quarter of the 4th century BC, on which the deceased
young woman is shown with melon hair style and flat krobylos. 17
The head of Artemis on the coins of Iolkos thus suits a 4th century BC date. In
hairstyle and modelling it bears little relation to the head of Artemis on the
obverse of the silver coins of Demetrias with prow reverse issued, according to
Furtwängler, around 287-285/284 BC, several years after the foundation, 18 or to
the head on the contemporary bronzes of Demetrias, 19 and still less to the head
on the coins of Demetrias at the beginning of the 2nd century BC. 20
The Artemis depicted on the coins of Iolkos is undoubtedly the important local
divinity Artemis Iolkia. 21 This is the only known representation of the goddess
from Iolkos itself before it joined in the synoecism which formed Demetrias.
Papachatzis believes that she is a Mycenaean divinity probably worshipped as a
goddess of childbirth rather than of the hunt, 22 but the quiver at her neck on the
coins of Iolkos and, as we shall see, on the Imperial coins of the Magnetes
shows that she is the huntress. The modern church of the Hagioi Theodoroi at
Palia (Iolkos) in Volos may occupy the site of her temple. 23 Inscriptions from
Demetrias mention the goddess, her priestess 24 and her peripteral temple, whose
foundations were discovered in the sacred agora of the Macedonian city, south
of the palace. 25 The goddess is mentioned in Hellenistic inscriptions as a
member of a triad with Apollo Koropaios and Zeus Akraios, by whose names
the Magnetes swore their oaths. 26
Artemis Iolkia and her cult statue were discussed by Franke and Schultz in
two important works. Franke published a bronze coin struck by the Magnetes
under Severus Alexander (AD 222-235), with on the reverse an enthroned
female figure with a sceptre (?) and phiale or pomegranate (?), identified as
Artemis by the legend ������. He argued that the depiction was a copy of a
17 Biesantz 1965, pp. 12, 131, no. K16, Pl. 21.
18 Boston 872; McClean Collection 4567; Furtwängler 1990, p. 307, Emission A, Pl. 3.
19 Rogers 1932, p. 73, no. 206, fig. 87, differs stylistically from coins of Demetrias recovered in
excavations at Demetrias (see Furtwängler 1990, pp. 124-8, 317, Pls 25, 35-6), and I have strong
reservations about its attribution.
20 BMC (Thessaly to Aetolia), p. 18, no. 1, Pl. 3, no. 1 (wrongly dated to the period after the
founding of the city); Furtwängler 1990, pp. 308-10, Emission B, Pl. 4.
21 Drexler 1890-4, col. 290, s.v. Iolkia; Adler 1916, col. 1850, s.v. Iolkia; Stählin 1916, cols 1853-
4, s.v�����������������; Stählin – Meyer – Heidner 1934, p. 187.
22 Papachatzis 1984, pp. 148-9.
23 Stählin 1924, p. 65; Arvanitopoulos 1928, p. 105, fig. 112; Marzolff 1996, p. 49; the possibility
is also mentioned by Hourmouziadis in Hourmouziadis – Asimakopoulou–Atzaka – Makris 1982, p.
98.
24 IG IX 2, 1109, l. 55 (goddess); IG IX 2, 1122 (priestess).
25 Marzolff 1976, pp. 47-58 (with earlier bibliography); Marzolff 1996, p. 56; Batziou–Efstathiou
1996, p. 18. An inscription from Cletor, IG V 2, 367, col. IV, l. 45, refers to her sanctuary at
Demetrias.
26 IG IX 2, 1109, l. 54-5.

IOLKOS AND PAGASAI 27
sculptural type, probably of the 4th/3rd century BC. 27 Schultz took the argument
further, 28 using another coin of the Magnetes with a portrait of Julia Domna (AD
211-217) on the obverse, and on the reverse an enthroned female figure. Rogers
had read the reverse legend as ���������� ������ ���, 29 but Schultz
corrected it to� ������� ������� and noted an enthroned female figure with a
fuller version of the legend,� �������� ������� ��������, on coins of the
Magnetes under Antoninus Pius (AD 138-161). This figure holds a flower (?) in
one hand and an arrow in the other, and has a quiver at her shoulder. The minor
differences in attributes do not undermine the hypothesis that a single statue lies
behind these representations of Artemis Iolkia, as Schultz rightly notes. 30
The warship prow on the reverse of the coins of Iolkos is rendered in
considerable detail 31 and their good state of preservation allows us to discern the
deck, the stem-post, the beak, the ram and the apotropaic eye. This prow differs
from those depicted at other mints in the area, namely Thebes in Phthiotis 32
(though a few dies show a similarity in the depiction of the stem-post 33 ), and
Demetrias (see nn. 18-20). The prow with slightly curving stem-post on several
silver issues of the Magnetes in the 2nd century BC bears some resemblance,
although there the waves on the keel are more skilfully drawn. 34 Nor does the
prow on the bronze coins of Demetrios Poliorketes attributed to the northern
region bear much resemblance. 35 The prow emblem, ���������, found on the
seals of Demetrias is very different from the prow on the Iolkian coins (see
below).
Was the prow on the reverse of the coins of Iolkos simply a warship, or was it
the Argo? The prow on the coins of Demetrias, both those issued a few years
after the synoecism (287-285/284 BC; see nn. 18-19) and those struck around
192/191 BC (see n. 20), has nothing to identify it as the Argo. Before 168 BC
the silver and bronze coins issued by the Koinon of the Magnetes (see n. 34) had
the same types as the coins of Demetrias, but with the legend ��������. After
168/167 BC, when the Second Koinon of the Magnetes was established, its
drachms depicted Artemis on the prow, 36 identified as Artemis ��������,
27 Franke 1967, pp. 62-4, figs 1-3 (with sources and bibliography). See also the discussion in Kron
– Furtwängler 1983, p. 168 (with n. 66) (Furtwängler).
28 Schultz 1975, pp. 14-6, figs 1-6.
29 Rogers 1932, pp. 118-9, no. 370, fig. 190.
30 Schultz 1975, p. 16. See also Kahil – Icard 1984, p. 671, no. 657, s.v. Artemis.
31 For the parts of the prow, see Svoronos 1914, pp. 81-152; Höckmann 1985, pp. 154-5; Morello
1998, pp. 28-9, 38, 93-4.
32 BMC (Thessaly to Aetolia), p. 50, no. 1, Pl. 11, no. 3; Rogers 1932, pp. 174-5, nos 550-1, figs
306-8.
33
Winterthur 1723.
34
BMC (Thessaly to Aetolia), p. 34, no. 1, Pl. 7, no. 2; Furtwängler 1990, pp. 310-5, Emission C–
F, Pls 5, 7-8.
35
Newell 1927, Pl. 17, nos 15, 19 (in the Hellespont region).
36
Furtwängler 1990, pp. 312-6, Emission D-G, Pls 7-8.

28
KATERINI LIAMPI
protectress of ships 37 (Apoll. Rhod., Argon. I, 570, in connection with the
expedition of the Argonauts), rather than Iolkia. This prow seems to have no
specific historical or political significance, and seems thus to be analogous to
the Apollo-on-prow type of the coins of Antigonos Doson: the significance was
purely cultic, for ships and fleets always had protecting divinities. 38 The reverse
type of the bronzes of the Magnetes is again the prow, but without the figure of
Artemis. Thus it appears that the prow on the coins of Demetrias and the
Magnetes was not that of the Argo but simply a ship that symbolised the
importance of the port of Demetrias. During Imperial times the Magnetes issued
coins that clearly depict the Argo, for on these the ship’s name is written
����. 39 The representation is considered 40 to be different from those on the
Hellenistic coins of the Magnetes because the entire ship is depicted together
with the oarsmen. The Argo is also depicted in Imperial times on the bronze
coins of Sidon; these bear the legend ��������, 41 identifying the crew, the
Argonauts.
Similarly, during the Hellenistic period the clay sealings of Demetrias
sometimes depict a prow, on which occasionally stands a helmeted nude warrior
holding a round shield and a spear or sword. 42 The latter has been identified as
the oikistes-archegetes, Demetrios Poliorketes, founder of Demetrias, where he
was buried and worshipped as a hero until the power of Macedon was broken. 43
Furtwängler is doubtless correct in supposing that it is the public seal of
Demetrias. 44 The new excavations of the north wing of the palace at Demetrias
have brought to light the marble base of a dedication carved in the form of a
prow. 45 Clearly this does not refer to the Argo, but symbolises the Macedonian
fleet, which was based at Demetrias, if it is not a direct reference to Demetrios
Poliorketes himself.
In contrast, the prow on the coins of Iolkos can hardly have been intended to
symbolise a fleet. Neighbouring Pagasai was the harbour of Pherai under the
37 Kron – Furtwängler 1983, p. 168 (Furtwängler); Moustaka 1983, p. 35.
38 For the coins of Antigonos Doson, see SNG München (Makedonien: Könige) 1121-3; for related
discussion, see Kron – Furtwängler 1983, pp. 165-7 (Furtwängler) and Moustaka 1983, p. 35.
39 Rogers 1932, pp. 119-20, nos 373-4, fig. 191 (Alexander Severus); p. 120, no. 375, fig. 193
(Maximinus); p. 122, no. 379, fig. 196 (Gordian III); pp. 122-3, no. 380, figs 197-8 (Trebonianus
Gallus); p. 123, no. 380, fig. 199 (Valerian Senior); p. 123, no. 381 (Gallienus). See also Voegtli
1977, p. 136.
40 Kron – Furtwängler 1983, p. 168 (Furtwängler); Moustaka 1983, p. 35.
41 BMC (Phoenicia) p. 196, no. 309, Pl. 25, no. 7; p. 199, no. 322 (Alexander Severus); ibid., p.
cxv (with n. 2) reports a coin of Soaimias with the legend ARG[O] in Berlin; Blatter 1984, pp. 591-
9, no. 8, s.v. Argonautai. See also Voegtli 1977, p. 137.
42 Kron – Furtwängler 1983, pp. 147-68, Pls 1-9; see especially Pl. 2, 3c-e.
43 Kron – Furtwängler 1983, pp. 149-51, 162-3 (Kron), where it is clear that there was in Greek art
a tradition of depicting the founders of cities on the prow of a ship; Leschhorn 1984, p. 266.
44 Kron – Furtwängler 1983, p. 149 (Furtwängler).
45 Batziou–Efstathiou 2000, p. 299, figs 13-4.

IOLKOS AND PAGASAI 29
Pheraian tyrants and under Philip II (see below), and, whereas the sources refer
constantly to the harbour of Pagasai, they never mention one at Iolkos. Iolkos is
unlikely to have developed her own harbour to rival that of Pagasai or to have
acquired a fleet. The prow will therefore have been a symbol of the city rather
than of a fleet, and as such will surely have been that of the Argo. Note also that
the prow on the coins bears a clear resemblance, right down to details, to the
prow of the Argo depicted on an Archaic metope (c.570 BC) at Delphi which
was reused as building material in the later Treasury of the Sikyonians, although
it is in fragmentary condition and the stem-post is missing. 46 Whether the
Iolkians had any connection with the Archaic metope at Delphi, or had a similar
monument in their own city is not known.
Finally, it should be noted that the slightly curving stem-post on the prow of
the Iolkos coins has a decorative element at the top, which bears no resemblance
to the goose’s head or fillet that occur on other stem-posts (see Pl. 3, 1c). 47 I
suggest that it may be a schematised branch with a leaf, for Apollonios Rhodios
(Argon. I, 526-7; IV, 582-3) records that Athena attached to the prow of the Argo
a piece of wood cut from an oak in the sacred forest of Dodona, which could
speak and forecast the future: ������������������������������������������������
��������������������������������������� 48 The word ������ refers to the keel
of the ship, where the oak wood was placed. Apollodoros, Biblioth. I, IX, 16,
likewise reports that Athena attached the oak wood to the prow: ����� ��� ����
������� ���������� ������ ������� ������ ���� ���������� �����. So too the
Orphics (Argon. 266-8; similar information in 1155-7): ��� ����� �������������
��������� ������ �������� ��� ��� ����������� ������ ����� ���� �������� �� ���������
����������. If the decoration on the stem-post is a branch, the prow must be that
of the �������� ���� (Orph., Argon. 244). A column krater of 470-460 BC
depicts a female head on the stem-post of the Argo, which Richter believed was
reminiscent of the sacred wood that pronounced oracles; she thought the scene
was inspired by Aischylos (fr. 8). 49
There thus seems little doubt that the prow on our coins was that of the Argo.
One might compare the prow of the Samaina on silver (469-440/439 and 398-
365 BC) and bronze (412-405 and 390-190 BC) coins of Samos. 50 This has been
interpreted as the ���������, or emblem, of the city, like the ship’s prow on the
coins of other cities, for example Apollonia Pontica. 51
46 Marcadé – Croissant 1991, pp. 42-4, fig. 8c; see also Blatter 1984, p. 593, no. 2, s.v.
Argonautai; Basch 1987, p. 240, figs 501-3, especially 502.
47
Basch 1987, p. 428, fig. 928 (goose’s head); Blatter 1984, p. 594, no. 10, s.v. Argonautai (fillet).
48
Papachatzis (1984, p. 145) interprets the oak bough as evidence that the local inhabitants
practised magic before the appearance of Medea.
49
Richter 1935, pp. 182-4, figs 1-2; see also Hammond – Moon 1978, p. 377, fig. 7.
50
Barron 1966, Pl. 9, nos 33-4; Pl. 16, nos 1-6; Pl. 22, nos 1-7; Pl. 27, nos 1-2; Pl. 31, nos 7, 11.
51 Stankov 1996, pp. 23-8.

30
KATERINI LIAMPI
As we have seen, the head of Artemis on the Iolkian coins has parallels with
female heads in sculpture and especially on coins datable to the middle of the
4th century BC and onwards, while their flans are similar to those of other
Thessalian coins from before and around the middle of the 4th century BC. The
foundation of Demetrias in 294/293 BC provides a terminus ante quem. It thus
seems reasonable to date the Iolkian coins to around the middle or second half
of the fourth century. The principal political event for the cities of the Pagasitic
gulf in this period was, as we shall see, the overthrow of the tyrants of Pherai by
Philip II, after which the cities became autonomous. This would be a plausible,
if unprovable, occasion for Iolkos to issue her own coins. The choice of types,
Artemis Iolkia and the prow of the Argo, emphasises the cult of the most
important local divinity and the famous expedition that sailed from Iolkos, and
would serve to express the independence of the Iolkians. 52
PAGASAI
Pagasai is connected with the expedition of the Argonauts. According to Strabo
IX, 5, 15, its name derived either ����������������������������, since the Argo
was built there, or from its abundant springs. 53 In the 4th century, Pseudo-
Skylax (Peripl. 64 [GGM I, pp. 50-1], {Müller}) refers to Classical Pagasai 54 as
a ����� and ������������. Strabo IX, 5, 15, describes Pagasai as a polichne when
it took part in the synoecism of Demetrias, but, as we have seen above, he seems
to use this word indiscriminately when referring to the various settlements, big
and small, which made up the synoecism. Pliny, NH IV, 29, states that Pagasai
was renamed Demetrias.
The history of Pagasai is covered more fully than that of Iolkos in the ancient
sources. 55 Xerxes sailed to it with his fleet before the battle of Salamis, and the
Greek fleet stayed in its harbour immediately after the battle (Herodotos VII,
193; Plutarch, Them. XX, 1). In the middle of the 5th century BC, Hermippos
52 The theme was of course familiar. Larisa, for example, depicted Jason’s sandal on its earliest
coins of Persian and Aiginetan weight; his head in a petasos also occurs on some issues: Herrmann
1925, pp. 3-4, Pl. 1, nos 1-5; p. 9, Pl. 1, no. 6; p. 21, Pl. 2, nos 5-6.
53 For further suggestions concerning the etymology, see Arvanitopoulos 1928, pp. 15, 71-2;
Meyer 1942, cols 2297-9, s.v. Pagasai. For discussion of the location of Pagasai in the Mycenaean
period, see Stählin 1924, pp. 66-8; Stählin 1928, cols 470-1, s.v. Magnesia (1); Meyer 1942, cols
2299-2304, s.v. Pagasai; Batziou–Efstathiou 1992, pp. 279-85; Batziou–Efstathiou (Volos 1994),
pp. 59-69; Intzesiloglou 1994, pp. 42-5.
54 For discussion on the location of Classical Pagasai, see Batziou–Efstathiou 1996, pp. 11-2
(northern part of Demetrias); Intzesiloglou 1994, pp. 32-3, 43-5, 49-50, Pl. II (Nees Pagases);
Intzesiloglou 1996, p. 97; Marzolff 1996, pp. 47-9, fig. 1 (Soros); for the Archaic sanctuary of Soros,
perhaps of that of Apollo Pagasaios, and the finds, see Bakhuizen (1987), p. 323. See also
Hourmouziadis – Asimakopoulou–Atzaka – Makris 1982, p. 99 (Hourmouziadis); Di Salvatore
1994, pp. 115-6; Reinders 2003, p. 19.
55 Meyer 1942, col. 2307-9, s.v. Pagasai.

IOLKOS AND PAGASAI 31
reports (Athenaios, Deipnos. I, 27 f. Hermippos [Comicorum Atticorum
Fragmenta I {Kock}, 63, l. 19]) that it had an extensive slave trade, which
continued during the 4th century in Thessaly. The harbour of Pagasai certainly
handled import-export trade (Athenaios, Deipnos. III, 112b; Plutarch, Apophth.
Reg. 17E, Epaminondas). Xenophon, Hell. V, 4, 56, reports that in 377 BC the
Thebans, hit by a crop failure, sent two triremes to Pagasai to buy grain to the
value of ten talents of silver. In 373 BC on his way to Thrace with the Athenian
fleet, Timotheos stopped at the harbour of Pagasai where he met Jason the tyrant
of Pherai. 56 Polyainos (Strat. VI, 1, 6; VI, 2, 1) notes the subservience of Pagasai
to Pherai, 57 particularly to the tyrants Jason and Alexander, and tells us that
Jason, who lived in Pherai, was poor, while his brother Meriones, who lived in
Pagasai and derived money from the port, was rich; in his absence, Jason stole
20 talents of silver from him. 58 Alexander of Pherai had a close connection with
Pagasai since members of his family, and sometimes he himself, stayed there
(Polyainos, Strat. VI, 1, 6). The home port of his fleet was Pagasai, which he
fortified with strong walls (Polyainos, Strat. VI, 2, 1; Theopompos FGrHist 115
F352). 59 He was worshipped there as founder and the cult was transferred to
Demetrias. 60
The situation changed when Philip II of Macedon entered the region, at the
request of the Aleuadai of Larisa, to confront the Pheraian tyrants in 354/353
BC, and captured Pagasai. 61 Ten years later Pherai finally fell to Philip, and the
cities of Magnesia achieved their independence (Diod. XVI, 69, 8; Demosth.
XIX, 260; Hegesippos in Demosth. VII, 32; Demosth. VIII, 59). 62 Demosthenes
(I, 22) adds that Philip held on to the harbour taxes from Pagasai, which
obviously gave him a significant income. 63 On the basis of Demosthenes and
56
Sprawski 1999, p. 90.
57
Pagasai was identified variously as a Thessalian city (Pseudo-Skyl., Peripl. 64 [GGM I, pp. 50-
1 {Müller}]; Etym. Magn. 646, 39), as Phthiotian (Ptolem. III, 13, 17) and as Magnesian (Apoll.
Rhod., Argon. I, 238). Theopompos (FGrHist 115 F53) (Harpokration, s.v.� �������) knows it as�
��������� ������� shortly before the middle of the 4th century BC, information repeated by Strabo
(IX, 5, 15), Eustathios (ad Hom., Il. II, 711) and Photios (Lexicon, s.v. �������).
58
Sprawski 1999, pp. 51-2.
59
Arvanitopoulos 1928, pp. 78, 80 (with n. 1) suggests that the slave trade required a walled city
in order to prevent escapes.
60
Leschhorn 1984, p. 267.
61
Sordi 1958, pp. 243-60; for the problems concerning the capture of Pagasai, see pp. 355-7;
Hammond – Griffith 1979, pp. 259-64, 267-81, 285-95 (Griffith). For the course of events, see
Demosth. I, 9; 12-13; Diod. XVI, 34, 4-5; 35, 1-3 and 3-6; 31, 6; 37, 3; 38, 1: here the toponym
������� in the manuscripts must surely be corrected to Pagasai - see Martin 1981, pp. 191, 193-5,
197-8; Di Salvatore 1981-2, pp. 35-7.
62
Sordi 1958, pp. 275-93; Hammond – Griffith 1979, pp. 523-44 (Griffith); Di Salvatore 1981-2,
pp. 30-4 (with earlier bibliography). Martin 1981, pp. 188-201, argues that Pherai fell after the
capture of Pagasai; see also Di Salvatore 1981-2, pp. 34-48. Griffith argues that Pherai was captured
before Pagasai: Hammond – Griffith 1979, p. 278.
63
Sprawski 1999, pp. 54, 112.

32
KATERINI LIAMPI
other sources, Bakhuizen 64 argues that when Philip took Pagasai, he gave it to
the Magnetes until 344 BC; then, in response to a request from the Thessalians,
he gave them the city because of the importance of its harbour.
In 341 or 340, the politician Kallias of Chalkis 65 in alliance with Athens seized
all the cities of the Pagasitic gulf, among them presumably Pagasai
(Demosthenes, Epist. [Philipp.] XII, 5). This was, however, a temporary
situation. Two inscriptions, one from Delphi (c.325 BC) and one from Argos
(time of Alexander III), make it clear that Pagasai was an independent city from
354/353 to 294/293 BC; in both the inhabitants are referred to as Pagasitans. 66
After the synoecism of Pagasai into Demetrias, the Pagasitans shared the
fortunes of Demetrias, as is evident from inscriptions of the Koinon of the
Magnetes that refer to Aitolion son of Demetrius with his demotic as a
Pagasitan. 67
In 1794 Eckhel 68 described an autonomous coin with the legend ����������
within a wreath of ivy leaves. He referred to Goltz, who was the first to attribute
the coin to Pagasai (with an engraved illustration) and who was followed by
Gessner and Bentinck, while Sestini attributed it to Parion. 69 Eckhel also
suspected that it was issued by Parion. No other specimen has been recorded,
and if the coin is not one of Goltz’s many fantasies, 70 it may perhaps belong to
Paros: there is no reason to give it to either Pagasai or Parion.
We now have a unique bronze coin whose ethnic puts its attribution beyond
doubt:
Obv. Laureate head of Apollo Pagasaios three quarter facing r. Border of dots.
Rev. ���������������. Seven-stringed lyre. Pl. 3, 3.
Die-Axis (h) Wt. (g)
1. 05 2.34 Private Collection, New York; found near Volos.
With a diameter of 13mm and weight of 2.34g, the coin is comparable to those
of Iolkos, and is probably likewise a chalkous. Like the Iolkian coins, it has a
thick flan. The letters of the ethnic, like those on the coins of Iolkos, seem to be
4th century BC in date, though it is impossible to be more precise. The ethnics
recorded elsewhere for the citizens of Pagasai are ����������� ����������
��������� (poetic), the possessive ��������������, and ���������. 71 The
Pagasites that corresponds to the legend of the coin is known as an ethnic in
64 Bakhuizen 1987, pp. 320-1, 324-5.
65 Meyer 1942, col. 2308, s.v. Pagasai; Hammond – Griffith 1979, pp. 593-5 (Griffith).
66 Bousquet 1988, pp. 183-4 (with n. 11); IG IV, 617, l. 4.
67 IG IX 2, 1100, l. 4-5; IG IX 2, 1109, l. 4.
68
Eckhel 1794, p. 146.
69
Goltz 1708, p. 116 (Nomismata Insularum Graeciae, Pl. 21); Gessner 1738, Pl. 49, no. 19;
Sestini 1779, p. 28, no. 23; Bentinck 1787, p. 1006.
70
See for example Masson 1991, pp. 60-5. I owe this reference to Richard Ashton.
71
Meyer 1942, col. 2298, s.v. Pagasai. For the characterisation of Jason and Apollo as Pagasaios
and Artemis as Pagasitis, see also Kruse 1942, col. 2309, s.v. Pagasaios.

IOLKOS AND PAGASAI 33
Classical and later sources, including an inscription of the Koinon of the
Magnetes, where, as we have seen, Pagasites is used as a demotic. 72 The same
epithet is given to Apollo by Hesychios (s.v. ���������).
The head on the obverse, which has a modest beauty, is not large; the face is
long and delicately worked, without plastic mass. It is framed by hair rendered
on the right as a solid mass, on the left as wavy ringlets. The neck is short; the
eyes are narrow, and the eyeballs drawn in linear fashion. The lips, rendered as
parallel lines, enclose a small mouth. These features occur also on the head of
Artemis Iolkia on the bronzes of Iolkos.
Chronologically the head is datable near the middle of the 4th century BC and
recalls the heads on coins of the cities of Magnesia: the Maenad on the bronzes
of Eurea, 73 and the eponymous nymph on the coins of Meliboia. 74 There is
some, but less, similarity with the heads on other Thessalian coins: the nymph of
Larisa, 75 the Hera of the Gomphoi, 76 the hero (Gyrton?) of Gyrton, 77 the Athena
of Pharsalos, 78 a nymph at Skotoussa, 79 the Lapith Mopsos on the bronzes of
Mopsion, 80 the Hera on the bronzes of Perrhaiboi, 81 and the nymph Boura (?) on
an obol of Atrax. 82 There is also a correspondence with a silver coin of Pherai
(350 BC) and with its bronzes of the 4th century BC. 83 One may also make
stylistic comparisons with the Apollo on coins from mints outside Thessaly,
such as Amphipolis, 84 Philip II 85 and Rhodes. 86 The stylistic congruence of the
head with the general artistic climate of the time is also clear from parallels with
72 Meyer 1942, col. 2298, s.v. Pagasai; IG IX 2, 1100, l. 4-5; IG IX 2, 1109, l. 4.
73 Rogers 1932, pp. 74-5, nos 210-1a, fig. 89; Warren 1961, p. 1, Pl. 1, 1 (with a discussion as to
whether Eurea belonged to Magnesia).
74 Rogers 1932, p. 128, no. 390, fig. 204 (1st half of 4th cent. BC); Warren 1961, pp. 1-3, figs 4
(silver), 6 (bronze).
75
Herrmann 1925, p. 41, Pl. 5, nos 4-14 (Group VII, Series A); p. 45, Pl. 7, nos 6-8 (Group VII,
Series M). According to the redating proposed by Martin 1983, pp. 1-34, especially p. 33, this series
belongs to the so-called last phase, dated conventionally between 375-320 BC. Lorber 2000, pp. 8-
12, 14, Pl. 3 (Late II) dates her Late Phase to the period beginning with the interference of Philip II
in the affairs of Thessaly.
76
Rogers 1932, p. 76, no. 214, fig. 92 (2nd half of 4th cent. BC).
77
Rogers 1932, p. 81, no. 229, figs 104-5 (2nd half of 4th cent. BC).
78
Lavva 2001, Pl. 16, nos 354-5. The high chronology proposed by the author, c.424-405/404 BC,
is not convincing. The coins in question belong to the 4th century BC.
79
Rogers 1932, p. 172, no. 543, fig. 300 (1st half of 4th cent. BC).
80
Rogers 1932, pp. 135-6, no. 412, fig. 221 (1st half of 4th cent. BC).
81
Rogers 1932, pp. 143-4, no. 438, fig. 238 (1st half of 4th cent. BC).
82
Demetriadi 2000, pp. 47-8, Pl. 6, no. 1.
83
Moustaka 1983, p. 110, no. 67, Pl. 10 (silver). For the bronze, see Rogers 1932, p. 163, no. 511,
fig. 277.
84
Lorber 1990, Pl. 12, fig. 56 (Type L, c.359/358 BC); Pl. 30, nos 65e-f (370/369 BC).
85
Le Rider 1977, pp. 395-6, Pl. 43, nos 504-6 (Amphipolis II, B).
86 Ashton 2001, nos 100-3 (c.385-late 340s BC).

34
KATERINI LIAMPI
the coins of Morgantina of the time of Timoleon 87 and of Pixodaros, satrap of
Caria. 88
The laurel-wreath rules out the identification of the head as the hero-founder
Pagasos, said to have been one of the Hyperboreans (Paus. I, 5, 8), but it and the
seven-stringed lyre on the reverse strongly suggest Apollo, presumably the local
Apollo Pagasaios (Etym. Magn. 646, 39) or Pagasites (Hesych., s.v.
���������). 89 Herakleides Pontikos (Schol. ad Hes., Sc. 70= 137, fr. III
{Tresp}) and the Scholia to Apollonios Rhodios (Argon. I, 238) both refer to a
sanctuary of Apollo Pagasaios, while the poet himself mentions the god’s altar,
which was built by the Argonauts before their expedition and on which they
sacrificed (Argon. I, 359-60, 402-47). Hesiod (Sc. 70) refers to the grove of
Apollo Pagasaios where his altar stood. Arvanitopoulos believes that Apollo
Pagasaios was also honoured in Pagasai in Archaic times with other epithets, all
mentioned by Apollonios Rhodios (Argon. I, 359, 404, 966, 1186). 90 He regards
Apollo Koropaios as a late form of Pagasaios. 91 The lyre on the reverse is
connected with Apollo in his role as Kitharoidos, and, either full figure or head,
he is depicted on Thessalian coins as Kitharoidos or Mousagetes, attesting the
musical tradition of the region during Classical and Imperial times. 92
The coinage of Pagasai was modest, to judge from the single known coin,
although more pieces may well turn up in future excavations. Its terminus ante
quem is the foundation of Demetrias, after which Pagasai soon declined into a
village. The terminus post quem is likely to be 354/353 BC, when the city was
liberated by Philip II, after his ejection of the Pheraian tyrants. As we have seen,
a date around the middle of the 4th century BC is also suggested by stylistic
criteria. Scholars such as Beloch, Arvanitopoulos, Stählin and Bousquet 93 have
remarked on the lack of Pagasitan coinage, although it was an economically
powerful polis. I suggest that the Pheraian tyrants had drained the city of its
wealth and inhibited the issue of coinage.
It is difficult to determine whether these small issues of Pagasai and Iolkos
should be dated immediately after the capture of Pagasai in 354/353 BC or after
Pherai came finally into the hands of Philip II in 344/343 BC. The head of
Artemis Iolkia supports the lower chronology because of the striking stylistic
87
SNG Ashmolean 1857.
88
Weber 6608.
89
Kruse 1942, col. 2309, s.v. Pagasaios; Moustaka 1983, p. 36.
90
Arvanitopoulos 1928, p. 77.
91
IG IX 2, 1109, l. 9-10. Arvanitopoulos (1928, p. 76) believes that the oracle of the god,
established by Trophonios, was transferred to Korope, a more peaceful and suitable spot for oracles.
92
Moustaka 1983, pp. 36-8; Moustaka 1997, pp. 89-93; for the Imperial period, see Franke 1992,
pp. 370-5, Pl. 81.
93 Beloch 1911, p. 443; Stählin 1924, p. 67; Arvanitopoulos 1928, p. 79; Bousquet 1988, p. 184
(with n. 11). Beloch 1914, p. 82, describes Pagasai as the ‘Haupthafen von Thessalien’ and a
‘blühende Handelsstadt’.

IOLKOS AND PAGASAI 35
parallels with the coins of Orthagoreia and of Philip II. They are unlikely to be
commemorative coinages, which were normally struck in precious metal,
though the discovery of silver coins of Iolkos and Pagasai in the future cannot of
course be ruled out. Iolkos is not recorded in the ancient sources as being
directly involved in the events surrounding the capture of Pherai and the
overthrow of its tyrants, but it is clear that its fortunes depended on Pherai, for
they were neighbours, and the fact that Iolkos participated in the synoecism of
Demetrias suggests a direct connection with Pherai.
In corroboration of our conclusions about Iolkos and Pagasai, note that in an
important article Warren 94 argues convincingly that some other Magnesian
cities, Eurea, Eurymenai, Rhizous and Meliboia, issued stylistically and
technically similar coins with the common motif of a bunch of grapes; she dates
them to the middle of the 4th century BC, specifically to immediately after the
first incursion of Philip II into Thessaly.
None of the other settlements or small towns near Iolkos and Pagasai are
known to have issued coins after the interventions of Philip II, 95 presumably
because few if any of them were cities. The coins of Iolkos and Pagasai show
that they were cities in the Classical sense of the word. Cities that issue coins
generally meet certain basic conditions: they must be independent, their market
must work well and they must be fortified. 96 The ancient sources and
archaeology have established that both cities satisfied the first and third
conditions, while their coinages, apparently brief though they were, suggest that
they satisfied the second as well.
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38
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1a 1b 1c 2a 2b
3
1c
(enlarged)
2a (enlarged)
3
(enlarged)
LIAMPI, IOLKOS AND PAGASAI
PLATE 3