Sakhalin Surprise - Foreign Correspondents' Club of Japan

T H E F O R E I G N C O R R E S P O N D E N T S ’
N U M B E R Shimbun
VOLUME 37 ISSUE 10 NOVEMBER 2005 ¥500
C L U B O F J A P A N
Sakhalin Surprise
The FCCJ visits the Northern Territories
INSIDE: KOIZUMI DELIVERS...ALMOST PAC ELECTION HIGHLIGHTS TOKYO VOTES

Japan Communist Party candidate Ken Nonoyama greets evening commuters outside Oji Station
COVER STORY
Sakhalin surprise 8
by Jim Brooke
ELECTION SPECIAL
Koizumi delivers...almost 12
by Anthony Fensom
Weeklies watch 16
by Chie Matsumoto
PHOTO ESSAY
Tokyo votes 14
by Tony McNicol
SPEAKER HIGHLIGHTS
Takafumi Horie 17
The Foreign Correspondents’ Club of Japan
Yurakucho Denki North Building 20Fl, 1-7-1 Yurakucho, Chiyoda-ku, Tokyo
106-0006. Tel:(03)3211-3161, Fax:(03)3211-3168. www.fccj.or.jp
Opinions expressed by Number One Shimbun contributors are not necessarily
those of the publisher. Please pitch and send articles, or address
comments to shimbun@fccj.or.jp
CONTENTS l VOLUME 37 ISSUE 10 NOVEMBER 2005
GREETINGS FROM THE EDITOR 5
CONTRIBUTORS 5
PRESIDENT’S COLUMN 7
SPEAKER HIGHLIGHTS 18
RECENT EVENTS 20
NEW BOOK LIST 21
UPCOMING EVENTS 21
COMMITTEE MEMBERS 22
NEW MEMBERS 22
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FCCJ NUMBER 1 SHIMBUN l NOVEMBER 2005 l
Tony McNicol

C O R R E S P O N D E N T S ’
NUMBER Shimbun
VOLUME 37 ISSUE 10 NOVEMBER 2005 ¥500
Publications Committee
Chair & Number One Shimbun Editor
Justin McCurry
Assistant Editor David McNeill
Board Liaison Khaldon Azhari
Photo Coordinator Akiko Miyake
Editorial Assistant Naomichi Iwamura
FCCJ Board of Directors
President Daniel Sloan, Reuters
1st Vice President Khaldon Azhari, PETRA/
CNBC Arabia
2nd Vice President Pio d’Emilia, Il Manifesto
Secretary Dennis Normile, Science
Treasurer Yoshiyuki Iinuma, the Oriental Econ-
omist
1st Director James Brooke, the New York Times
2nd Director Nobuko Hara, Times Educational
Supplement
3rd Director Miki Tanikawa, freelance
4th Director Steve Herman, Voice of America
Ex-officio Anthony Rowley, Business Times
FCCJ Committee Chairs 2005–6
60th Anniversary Robert Neff, Geoffrey Tudor
Entertainment Glenn Davis
Exhibitions Per Bodner
Music Kei’ichiro Tominaga
Finance Yoshisuke Iinuma
Food & Beverage Bob Kirschenbaum,
Gabrielle Kennedy
House & Property Khaldon Azhari
Human Resources Pio d’Emilia
ITPC Khaldon Azhari
Library, Archives & Workroom Jack Russell,
Julian Ryall
Membership Robert Neff, James Treece
Membership Marketing Advisory
Monzurul Huq
Movie Joy Waitkus
PAC Martyn Williams, Jim Brooke
Swadesh DeRoy Scholarship and Young Jour-
nalist Yukari Itatani-Kane, Alan Brender
Special Project Haruko Watanabe
WAC Atsuko DeRoy, Sandra Mori
Foreign Press in Japan Richard Lloyd Parry
General Manager S. Yoda
GREETINGS l FROM THE EDITOR
As Dan Sloan writes elsewhere in this issue, the club is about
to celebrate its 60th anniversary. While the Number One Shimbun
has, over the past three months, concentrated on issues
that affect us professionally rather than pay too much attention
to the minutiae of club politics, the magazine would be
wrong to overlook this particular landmark in our organization’s
history.
With impeccable timing, the club has excelled itself over
the past month. Our programme of elections speakers, which
included all of the major figures bar Koizumi himself (he declined
our invitation) fuelled extensive coverage in the domestic
and international media.
And in the week before the election, Jim Brooke, Charles Pertwee and Marco Kauffmann
made the trip north to Sakhalin to see how the Russian-held island is making use
of its natural resources and its natural beauty. Were it not for the elections many more
would have made the trip; this is, after all, just the kind of ambitious assignment we
should be organizing regularly.
It has always been our aim to involve as many different writers and photographers as
possible in the Number One Shimbun. If you have an idea you think will be of interest to
fellow journalists, please feel free to email me at justin.mccurry@guardian.co.uk
Justin McCurry
CONTRIBUTORS l IN THIS ISSUE
JAMES B. BROOKE has been the Northeast Asia correspondent for the New York
Times, covering Japan and the Koreas — with forays into Mongolia, the Pacific Islands
and the Russian Far East — since August 2001. Brooke has worked for the New York Times
for 23 years. He was Canada bureau chief 1999–2001; Rocky Mountain bureau chief,
based in Denver 1995–1999; Brazil bureau chief 1989–1995, based in Rio de Janeiro;
West Africa bureau chief 1986–1989, based in Abidjan, Cote d’Ivoire. Before that he
was a Metro reporter, an assistant to Washington columnist James Reston and South
American correspondent for the Miami Herald. Brooke graduated from Yale University in
1977, with a degree in Latin American Studies. He is president of the Yale Club of Japan.
Brooke is married to Elizabeth Heilman Brooke, a freelance writer. They live in Tokyo
with their three teenage sons, James, William and Alexander.
CHARLES PERTWEE is a photographer based in Tokyo. His work has appeared
in publications around the world, including the New York Times, the Boston Globe,
the Times, Time, the International Herald Tribune, Bloomberg Markets, Marie Claire and
Wired, among others. He is represented by Getty Images and his work can be viewed
at www.pertwee.com
ANTHONY FENSOM, born in Sydney, studied international business and finance
and worked for the Australian Stock Exchange before arriving in Japan in 2000 to take
up a job at the now-defunct Mainichi Daily News. He joined the Daily Yomiuri as a staff
writer in January 2001.
CHIE MATSUMOTO is a Tokyo-based journalist whose work has appeared in the
International Herald Tribune, the Asahi Shimbun and other publications.
TONY MCNICOL first came to Japan from England in 1998. Since then, he has
spent time as an English teacher, a proofreader in a tool company, a translator in the
Diet, on the staff of a Japanese newspaper in London, as a researcher at Tokyo University
and, for the last two years, as a freelance writer and photographer. He writes on
the Japanese media and internet for www.japanmediareview.com, and contributes
to publications including Wired, Discover, and the Japanese edition of Newsweek. His
work can be seen at www.tonymcnicol.com
FCCJ NUMBER 1 SHIMBUN l NOVEMBER 2005 l

60 Years young
Dan Sloan
Happy 60th birthday to us! And while in a congratulatory
mood, may I add salutations to the United Nations, postwar
peace in Japan and Thomas the Tank Engine.
The last tribute was for my son, while at the other end of the
generational spectrum, my father, a card-carrying member of the
American Association of Retired Persons, says US media are now
calling 60 the new 40, with 50 becoming the new 30, and so on.
As someone who only recently started to identify himself
as middle-aged, this flatters only too well, but recognizing
there may be a wee bit of marketing involved, how about if we
reverse the botox approach?
In the case of the Foreign Correspondents’ Club of Japan,
let’s tout our six decades of service as having left a fair share
of wrinkles but also as having produced invaluable experience
and perspective that are the envy of other FCC or professional
organizations.
Indeed, much of that history was captured about 10 years
ago in Foreign Correspondents in Japan: Reporting a Half Century
of Upheavals: From 1945 to the Present, edited by Charles Pomeroy
and featuring contributions from many leading members of
the club from that period.
A new chapter is needed, one not only looking at the historical,
political and economic issues of Japan’s “lost decade”
as well as its current recovery, but also changes in the demographics
of our club and its approach.
During the recent general election, our distinguished list
of speakers rivalled that of any domestic media platform (in
fact it was better if you consider the Koike-Kobayashi debate
and handshake, and Horie’s return from Hiroshima), while
all event speeches and photographs were available free within
hours on our homepage either directly or via our links to
Videonews.
Happy Hour at the FCCJ
The Foreign Correspondents’ Club of Japan is looking to diversify
its membership base. As a result, the Membership Marketing
Committee cordially invites all regular and professional journalist
associate members to a Happy Hour in the main bar on the last
Tuesday of the month. It’s a chance to unwind with friends and
colleagues, and more importantly, to introduce prospective journalist
members to the club. For every journalist guest you bring,
who submits an application form, you will receive a free bottle of
wine. And keep in mind we’re not opposed to sending you home
with half a case if six sign up at the event. So be generous with
your friends and colleagues who would greatly benefit from club
membership.
PRESIDENT’S COLUMN l DAN SLOAN
This is the kind of
technological leap is
essential to promoting
the club and the great
work it performs, and
sets the stage for an upgrade
in our internet
facade currently under
consideration by
our webmaster, David
DuVerle and the ITPC
group.
Certainly, this is not
the kind of tinkering one would expect from an organization
in the throes of a midlife crisis. Rather, it shows that even
as the oldest FCC in this region, and in much of the rest of
the world, we are extending professional and social services to
more than 2,000 members amid an ever-changing agenda.
Another major issue is our facility itself and whether we
want to remain in the Yurakucho Denki Building or need
to explore other opportunities. A long-term renovation and
housing committee has been launched under Director Miki
Tanikawa and First Vice President Khaldon Azhari: they welcome
your thoughts and energy.
Moreover, we are a very young 60, revelling in our distinguished
flecks of grey but knowing that a trip to the gym is in
everyone’s interest.
During the Diamond Anniversary celebrations over the
next month, or at any time during this board’s tenure, please
feel free to offer suggestions on how we as an organization
can stay in shape and devise a workout regimen that keeps
you active.
All drinks and snacks provided are free for one hour. Orders taken
Miyake
beyond the hour will be charged to members, and guests can buy
Would you accept a drink from these men?
chits at the reception desk. Akiko
FCCJ NUMBER 1 SHIMBUN l NOVEMBER 2005 l

COVER STORY l SAKHALIN
Sakhalin surprise
Known best as a territorial hangover from World War II, the Russian-held island is also a rich source of energy
and an increasingly popular tourist destination, as JIM BROOKE discovered on a recent trip
Local children hang out and swim in the Sea of Okhotsk at the port town of Korsakov, Russia
Yes, Japan has a northern neighbor.
Last year, about 50 million Japanese
tourists visited Hokkaido. But only 5,000
ventured one island north on the geological
chain, to Sakhalin.
“Younger people in Japan don’t know
about Sakhalin,” Shigeo Natsui, Japan’s
consul general on the island, told a visiting
FCCJ group in September. “You say,
‘Sakhalin,’ and they think you are talking
about a safari in Africa.”
But the profile of this mysterious and
seldom visited island should soon rise — for
journalists, tourists and business leaders.
After decades of geologists calling Sakhalin
an energy source comparable to
Alaska’s North Slope and Britain’s North
Sea, the oil and gas riches of Sakhalin are
finally starting to come on stream, a wel-
l FCCJ NUMBER 1 SHIMBUN
come addition in the age of the US$70
barrel of oil.
In October, Exxon Mobil started to
produce its first oil and gas from Sakhalin.
Royal Dutch Shell is in the midst of a
US$20 billion project to build Russia’s first
liquefied natural gas plant, only 100 miles
north of Hokkaido.
With the billions in oil investment
dollars, an estimated 5,400 foreign workers
will come to Sakhalin, generating an
unprecedented openness for an island that
was, successively, a Czarist penal colony, a
bloody battlefield between Japan and the
Soviet Union, an eastern killing field and
work camp of the Stalinist gulag, and, as
exemplified by the 1983 shooting down of
KAL 007, a hair-trigger military outpost in
the Cold War.
Today, immigration officials on Sakhalin
stamp foreign passports as a matter of
routine. Over the next year, hotels on the
island are to open like beer bottles. This
overbuilding is to double the number of
hotel rooms and slash room rates. This autumn,
new flights to Sakhalin started from
Anchorage, Houston, Seoul and Tokyo. A
new international air terminal features
conveyor belt baggage retrieval and bilingual
flat-screen flight monitors.
So many foreigners now go to Sakhalin
that American Express has moved beyond
Moscow and St. Petersburg to open
its third Russian agency, in Yuzhno Sakhalinsk,
the island’s capital with a population
160,000.
In early September, an FCCJ advance
party disembarked in Sakhalin: Charles
Charles Pertwee

Takako Takeuchi, a Tokyo artist, and her daughter, Yukiko, on board the ferry Eins Soya as it leaves Wakkanai for Sakhalin
Pertwee, a photographer; Marco Kauffmann
of the Suddeutsche Zeitung; and
me.
We were to have been a bigger group,
but midway into the visa application
process, Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi
called an election. (For FCCJ members interested
in traveling to Sakhalin, we will
give a brief orientation at 5:30 pm
on November 10 in the Main Bar,
just before the “Russia Night”).
From Japan, the conventional
way to visit Sakhalin is by air — SAT
from Sapporo or Hakodate. Now,
there is also a twice-weekly Vladivostok
Air chartered flight from
Narita. For my third visit in four
years, I persuaded my colleagues to go by
ferry from Wakkanai, the pre-war jumping
off point for Sakhalin, when the southern
half was ruled by Japan and called Karafuto.
After we were stamped out of Japan at a
metal shed that served as passport control,
we boarded a clean, well-run ferry for the
five-hour trip across the Soya Strait to Korsakov
(¥20,000; one-way; second class).
Moving two days ahead of a typhoon, we
had a smooth crossing, with time to watch
dolphins and chat with other passengers.
Most of the Japanese passengers were on
nostalgia tours. Many had lived on the island
before the Soviet army crossed into
the Japanese zone on August 15, 1945.
“I feel it is my destiny to come back,”
Takako Takeuchi, a Tokyo artist, said as the
ship crossed the international strait separating
Japan and Russia. “It is the place
where I was born. But it is also the place
where my family lost its fortune.”
Approaching Korsakov, we were greeted
by six-story cranes, their large steel feet
frozen by rust into tracks on the docks.
“It looks like War of the Worlds,” said
Marco, marveling at his first taste of what
would be four days of assessing post-Soviet
decay. From our perch on the top
deck, we watched skinny white boys with
The kanji inscription hails the 1905
embarkation of Japanese troops
at nearby Aniva Bay, part of the
Russo-Japanese War settlement
that allotted Sakhalin’s southern
half to Japan.
shaved heads diving from concrete blocks
into the Sea of Okhotsk. We had arrived
in Russia.
It took us two hours to get from the
deck through customs — slow, but routine.
Our journalist visas did not cause any
excitement. Even Dan Hilton and his wife
Hiromi, a couple from Hokkaido we met
on board, got their four-wheel drive Isuzu
Trooper through customs with minimum
hassle. Dan, a Canadian, was exploring
Sakhalin to write a freelance article for an
American four-wheel magazine.
After a 45-minute drive up the hill to
Yuzhno, we went immediately to a dinner
briefing by Sakhalin Energy Investment
Co. This consortium of Royal Dutch Shell,
Mitsui and Mitsubishi are building the Liquified
Natural Gas plant. Not only has the
completion date slipped half a year to the
summer of 2008, but the overall project
cost has doubled, to US$20 billion. For
that, the folks from Sakhalin Energy had a
fair amount of explaining to do, and one of
their best excuses was the high price of oil.
After dinner we checked into the
Gagarin, one of several Soviet-era hotels
that has been totally renovated to cater to
the global energy crowd.
At dawn the following day, I opened
the curtains of my sixth-floor room to
unexpectedly behold one of the
most beautiful room views in my
four years in Asia. Rolling out like
a green carpet, the landscape progressed
from the city park to miles
of thickly forested mountains. Rising
on its east to west arc, the sun
pierced a notch between the Chekhov
and the Bolshevik Mountains,
flooding my room with warm light.
On other days, Charles came to photograph
the sunrises and sunsets, but on
day one there was no time for reveries. We
were off to tour the LNG site, at Prigorodnye,
on a bay facing Hokkaido. In addition
to the hard hats and hard boots,
we got a safety lecture on how to behave
around bears (don’t run).
“Plant construction is in full swing,”
said Hillary Mercer, the woman directing
what will be the largest LNG plant in the
world. Japanese power companies have
locked in much of the gas for 20-year contracts,
so the worksite we saw will help
keep Tokyo’s lights on and air conditioners
running for much of the first half of
this century.
On the way back, we stopped at the
“Japanese monument,” a hilltop obelisk
toppled by Soviet sappers in 1945. The
kanji inscription hails the 1905 embarkation
of Japanese troops at nearby Aniva
FCCJ NUMBER 1 SHIMBUN l NOVEMBER 2005 l
Charles Pertwee

The Sakenergy liquefied natural gas (LNG) plant and oil export terminal in Sakhalin
Bay, part of the Russo-Japanese War settlement
that allotted Sakhalin’s southern
half to Japan.
Oddly, some fresh gray gravel had been
splashed around. We later learned from
Consul Natsui and the Sakhalin cultural
authorities that the regional government
has decided to preserve Japanese cultural
monuments, largely in the hope of attracting
more Japanese tourists. Given the advanced
age of the Japanese tourists on the
ferry, Sakhalin is going to have to launch
a major tourism drive to avoid red ink
spreading from the ferry to the hotels.
The half-hearted cultural preservation
effort speaks of Sakhalin islanders’
new self confidence vis a vis Japan. Sixty
years ago, after Stalin’s troops invaded in
a two-week campaign, they embarked on
a ruthless “Russificatsiya” of the Japanese
section, expelling the roughly 400,000 residents
and demolishing almost everything
Japanese.
On day two of our tour, when the typhoon
hit, we took refuge in the regional
museum, one of handful of surviving
buildings with strong Japanese characteristics.
In the excellent history section,
photos hint at the destruction wrought
in fighting, which left thousands of Russians
and Japanese dead. One section, the
“Liberation of the Kuriles,” refers to a sub-
10 l FCCJ NUMBER 1 SHIMBUN
ject best broached diplomatically when in
Yuzhno, a city with administrative control
over four islands that Japan claimed as
their Northern Territories.
During our days in Yuzhno, we were
briefed by Exxon Mobil, British Petroleum,
Rosneft, the American Business Center,
Galina Pavlova, Sakhalin’s top oil and gas
official, and Dmitry Lisitsyn, chairman of
the Sakhalin Enviromental Watch. But we
also had time to sample Yuzhno nightlife,
to try out restaurants with cuisine ranging
from Georgian to Indian to Russian, and
to drive up to the ski area on Bolshevik
Mountain to watch the sun set over the
city.
“I have never had such a productive reporting
trip,” Marco said on Friday night,
as he prepared for his Saturday morning
ferry departure to return to Tokyo for the
elections.
Charles and I stayed through the
weekend. With Zhenya Butenina, the valiant
translator (emb@vimo.dvgu.ru), we
drove across the island, from the port of
Kholmsk on the Tatar Strait, on the western
shore, to the salmon spawning rivers
and beaches of the Sea of Okhotsk on the
eastern shore. In the middle of our road
trip, we stopped for lunch at Doctor Zhivago,
a roadside wooden cottage where we
fortified ourselves with bear stew.
On Monday morning, we took off on
the SAT flight to Hakodate. As the rugged
Russian plane climbed steeply and flew
south, we could see the new double pipeline,
coursing its way down the island to
the LNG plant. Near the coast, the pipeline
route passes a few miles southwest of
an abandoned airstrip. Built on a northsouth
axis, the Cold War-era strip was designed
to put Soviet fighters over Wakkanai
in five minutes.
The old strip and the new pipeline
captured the dramatic change in northsouth
relations between two historic rivals
of the Pacific, Russia and Japan.
FCCJ Russia Night
At 6:30 on Thursday November 10,
the FCCJ will present its first “Russia
Night”, complete with Russian food,
music and door prizes. Alexander
Losyukov, Russia’s ambassador to Japan,
will be among those attending. Immediately
before the dinner, at 5:30 pm in
the main bar, FCCJ Director Jim Brooke
will give a quick briefing on Sakhalin,
with contact numbers and e-mails for
interested members. The Russia evening
will help members gear up for Russian
President Vladimir Putin’s planned visit
to Tokyo on November 20.
Charles Pertwee

Children play on a war memorial on the 123rd anniversary of Yuzhno Sakhalinsk
FCCJ NUMBER 1 SHIMBUN l NOVEMBER 2005 l 11
Charles Pertwee

ELECTION SPECIAL l KOIZUMI
Koizumi delivers...almost
The recent general election was a study in the supreme stage-management skills of Japan’s prime minister.
But media coverage of the campaign shortchanged the voters, writes ANTHONY FENSOM
f I have to die for my stand, then I
“Iwill.” It’s the kind of quote the media loves,
especially when it comes from the nation’s
political leader. And few are more mediasavvy
than the current occupant of the
prime minister’s office in Nagatacho, Japan’s
political center.
Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi’s
leaked statement in early August to his predecessor
Yoshiro Mori on his determination to
push through postal privatization was typical
of his election campaign — colorful, theatrical
and over the top. It was also carefully
stage-managed, right down to the crumpled
beer can a despondent Mori was seen carrying
away after a meeting in which he was
said to have failed to persuade his leader not
to call an election on postal reform.
In a campaign accurately described as
“Koizumi theatre,” the master performer
drew on his full repertoire of tricks to keep
the media and public engrossed. The standing
ovation he received at the end of the
month-long political drama in the form of
12 l FCCJ NUMBER 1 SHIMBUN
a landslide victory was testimony to his successful
tactics and the failure of those of his
opponents. With postal privatization seemingly
about as sexy an issue as accounting
standards, this is a man who could sell snow
to the Eskimos — by the truckload.
Indeed, Koizumi’s right-hand man, Isao
Iijima, was reportedly stunned when in
June he learned of the prime minister’s plan
to dissolve the house of representatives. It
was a move that Sir Humphrey Appleby of
the BBC television comedy series Yes Minister
would have described to his minister as
extremely “courageous” — code for political
suicide.
Despite the best efforts of the mainstream
media to get a policy debate going, the
campaign for the September 11 election,
which effectively started on August 8 with
the lower house dissolution, was brilliantly
orchestrated by the reformist Liberal Democratic
Party president.
Koizumi gave the public exactly what
they wanted — and are accustomed to getting
— from their political leaders: bread
and circuses. If the bread was in his stated
determination not to push for a tax hike,
the circus was the “assassin” candidates
drafted in by the LDP after Koizumi’s bold
move to expel 37 dissenters against his
postal privatization bills.
Initially stunned by the fact that the
prime minister had made good on his threat
to dissolve the Diet, the celebrities whom
the party picked to run against the postal
rebels had everything the media could ask
for. Top of the list was the internet billionaire
Takafumi Horie, a one-time enemy of
the establishment for his audacious takeover
bid of the Fujisankei media group but
now Koizumi’s best friend, along with a
host of glamorous female candidates. One
was a popular former television presenter,
another a former model and bureaucrat,
and another a political science professor.
The weeklies couldn’t get enough of
them. They quickly zoomed in on the hairdo
of Satsuki Katayama, a former finance
ministry section chief, and her status as a
former Miss Tokyo University, with Yukari

Sato’s alleged affairs involving numerous
men providing further titillation.
The wide shows — the sensationalist
television news programmes providing a
steady diet of sex, scandal and rumor —
suddenly started discussing postal reform,
and even the tabloid newspaper, the Tokyo
Sports, started taking an interest.
While Koizumi may have dumbed
down the election, he certainly captured
everyone’s interest, with a Yomiuri Shimbun
poll finding the highest level of voter interest
since the single-seat constituency system
was introduced in 1996.
The nation’s two biggest-selling dailies
tried, and failed, to shift the public’s attention
back to policy. The Asahi Shimbun
pleaded to voters to “think seriously about
our role in Iraq” while decrying the “sound
bites” focus of the television campaign.
Similarly, the Yomiuri Shimbun, in its August
31 editorial, called on voters to “seriously
scrutinize” the parties’ policies.
Both papers urged debate on such issues
as foreign policy and health, social security
and taxation reform, but despite the increased
depth of the parties’ manifestos, the
focus remained on postal reform and the
battle between Koizumi and the LDP rebels.
Media analyst Wm. Penn, author of The
Couch Potato’s Guide to Japan and columnist
for the Daily Yomiuri, said the election
“was called so abruptly that the manifestos
didn’t get a look in — the main factor was
the ‘assassin’ candidates.”
Chuo University Professor Takashi
Inoguchi, whose wife Kuniko was elected
for the first time after being picked as one of
Koizumi’s assassins, said: “The LDP basically
expelled thirty-odd members of its own
party. They found candidates by checking
the frequency of their appearances on radio
and television, a process they started even
before the election.
“Koizumi kept sending the same message
— vigorously and ferociously — that
postal privatization would benefit all kinds
of things. He made it very simple. The Democratic
Party of Japan leader Katsuya Okada
came across as serious, but uninspiring.”
While Inoguchi said highbrow debate
was all well and good for the elite, he added,
“You have to make it shallow to appeal
to the people — this is a mass democracy,
and it’s TV-oriented.”
The turnout at Koizumi’s street stumps
was testimony to his appeal. While not the
“Lion King” figurehead of the early days of
his premiership, in which his popularity was
such that even phone straps carried his image,
the “Cool Biz” prime minister, minus
his necktie, regularly attracted crowds of a
size that would please most rock bands.
Desperately trying to steal some of his
political boss’s limelight was Horie, who has
never met a camera he didn’t like. Koizumi
adroitly put the wealthy internet entrepreneur
up against Shizuka Kamei, a bastion of
the old school, pork-barrel style politics.
The contest was tailor-made for the media:
Tokyo-drafted outsider against Hiroshima
local; freshman versus political veteran;
new economy versus old. Some of the highlights
included Horie’s appearance at the
FCCJ, where he called Kamei a virtual communist
for his talk of defending the poor
and the weak. Kamei, now a candidate for
the People’s New Party, countered by blasting
Koizumi’s “fascistic” tactics.
At every appearance, crowds of Hiroshima
residents flocked to get autographs from
Horie, a man who has made not wearing a
suit a political statement. Even when Kamei
won — by only 26,000 votes — Horie got
more television airtime than his opponent.
The pain of his loss may also have been eased
somewhat by the bounce in his company
Livedoor’s share price, which hit a year-high
in mid-August, undoubtedly helped by its
president’s increased media exposure.
While electoral laws prevented Horie
from utilizing the power of his internet
empire to garner votes, Nikkei journalist
Yoichi Takita said the rules were likely to
change “in the very near future” now that
the brash 32-year-old has the ear of the
prime minister.
So did the media do its job? Amid the
shouting matches on television involving
such outspoken figures as Kamei and Tokyo’s
governor, Shintaro Ishihara, Columbia University
Professor Gerald Curtis said Koizumi
had sparked “a bigger boom than any before
him.” It was a hard job just keeping up with
the frenetic activity.
Penn, however, dismissed assertions
that the made-for-television campaign had
been shallow.
“Compared with the last two US presi-
dential elections, in which only the two
major parties were allowed television
debate time, and in 2004, when the incumbent
seemed to have a definite media
advantage, the Japanese media has been
quite fair,” she said.
“All seven parties were given a chance
to participate in on-air discussions, and the
wide shows actually turned over whole half
hours for debate between candidates.
“Some networks were better than others
— TBS and TV Asahi usually try harder
— but as none of the candidates were really
explicit about their proposals, it was hard
for the media to get a handle on things.”
Former FCCJ President Sam Jameson
said the coverage of the assassins “got
the vote out.” Voter turnout of around
67 percent was the highest since the 1990
election’s 73 percent, something that
magnified the LDP’s gains under the single-constituency
system.
Jameson, though, said the media had
let themselves down by allowing Koizumi
to avoid his weak area — relations with
China and the Koreas — despite editorials
calling for action. He also voiced surprise
over the lack of coverage given to the success
of women candidates, with a record
43 elected to the lower house, the highest
number since 1946.
“There has been evidence over the years
that voters want the LDP to stay in power,
but they want reform,” Jameson said. “It
wasn’t the privatization issue that appealed
to voters, but the fact that Koizumi had denied
endorsement to the rebels and was wiping
out one of his party’s support bases.”
In a race in which style was far more important
than substance, it was Katsuya Okada,
leader of the Democratic Party of Japan,
who died politically for his principles, and
not the charmed gambler from Yokosuka. It
is safe to say that the Japanese media won’t
be shedding too many tears.
FCCJ NUMBER 1 SHIMBUN l NOVEMBER 2005 l 13

PHOTO ESSAY l ELECTION SPECIAL
Tokyo votes
TONY MCNICOL follows the campaign trail in Tokyo’s 12th district
Tokyo’s 12th district is made up of
Kita ward and part of Adachi ward
in the north of the city. It was the only
constituency in Tokyo where the Liberal
Democratic Party did not field a candidate.
The New Komeito candidate, Akihiro
Ota, was voted in with 109,636 votes.
The Democratic Party of Japan’s Yukihisa
Fujita was elected under the proportional
14 l FCCJ NUMBER 1 SHIMBUN
representation system. Postal-reform rebel
and former Posts Minister Eita Yashiro
gained 44,279 votes but lost his seat. Ken
Nonoyama of the Japanese Communist
Party came fourth with 26,068 votes.
The photographs featured here were
taken outside local railway stations in
the constituency during the final three
days of the campaign.
(This page top) New Komeito supporters listen to their
candidate, Akihiro Ota, speak outside Itabashi Station.
(This page bottom left) Japanese Communist Party leader
Kazuo Shii addresses a crowd outside Akabane Station.
(This page bottom right) The heat gets to one voter during
a campaign speech the day before the polls opened.
(Page 1 ) A child catches forty winks during a New
Komeito hustings outside Itabashi station on a hot and
sticky afternoon.

FCCJ NUMBER 1 SHIMBUN l NOVEMBER 2005 l 15

ELECTION SPECIAL l WEEKLIES WATCH
Weeklies watch
While the foreign press praised Koizumi as a daring reformer following his September 11 election victory, several
Japanese weeklies used other monikers: the “Dictator” and “Little Hitler” among them, writes CHIE MATSUMOTO
How did Junichiro Koizumi win the
September general election? There
are as many answers to that question as
there are pundits analyzing the poll, but
Yoichiro Komori gives one of the more
critical replies. In an election postmortem
in Shukan Kinyobi, he accuses Koizumi of
practicing a “spiral of silence.”
First, Koizumi raised postoffice privatization.
Because, initially, few could care
less, the opposition was silent. Later, when
opposing voices finally came, Koizumi silenced
them by accusing them of working
against the national interest. Others then
stayed quiet for fear they would suffer the
same fate.
Hey presto: election victory, says Komori,
who teaches at Tokyo University.
In the end, frustration with the way
Koizumi fought the election led some politicians
to lash out, including LDP rebels
expelled from the party who dubbed him
“Little Hitler” and the “Dictator.”
“Koizumi won because he focused
exclusively on one policy,” writes Jiro
Yamaguchi in the same issue. The
Hokkaido University academic suspects
that many ordinary citizens were ignorant
of the issues, because they were seeking a
decisive leader rather than trying to learn
the details of the policies being promoted.
Yamaguchi writes that the Democratic
Party of Japan embraced the popular
agenda of smaller government, but failed
to impress the voters because it simply
promoted LDP-sounding slogans
such as cutting public workers
and government spending.
Still he says, Japan was lucky
to avoid the worst-case scenario:
no opposition at all. The Social
Democrats and the Communists
survived, despite fears that they
would lose every single seat.
And the DPJ? “It is simply mimicking
LDP policies — no way to go for an opposition
party,” he claims; the DPJ has abandoned
its role of protesting and blocking the
debatable policies of the ruling coalition.
Yamaguchi analyses Koizumi’s popularity
thus: “With neo-liberal policies
comes the notion that winners keep on
winning and the rest only have themselves
to blame; the public then tends
to seek a leader who appears to speak to
their personal needs.”
Takeharu Watai, a video journalist
with Asia Press, agrees, comparing Koizu-
16 l FCCJ NUMBER 1 SHIMBUN
The Japanese press announces Koizumi’s stunning victory
mi with Bae Yong Joon, the South Korean
star who has mesmerized thousands of
middle-aged Japanese women. For swing
voters, Koizumi had the movie-star charm
and charisma to make them believe that
Komori points out that Koizumi
came very close to violating the
constitution, which does not allow
a prime minister to dissolve parliament
after his bills have been voted
down in the upper house.
he spoke to them personally, he says.
Komori points out that Koizumi came
very close to violating the constitution,
which does not allow a prime minister
to dissolve parliament after his bills have
been voted down in the upper house.
As for Koizumi’s reforms, Yamaguchi
likens them to a haunted house: “You can
see the entrance to postal privatization but
can’t tell what is inside or what waits at
the exit.” He believes the ghosts inside include
a large tax hike and the breakdown
of the pension system.
Koizumi portrayed himself as a prime
minister who listens and follows through
on his promises, but will he be able to
deliver by the time be resigns in September
2006? Some believe he may end up
dumping everything onto the next prime
minister.
Yamaguchi questions whether
a leader can bring citizens on board
merely by shrinking government
and attacking bureaucracy. He
thinks the election will be followed
by revision of Article 9 and a further
shift to the right, as Koizumi
continues to push the public’s nationalist
buttons.
Yamaguchi wants Japan to urgently establish
a system of two-party government
like the United States, boasting both neoliberalism
and social democracy. To that
end, he believes the DPJ must establish a
clear ideology and strategy, once it licks its
election wounds.
“Koizumi’s reforms will cause many
people to suffer, ”he suggests. Without
a social democratic party to represent
the needs of these people, options will
be limited. “And without options,” says
Yamaguchi, “there is fascism.”
Akiko Miyake

Takafumi Horie
In the battle between the old guard and
the “assassins” in the September 11
election, nowhere was the contest starker
— or more bitter — than in the Hiroshima
No. 6 constituency.
The internet entrepreneur, Takafumi
Horie, knew he was up against a formidable
foe in Shizuka Kamei, who was unceremoniously
ousted from the Liberal
Democratic Party for failing to support
Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi’s postal
privatisation bills.
But after a private meeting with the
premier, Horie, 32, agreed to run as an independent
backed by the LDP in a constituency
that Kamei had held since 1979.
Six days after his opponent had appeared
at the club, and six months after
his previous visit — during which he
stated that he had absolutely no political
ambitions — Horie returned to explain
his dramatic about-face.
“Until now I have been involved in
many business ventures and I have felt
the pace of change in Japanese politics
is very slow, so I was not interested,” he
said. “But as I go on with my businesses,
I’m becoming frustrated at the slow pace
of change.
“I knew I could vote, but I could not
come up with the name of a politician
who could solve the problems I was having
in business.
“Up to now, Japanese politics has been
just a case of a politician bringing government
money — subsidies and tax grants
— to a region. Politicians don’t have a
dream for Japan that they guide the people
towards. Maybe they think about it,
but I have never seen any of that kind of
action.”
Horie’s comments were a thinly veiled
attack on his opponent, who, critics say,
takes care of his constituents with government
financial assistance and public
works projects.
“Why are young, capable Japanese
not entering politics?” Horie asked. “It’s
because they consider it to be dirty and
corrupt. I want to change that and make
young people see politicians as cool
and brilliant. If we can bring about that
change, we can have a new generation of
politicians.”
Unfortunately for Horie, the people
of Hiroshima opted to elect a man who
has been their benefactor for more than a
quarter of a century.
Five days before
the vote, however,
the president
of Livedoor was
laying out plans
for some radical
changes in Japan’s
society and its
politics.
“The authority
of the prime
minister is limited
in comparison to
the presidential
system used in the
United States, and
it could even be
argued that Koizumi
was not chosen
by the people
but by the party,”
he said.
“The presidential
system is very
simple to understand
and is better
for the modern
age. Everything
happens much
faster today and we
need a leadership that is able to react
quickly and nimbly to events.”
In other comments that may well
have lost him votes in the conservative
heartland of Hiroshima, he broached the
controversial subject of the role of the
Emperor.
“Although he is just a symbol and
most people are not bothered about the
Emperor, I feel uncomfortable that the
constitution begins with the phrase, ‘The
Emperor shall be symbol of the state,’” he
said. “The reason that past prime ministers
and cabinets have not tried to change
this is because they are scared of rightwingers.”
As well as voicing support for Koizumi’s
postal reform plans, Horie said that,
if elected, he would champion an increase
in immigration to fill the looming gap in
the domestic labour market, as well as
election campaigning via the internet and
increased spending on rocket technology
to compete with China in the Far East
space race.
“Japan is confused and has no sense
of direction,” he said. “It is important for
governments as well as companies to be
Horie speaks at the FCCJ as polling days nears
SPEAKER HIGHLIGHTS l ELECTION SPECIAL
able to make a choice. Japan cannot aspire
to be the same as the US or China
purely because of their size and population,
so we have to identify our strengths
and focus our efforts on areas where we
can be number one in the world.”
Suggesting that Kamei had “changed”
since his days as a top police official and
powerful politician, the author of Earning
Money is Everything: From Zero to ¥10 Billion,
My Way, said his aim in the election
was to offer hope to the people of Japan.
“Mr. Kamei is the symbol of old-style
politics and if he can be defeated it will
give hope to the people of this country,”
Horie said. “It won’t be easy, but if I can
clear the highest hurdle first then everything
else will come easier.”
Before midnight on September 11, it
had become clear that he would not overcome
the hurdle of being elected, but few
would bet against him carrying through
with his political ambitions at a later date.
Even though he was running for elected
office for the first time, Horie hinted
heavily that he himself would like to be
the first president of Japan.
FCCJ NUMBER 1 SHIMBUN l NOVEMBER 2005 l 1
Akiko Miyake

SPEAKER HIGHLIGHTS l ELECTION SPECIAL
Election special
As the photographs on these pages
prove, the FCCJ was host to a who’s
who of Japanese politics in the run-up to
the general election on September 11.
All of the events were highly topical,
attracted healthy attendances and provided
FCCJ members with an opportunity to
put tricky questions to people in the news
— achieving everything we strive for as an
organization.
Much of the success of the programme
should be credited to Wayne Hunter and
Chung Hyon Suk, whose tireless work and
late nights were behind the realization of
1. Sadao Hirano, former member of the House of
Representatives and author of The Truth about the
New Komeito and Soka Gakkai: August 1
2. Yoshinobu Shimamura, member of the House
of Representatives and former minister of Agricul-
ture, Forestry and Fisheries: August 1
3. Katsuya Okada, Democratic Party of Japan President:
August 25
4. Takenori Kanzaki, New Komeito Chief Repre-
3
1 l FCCJ NUMBER 1 SHIMBUN
these key events.
A big thank you must also go to the
members of the PAC forum e-mail group,
who were quick off the mark with speaker
suggestions.
Many regular members have complimented
me on the PAC programme, and it
is good to know that the speakers were so
useful to journalists covering the election.
Equally satisfying was the fact that several
Japanese media also picked up on our
election programme and asked how we
managed to secure such a stellar line-up.
Looking ahead, the PAC hopes to bring
sentative: August 26
5. Shoichi Nakagawa, Minister of Economy, Trade
and Industry: August 26
6. Shinzo Abe, Acting Secretary General, Liberal
Democratic Party: August 2
. Shizuka Kamei, Kokumin Shinto (People’s New
Party): August 31
. Koki Kobayashi, Shinto Nippon and Yuriko
Koike, Liberal Democratic Party: September 2
1 2 4
in just as many newsmakers in the future,
including those who will feature in a special
60th anniversary programme at the club
and a series of celebratory events outside.
But the success of PAC events depends
on support from the FCCJ membership. If
you plan to attend an event, please register!
If you have a suggestion for a speaker
or event theme, please inform a PAC chair
or use the online submission form.
After all, without your help and support,
none of this would have been possible.
Martyn Williams — Co-chair, Professional
Activities Committee
. Kazuo Shii, Japanese Communist Party Executive
Committee Chair: September 5
10. Takafumi Horie, President and CEO, Livedoor
Co., Ltd: September 6
11. Sawako Takeuchi, Candidate for the Position
of OECD Secretary-General: September 6
12. Yasuo Tanaka, Captain of New Party Nippon
and Governor of Nagano Prefecture: September
Akiko Miyake photos

5 6
7 8
9 10 11
12
FCCJ NUMBER 1 SHIMBUN l NOVEMBER 2005 l 1
Akiko Miyake photos

RECENT EVENTS l SAMBA NIGHT & SATURDAY NIGHT LIVE
Samba Night — August 23
FCCJ members let their hair down for a night of entertainment, Brazilian style. Churrasco, fish and prawn stew, and feijoada were the
culinary highlights. However, it was the Asakusa Samba Group that really upped the tempo
Saturday Night Live — September 3 & 10
Slowing down a touch, members were treated to a little sangria and some classical Spanish guitar by well-known duo Sangre Hispana. Then
Luis Sartor impressed members with his playing of the charango, a small ten-string lute traditionally fashioned from an armadillo shell
Saturday Night Live — September 17
In keeping with the theme Japan’s own La Tuna group serenaded FCCJ members with Spanish ballads and a whole lot of merrymaking
20 l FCCJ NUMBER 1 SHIMBUN
Akiko Miyake photos
Kuryu Masao photos
Kuryu Masao photos

Upcoming Events
Visit the Foreign Correspondents’ Club of Japan web site for further updates on events at www.fccj.or.jp
Upcoming PAC Events
Oct. 25, Tuesday, 15:00-16:00
James Morris
Executive director, World Food Programme
Nov. 25, Friday, 12:00-13:30, Lunch
Carlos Ghosn
President and co-chairman, Nissan Motor Co.
The FCCJ Library stocks a wide variety of resources
on Japan and Asia including videos,
books, newspapers, periodicals and reference
materials in English and Japanese. Wire
services from Reuters, Bridge News, Nikkei
and online databases are also avilable.
Along with the Narian workroom, available
24 hours a day to regular members and
guests, the library is well stocked with tools
to help you make the news.
The library is open Monday to Friday,
10:30–19:00 and on Saturdays 13:00–17:00.
It is closed on Sundays and Japanese national
holidays.
War Reporting for
Cowards
Ayers, Chris
Atlantic Monthly Press
Gift from Steven L. Herman
Spitfires in Japan
Bouchier, Cecil (‘Boy’)
Global Oriental
Gift from UPS
Subway Guide to Tokyo
De Mente, Boye Lafayette
Tuttle Publishing
Gift from Tuttle Publishing
The Devil’s Teeth
Casey, Susan
Henry Holt and Company
Exhibitions
November
Main bar and sushi bar:
Prints by Yoshiko Shimada on the theme
of women in World War II.
The Smoking Diaries
Gray, Simon
Granta Books
Gift from George Deutsch
A Time Remembered
Gruhzit- Hoyt, Olga
Presidio
Daisy Miller and Other Stories
James, Henry
Oxford University Press
Gift from Michael Berger
The Historian
Kostova, Elizabeth
Brown & Company
A Changing Korea in
Regional and Global
Contexts
Lee-Jay Cho
East-West Center & Seoul
National University Press
Gift from Bradley K. Martin
The Art and Politics of Arthur Szyk
Luckert, Steven
United States Holocaust Memorial Museum
Gift from Rinjiro Sodei
Japanese Law in Context
Milhaupt, Curtis J. ed.
Harvard University Asia Center
Gift from The New York Times
The Great Wall and the Empty Fortress
Nathan, Andrew J.
W. W. Norton
Gift from Emiko Doi
UPCOMING EVENTS l BOOKS & LIBRARY
December
Main bar and sushi bar:
Photographs by Kyoichi Tsuzuki from his
Roadside Japan and other projects.
Love Letters at Sixty
NHK Publishing Co., Ltd.
NHK Shuppan Co., Ltd.
Gift from Richard R. F. Ginies
Baketsu Hitotsu de Asia Tabi
Oshiro, Kazumi
Jyoho Senter Shuppankyoku
Fire Sale
Paretsky, Sara
G. P. Putnam’s Son
Tokyo Nights
Richie, Donald
Printed Matter Press
Gift from Donald Richie
Harry Potter and the Half- Blood Prince
Rowling, J. K.
Livine Books
Gift from John W. Brady
The Emigrants
Sebald, W. G.
Vintage
Gift from George Deutsch
Tha Chan’s Great Continent
Spence, Jonathan D.
W. W. Norton
Gift from Emiko Doi
Spy on the Roof of the World
Wignall, Sydney
Lyons & Burford, Publishers
Gift from Emiko Doi
FCCJ NUMBER 1 SHIMBUN l NOVEMBER 2005 l 21

NEW MEMBERS l COMMITTEE MEMBERS
Birga Boecker first came to
Japan several years ago on
a school exchange, spending
a fascinating year living
with home-stay families.
After returning to Germany
she attended journalism school and started
studying economics at the University of
Cologne, before coming to Japan for anther
year, this time as an exchange student
at Hitotsubashi University in Tokyo. After
graduation she got a job with the German
financial newspaper Boersen-Zeitung and
finally made her way back here again this
March as a foreign correspondent. Birga is
looking forward to exchanging views about
Japan, its economy, politics and people
with fellow members of the FCCJ.
60th Anniversary
*Robert Neff
*Geoffrey Tudor
*Richard Hanson
Associate Liaison
*Jack Spillum
*Michiko Mitarai
*Dan Sloan
Tadahisa Matsuda
Shijuro Ogata
Gyoun Hayashi
Yoshimi Honma
Isao Yamagata
Kikuko Hanami
Isao Saito
Thomas Brown
Grady E. Loy
Mehdi Bassiri
Mark Halpern
Don Hauk
V. C. Lingam
Yasuo Kojima
Ernie Salomon
Blue Ribbon Panel
*Anthony Rowley
22 l FCCJ NUMBER 1 SHIMBUN
Hiroaki Uemura has been
president of the Nikkei Osaka
Seisaku Center since
March this year. Before
that he was general manager
of the production bureau
at the Nihon Keizai Shimbun in Osaka,
a post he had held since March 2001. He
was the editor of the news editing department
in Tokyo March 1993–March 2001,
and deputy editor of the capital market
news department October 1990–March
1993. He was deputy editor of the London
bureau March 1988–1990 and a staff
correspondent in the New York bureau
March 1985–March 1988. Uemura graduated
with a BA from Waseda University
in 1970.
The Number One Shimbun needs you!
If you would like to contribute words or pictures to your magazine, please feel free to contact the editor at
Kazuo Abiko
Richard Hanson
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Entertainment
*Glenn Davis
**Nobuko Hara
Music
*Kei’ichiro Tominaga
**Nobuko Hara
Exhibitions
*Per Bodner
Andrea Waldbrunner
Gabrielle Kennedy
Androniki
Christodoulou
Finance
*Yoshisuke Iinuma
**Miki Tanikawa
Roderick Lucas
Justin.McCurry@guardian.co.uk
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Food & Beverage
*Bob Kirschenbaum
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**Pio d’Emilia
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*Benjamin Fulford
House &
Property
*Khaldon Azhari
Human
Resources
*Pio d’Emilia
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Naruhiko Kurimura
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November 2005 list of committee members
Cathe Johnson
Ernest Kepper
Martin Koelling
ITPC
*Khaldon Azhari
*Martyn Williams
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Miki Tanikawa
Jason Testar
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Library, Archives
& Workroom
(Nakayama)
*Jack Russell
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Membership
*Robert Neff
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Membership
Marketing Advisory
*Monzurul Huq
**Yoshisuke Iinuma
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Movie
*Joy Waitkus
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PAC
*Martyn Williams
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**Jim Brooke
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NOVEMBER REGULAR MEMBERS
Jonathan Head, BBC
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Jagjeet Dhaliwall, Bloomberg News
Wayne S. Graczyk, Baseball America
PROFESSIONAL/JOURNALIST
ASSOCIATE MEMBERS
Caroline Pover, Caroline Pover, Inc.
Setsuro Tamai, IDG Japan, Inc.
Tomoko Oka, World Fashion Dynamics
ASSOCIATE MEMBERS
Sanjeev Sinha, UBS Investment Bank
Eiji Tsuchiya, Amway Japan Ltd.
Tomoki Komine
Commonwealth Engineers Co., Ltd.
Shigeru Itoh, Waseda University
Saburo Kano
Dentsu Young & Rubicam Inc.
Masashi Suda
NYK Global Bulk Corporation
Haruo Yamamoto
Mitsui Bussan Solvent & Coating Co., Ltd.
Chieko Hashimoto, Hiromori Inc.
Takeshi Matsunaga
NYK Global Bulk Corporation
Yukiyoshi Watanabe, Isfnet, Inc.
Hirotada Seyama, Tokan Corporation
Atsushi Yoshimoto
ITID Consulting, Ltd.
Yukihiro Miyazaki
Fukoku Mutual Life Insurance Company
REINSTATED ASSOCIATE MEMBER
Graham John Roger Pike
Forefront Technologies K. K.
Robert Kirschenbaum
Roger Schreffler
Shiro Yoneyama
Steve McClure
T.W. Kang
Tony McNicol
Yoshisuke Iinuma
(Wayne Hunter)
(Chung Hyon Suk)
Publications
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Scholarship and
Young Journalist
* Yukari Iwatani-Kane
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Special Project
*Haruko Watanabe
**Dan Sloan
Naotake Nobuhara
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Jack Russell
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Michiyo Nakamoto
Sports
*Fred Varcoe
WAC
*Atsuko DeRoy
*Sandra Mori
FPIJ
*Richard Lloyd Parry
(The Times)
Key
*Chair
**Board Liaison
***Chair and Board
Liaison
Note:
The names of
committee chairs
and liaison members
were accurate as the
Number One Shimbun
went to press.