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A Culture of Innovation Insider Accounts of Computing and Life at BBN

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[28] part i. founders <strong>and</strong> the early days in computing<br />

dozen n<strong>at</strong>ional leaders in rel<strong>at</strong>ed fields <strong>and</strong> converged on him to direct their study. The<br />

project began in l<strong>at</strong>e 1961 <strong>and</strong> concluded after two years. Licklider spent the second<br />

year on leave from <strong>BBN</strong>, but wrote the final report in 1963. This report was published<br />

as the book Libraries <strong>of</strong> the Future; itgives a prescient view <strong>of</strong> how future computer<br />

systems he termed “procognitive” could facilit<strong>at</strong>e the acquisition, organiz<strong>at</strong>ion, <strong>and</strong> use<br />

<strong>of</strong> knowledge. 32<br />

3.6 From “B” to “C” <strong>at</strong> <strong>BBN</strong><br />

Why should <strong>BBN</strong>, or any organiz<strong>at</strong>ion, <strong>at</strong>tempt tomove to Cfrom B —tocomputers<br />

from behavioral science or psychology? Consider the following factors. Psychologists<br />

interested in communic<strong>at</strong>ions had studied inform<strong>at</strong>ion processing. They thought <strong>of</strong><br />

computers assymbol processors — e.g., theorem provers <strong>and</strong>p<strong>at</strong>tern recognizers —<br />

r<strong>at</strong>her than as number crunchers. They would use computers to model human cognitive<br />

processes — dynamically r<strong>at</strong>her than as previously via st<strong>at</strong>ic m<strong>at</strong>hem<strong>at</strong>ical equ<strong>at</strong>ions —<br />

<strong>and</strong> would lend wh<strong>at</strong> they knew about human perception, thinking, language, <strong>and</strong><br />

motor control to the design <strong>of</strong> computers th<strong>at</strong> would augment or supplant human<br />

behavior, for example, in libraries, process control, <strong>and</strong> robotics. Psychologists had in<br />

their province the study <strong>of</strong> human <strong>and</strong> animal intelligence. They would contribute to<br />

autom<strong>at</strong>ed speech recognition <strong>and</strong> to other instances <strong>of</strong> p<strong>at</strong>tern recognition. Computers<br />

would bethe prime case <strong>of</strong> aneedfor human-machine integr<strong>at</strong>ion; they had very far<br />

to goin human-factors consider<strong>at</strong>ions to reach a semblance <strong>of</strong> user friendliness. The<br />

seminal idea <strong>of</strong> human-computer “symbiosis”—suggesting how the two could work<br />

together in complementary fashion — was forming in Licklider’s thinking. 33<br />

3.7 Computers <strong>and</strong> time-sharing <strong>at</strong> <strong>BBN</strong><br />

Individuals arriving <strong>at</strong> <strong>BBN</strong> in the l<strong>at</strong>e 1950s to work oncomputers included Edward<br />

Fredkin in 1958, a computer scientist/engineer from Lincoln Labor<strong>at</strong>ory where he had<br />

collabor<strong>at</strong>ed with Marill. Indeed, itwas an LGP-30 computer—which Fredkin had<br />

ordered a bit earlier, before Licklider <strong>at</strong>tracted him <strong>and</strong>whenhethought he was going<br />

into business for himself — th<strong>at</strong> <strong>BBN</strong> agreed to buy as part <strong>of</strong> the hiring arrangement.<br />

After amostly unsuccessful experience with th<strong>at</strong> computer, Licklider jumped <strong>at</strong><br />

the chance, in 1959, tohave the Digital Equipment Corpor<strong>at</strong>ion’s (DEC’s) prototype<br />

PDP-1 on the <strong>BBN</strong> premises (see Figure 3.2). This computer (called a Programmed D<strong>at</strong>a<br />

Processor because the military was not buying “computers” <strong>at</strong> the time) stemmed from<br />

the Whirlwind, SAGE, <strong>and</strong> TX-0 developments <strong>at</strong>Lincoln Labor<strong>at</strong>ory familiar to Licklider,<br />

Marill, <strong>and</strong> Fredkin. The PDP-1 had a “thin skin,” meaning th<strong>at</strong> itpermitted an individual<br />

user tohave convenient access via typewriter, punched tape, display screen, <strong>and</strong> light<br />

pen. (Not th<strong>at</strong> itwas easy touse: For example, two long rows <strong>of</strong> toggle switches, 35<br />

in all, were usedwith the octal number system to check <strong>and</strong> change the contents <strong>of</strong><br />

computer registers.) By 1959, apparently, the setting <strong>at</strong> <strong>BBN</strong> was one th<strong>at</strong> DEC founder<br />

Kenneth Olsen could recognize as an appropri<strong>at</strong>e test site for the PDP-1.<br />

Fredkin, like Marill, had a large impact on <strong>BBN</strong>’s assimil<strong>at</strong>ion <strong>and</strong> exploit<strong>at</strong>ion <strong>of</strong> the<br />

PDP-1, as described by Walden elsewhere in this volume (Chapter 4).Notably, he worked<br />

with DEC to specify the hardware changes th<strong>at</strong> would berequired to makepossible<br />

“time-sharing” <strong>of</strong> the computer among multiple users. Toemphasize the potential for<br />

the PDP-1 to interact with its environment, he programmed it to cutitsownyellow<br />

ribbon <strong>at</strong> aceremony held whenthe first production model was installed <strong>at</strong> <strong>BBN</strong>, in<br />

1960.

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