Safeguarding Natural and Cultural Heritage - Malaysia Journal of ...

Malaysian Journal of Environmental Management 12(1) (2011): 47-58
Safeguarding Natural and Cultural Heritage:
The Experiences of Teluk Bahang Fishing Communities, Penang, Malaysia
SURIATI GHAZALI
ABSTRACT
Traditional fishing lifestyles are intimately connected with natural environment and are based on the
sustainable use of local ecosystems. However threats to natural environment by both natural disaster
and modern development resulted in fluctuations in resource abundance, which poses a number of
challenges to fishing communities. This article explores the experiences of fishing communities in Teluk
Bahang, Penang, Malaysia in safeguarding natural and cultural heritage of their village. Informal
interviews were carried out on household members that engaged in heritage-related activities. While
they prefer to continue traditional lifestyles, many are forced to adapt to changes in natural environment.
However, some of the villagers manage to use natural environment in creative ways, which enable them
to promote the idea of love our natural environment and cultural heritage.
Key words: traditional fishing communities, natural environment, cultural heritage, Penang, Malaysia
ABSTRAK
Cara hidup nelayan tradisional sangat berkait rapat dengan persekitaran asli dan berasaskan
penggunaan ekosistem tempatan secara lestari. Namun begitu, ancaman terhadap persekitaran asli oleh
bencana alam dan pembangunan moden telah menjejaskan bekalan sumber, seterusnya memberi banyak
cabaran kepada komuniti nelayan. Artikel ini meninjau pengalaman komuniti nelayan di Teluk Bahang,
Pulau Pinang, Malaysia dalam usaha untuk mengekalkan warisan asli dan budaya kampung mereka.
Temubual tidak formal telah dijalankan ke atas isi rumah yang terlibat dengan aktiviti berkaitan
warisan. Walaupun mereka ingin meneruskan gaya hidup tradisi namun ramai daripada mereka
terpaksa menyesuaikan diri dengan perubahan persekitaran asli. Sungguh pun begitu, sebilangan kecil
penduduk kampung mampu menggunakan persekitaran asli secara kreatif, dan ini membolehkan mereka
mempromosikan idea cintai persekitaran asli dan budaya warisan kita.
Kata kunci: komuniti nelayan tradisional, alam sekitar semula jadi, warisan budaya, Pulau Pinang,
Malaysia
INTRODUCTION
Traditional fishing lifestyles are intimately connected with the local environment and are based
on the sustainable use of local ecosystems. Such lifestyles are often at subsistence levels of
production and are seldom a part of the mainstream culture of their country, although they do
contribute to its cultural wealth (McNeely & Pitt 1985). Traditional fishing plays a role in
safeguarding the tangible and intangible aspects of natural and cultural heritage of the
community (Howard & Pinder 2003). The coastal seas and their fishing grounds have been as
important to communities as the land, and they have evolved a highly organized set of customs
to manage the gathering and handling of seafood (Berkes et al. 2000). In today’s interlinked
world, however, traditional fishing is declining rapidly and many customary practices are under

48 Suriati Ghazali
threat as populations grow, urbanization increases and economies develop (Hickey 2006).
Moreover, in recent decades, more centralized governments have forced changes to inherited
practices, which to certain extent have brought poverty, conflict and ecosystem deterioration
(Howard & Pinder 2003).
Traditional fishing communities everywhere, and in much of Malaysia, are subject to
fluctuations in resource abundance, which poses a number of challenges to these communities
(Marschke & Berkes 2006; Yahaya 1993). Marschke and Berkes (2006) note that fluctuation in
resource abundance, seasonal cycles of resource use, and changes in access create challenging
conditions for rural households. Economic and policy drivers are also of concern. In adapting to
these circumstances, people have had to find ways to cope with the stresses that these changes
engender. Diversification is a commonly used strategy amongst communities as a way of
adapting and mitigating the negative impact of these changes. Chambers and Conway (1992)
suggest that ‘a livelihood is sustainable when it can cope with and recover from stresses and
shocks, maintain or enhance its capabilities, assets and entitlements, while not undermining the
natural resource base’. According to Marschke and Berkes (2006), stresses and shocks that
impinge upon livelihoods are the result of interaction between global forces and a local context.
Hazards and disaster caused by tsunami following an earthquake, for example, are shocks that
affected livelihoods of fishing communities (FAO 2006). A stress is a continuous or slowly
increasing pressure, commonly within the range of normal variability, whereas a shock is a
major spike in pressure beyond the normal range of variability in which the system operates.
This paper explores the relationship between fishing communities in semi-rural fishing
villages in Teluk Bahang, Penang, Malaysia and the natural environment, and the extent to
which this relationship protects an endangered cultural heritage. Specifically, the paper
highlights the way in which villagers engaged in heritage-related activities - such as traditional
fishing, processing food from sea resources and operating a Homestay - has helped to promote
and sustain the natural environment and cultural heritage. Drawing on in-depth interviews with
30 individuals from 10 households, this paper also discusses the factors that have influenced
them to preserve their natural and cultural heritage.
HERITAGE-RELATED ACTIVITIES IN ENVIRONMENTAL AREAS
Heritage-related activities fundamentally rely on the use of inherited environmental and sociocultural
assets, and also have the potential to attract visitors (Fyall & Garrod 1998; Millar
1991). Investment in natural and cultural heritage can be beneficial for a local economy not
only in terms of cultural consumption, but also in the form of increased employment and
income (Bowitz & Ibenholt 2009; Greffe 2004; Ghazali & Sirat 2011). Bowitz and Ibenholt’s
(2009) study on the Norwegian town of Røros found that tourism related to cultural heritage in
the region contributes some 7% to overall employment and income. Ghazali and Sirat (2011)
meanwhile found that more than a third of the population in Kinabalu National Park benefit
economically from ecotourism, which created jobs in the services sector such as tourist guides,
lodge operators, handcraft weavers and sellers, and porters transporting food and goods to
lodges near the mountain peak. In natural conservation area, livelihood related to heritage
activities is attractive to many contemporary visitors, who desire to directly experience diverse
past and present natural and cultural landscapes, performances, foods and handicrafts, as well
as participate in cultural activities (Chhabra et al. 2003). Heritage-related activities can attribute
to authenticity, in which material and non-material culture preserved in language, religion, and
other customs give a certain social atmosphere that is appreciated by many of the residents and
is sometimes advertised as an attraction (de Blij & Murphy 2003; Driver 1999).
The emphasis placed on genuine or authentic natural and cultural experiences by visitors
encourages the exhibition to explore mountains, forests, rivers and seas, usually those which
have entitled ‘national parks’. It also promotes the staging of traditional dances and the
Malaysian Journal of Environmental Management 12(1) (2011): 47-58

Malaysian Journal of Environmental Management 12(1) (2011): 47-58
Suriati Ghazali 49
exhibition of traditional attires and cuisine. All of these can lead to a re-affirmation of
community pride in the history and culture of the local population (UNEP 2002; Lane & Waitt
2001).
STUDY AREAS AND METHODS
Penang State, the third smallest state in Malaysia consists of two separate entities, Penang
Island and Seberang Perai, the mainland. Teluk Bahang is located on Penang Island. It consists
of a group of small villages, which hold a population of about 14,110 people. They are multiethnic
villages populated by Malays (57 per cent), Chinese (39 per cent), Indian (2.5 per cent)
and other minorities (1.4 per cent) (data gathered by Teluk Bahang Police Station 2008).
Coastal villages of Teluk Bahang were known to be dominated by the Malays, and fishing has
been the important means of earning a living to Malay communities here for generations.
Indeed, one of the villages’ names translates as ‘Fishing Village’ (Kampung Nelayan). Fishing
villages are believed to have existed here long before the 18 th Century, when the Malays from
Kedah and Sumatera established settlements before the arrival of the British, Chinese and
Indians in the 19 th Century (Lubis 2001; Rashid 2001; Ghazali 1999). Fishing villages in Teluk
Bahang are wedged between a small strip of beach and pristine jungle - the Penang National
Park (Figure 1) – they are considered to be the main entrance to the National Park. These
historical and environmental factors make these sites particularly well-suited to studying
activities related to natural and cultural heritage.
Most of the population of Teluk Bahang, including Penang Island, are employed within
the tourism, industrial or service sectors. Manufacturing has been the most important sector of
employment in Penang. In 2000, 42.3% of the working population were engaged in this sector
(Malaysia 2005). Tourism-related sectors, such as hotels and restaurants employed 6.4% of the
working population. Fishing, on the other hand, employed only 0.4% (2178 persons). Even
though fishing accounts for only a small percentage of the employment in Penang, it remains an
important element in the livelihood of the fishing communities in some traditional coastal
villages.
Kampung Nelayan in Teluk Bahang is one of the few remaining fishing villages in Penang
(Figure 1). Less than a third of the villagers here remain in fishing and those working for
trawlers outnumbered traditional fishers. Informal interviews were carried out with 30
individuals from 10 households throughout 2009-2010. The households were selected on the
basis that there must be at least one household member engaged in activities leading to the
safeguarding of natural and cultural heritage, specifically, traditional fishing and ‘homestay’
households. Interviews were focused on the issues, challenges, and reasons for remaining or
choosing these activities. In the discussion of the results ‘textual strategies’ – the quotation of
informants’ own words - were used to allow individuals to speak for themselves (Robinson
1998; Ghazali & Atang 2008). All names used in this article are pseudonyms with the intention
of protecting the informants’ anonymity.

50 Suriati Ghazali
Figure 1. Teluk Bahang, fishing village, hotel and beach resorts, towns and industrial areas
in Penang Island, Malaysia
MALAYSIAN DEVELOPMENT AND ITS IMPACT ON TRADITIONAL FISHING
VILLAGES
Economic transformation in Malaysia has resulted in changes in the employment structure of
the country. Malaysia was an agricultural-based country which in 1970, 50.8% of its population
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Suriati Ghazali 51
was employed in the agricultural, fisheries, hunting and forestry industries (Malaysia 1973). In
the late 1960s, under the New Economic Policy, the Malaysian government projected that
manufacturing would be the leading growth sector in 1990. After 1990, under the ‘Vision 2020’
initiative, the government continued to promote manufacturing as the main contributor to
economic growth, followed by the service sector. These policies implied a net shift in
employment out of agriculture. As a result, in 2000, only 14.4% of the population left to gain
employment in agriculture, hunting and forestry and 1.3% were employed in fisheries.
Manufacturing, on the other hand, employed 22.5% of the population. Other sectors, such as
sales, commerce and services which, when combined, accounted for 47% of the employed
population (Malaysia 2005).
In Penang, the State Government has actively developed and promoted industrial areas,
new towns, and urban renewal development. This has affected agricultural areas as well as
fishing villages. A number of traditional villages have been acquired for the purpose of
industrial, housing, urban, and hotel and resort development. (Ghazali 1999, 2000). The loss of
the natural environment is of great concern and led to the gazettement of Penang National Park
in 2003. The gazettement prevents the land from being cleared or developed for other means of
economic activity. Penang National Park covers an area of 9.9 square miles and it is the
smallest national park in Malaysia. This park contains a collection of habitats not found in other
parks in Malaysia – meromictic lake, wetlands, mangroves, mudflats, coral reefs and turtle
nesting beaches (Chan 2009; Ministry of Tourism Malaysia 2009).
The north of the island - Tanjung Tokong, Tanjung Bungah, Batu Feringgi and Teluk
Bahang (Figure 1) is renowned for its scenic beauty and white sandy beaches and therefore is
an attractive prospect for coastal tourism. Coastal tourism in Penang started as early as the
1950s, however it was slow to grow. In the 1960s and the 1970s there was a dramatic increase
in coastal tourism in Penang (Wong 1998), which was due to the increase in the number of
foreign tourists to Malaysia especially from the West, and the increase of infrastructural
support provided by the public sector and the active participation of the private sector. From the
1980s onwards, the typical resort in Penang has consisted in apartment-like blocks located near
the beach, well-equipped with recreational amenities and facilities; often including a swimming
pool, and ‘exclusive’ resorts with distinctive architecture (Tan 1995). Increasingly, resorts have
offered a wider range of facilities and recreational activities. Since the 1990s industry forecasts
for the development of coastal tourism in Southeast Asia has been optimistic (Wong 1998), and
in 2009, 23.6 million tourists arrived in Malaysia and Penang received 1.347 million of them,
of which 44% were international tourists (Tourism Malaysia 2011; Penang State Government
2010a).
The development of hotels and resorts in Penang has displaced some traditional fishing
communities. A few Malay villages are still in existence in the coastal area (Horton et al. 2008)
and are trapped between the resorts and spaces of urban development. The displacement of
traditional communities poses a threat to natural and cultural heritage, as well as to long term
environmental sustainability, which may be undermined by industrial development (Ooi &
Shaw 2009; Ghazali et al. 2010). Moreover, hundreds of traditional fishing communities are
suffering from dwindling incomes as high-power trawler boats scoop up the best part of the
catch (Khor 1987).
On the other hand, environmental degradation, hazards and uncertainties have affected the
fishing families in Teluk Bahang, and their economic dependence on fishery resources has led
them to becoming poor. For example, the disaster caused by tsunami following the earthquake
in Acheh on 26 December 2004 has affected 7500 fishermen on the west coastal areas of
Malaysia, including those of Teluk Bahang (FAO 2006). The loss and damage of their boats,
houses, and fishing equipment, has reduced them to poorer position compared to pre-tsunami
period. Environmental hazards as such have led to strategies and programmes being introduced
in order to help the fishing communities. These include motivation programme for the fishing

52 Suriati Ghazali
families, and financial assistance. For a sustainable living, training is given to people in fishing
communities in order to restructure them into viable economic activities. Fish related
businesses are developed in order to generate and diversify jobs and income, such as fish
processing and boat building (FAO 2006).
SAFEGUARDING NATURAL AND CULTURAL HERITAGE THROUGH FISHING
As noted above, fishing communities in Malaysia face fluctuating resource abundance. In order
to understand the livelihood prospects, five coastal fishermen were interviewed. Some
informants commented on the difficulties of fishing today, as there are less fish compared to
some 10 or 20 years ago. Interestingly, culpability is directed to trawlers. No informant related
this to the 2004 tsunami because many of them have recovered from the stress and shocks of
the tsunami. One interviewee, Ahmad (80s), a part-time fisherman, commented: “In former
times this area was excellent for fishing and was rich with fish, prawns and crab. We had never
been lacking in food. Nowadays there are so many new technologies but we have no capital to
buy them - let alone a trawler! Now our lives are getting more difficult than before. Trawlers
take almost all fish and little or none are left for us”.
Another interviewee, Yusuf (30s) supported this information by providing details on how
trawlers damaged their source of livelihood. He said: “Formerly I worked for a trawler, but now
I own a boat and go fishing myself. I know that trawlers are not allowed to fish close to the
shorelines but they don’t always obey this rule. In my opinion, the trawlers should be banished.
They always fish nearby (near to the coast). The trawling net damages the fish and the seafloor.
They have ruined our fish, money and food”.
It is interesting to know why some traditional fishermen continue fishing while there is
complaint on overfishing by trawlers. Many of their village friends have left fishing, or
combine fishing with small businesses, such as Ibrahim. Ibrahim (50s) is regarded by his
friends as a prosperous traditional fisherman because he owns a repair workshop for the boats,
which he rents to tourists. He stated: “Fishermen nowadays earn less and the income is not
enough for a living. I earn more from my tourist boats. The beach boys will come and take the
boats, and they (the beach boys) will deal with the tourists and take them to the location,
usually the Penang National Park”. Socioeconomic differences persist in traditional fishing
village and widen the gap between the rich and the poor. While ‘poor’ traditional fishermen
safeguard natural and cultural heritage by using simple technologies, their ‘richer’ counterparts
promote appreciation towards natural environment, which contributes to ecotourism.
Some of the younger generations who gained valuable fishing experience from helping
their father and neighbours, decided to become ‘beach boys’, which also help promote visits to
the national park. Many of them still prefer fishing and regards fishing fulfils an emotional
rather than an economical function; providing satisfaction and an attachment to place. For
example, Fauzi (20s) noted: “Today young people from this village still prefer fishing, but they
usually do it part-time. Most of them are working in the factories, offices or in the hotels
nearby. During the weekends they go fishing along the coastal areas. They don’t do it for
money, but because they love it. We cannot rely on fishing alone these days. There is very little
fish. Inshore fishermen usually get only three or four fish a day or none at all!”
As these comments indicate, overfishing is a problem in Teluk Bahang. Yahaya (1993)
notes that trawlers are often to be blamed for this. She argues that coastal fishing resources in
peninsular Malaysia are being exploited to the point where overfishing occurs. In Malaysia,
overfishing is caused both by the open-access nature of the resources, and technological growth
such as trawling. The rapid growth of the modern trawl-based sector in the mid-1960s not only
put intense pressure on fishery resources, but also led to violent conflicts with artisanal
fishermen, whose traditional fishing grounds had been blatantly encroached upon by the
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Suriati Ghazali 53
trawlers. Supporting Yahaya’s suggestion, my interviewees saw trawlers as their main
competitors for fish.
Interviewees have also complained of the trawlers’ non-compliance with the regulation
implemented by the Department of Fisheries Malaysia, which states that the trawler should fish
at least 5 miles from the shoreline. The Department of Fisheries has divided Malaysian fisheries
into four zones. Zone A, which covers all areas within five miles of the shoreline and is
reserved for traditional fishing gear operated by traditional fishers. Zone B covers waters
between 5 to 12 miles from the shoreline and is reserved for vessels with trawl or purse seine
gear and less than 40 gross registered tons (GRT). Zones C and D are reserved for bigger
trawlers with higher gear capacity. The zoning and the policy has been established in order to
protect artisanal (traditional) fisheries. The zoning regulation therefore prohibits trawling
within the 5 mile limit and allocates fishing grounds by types of gear, that is, traditional versus
commercial fishing gear (Viswanathan et al. 2000).
Though not within the remit of this study, the tensions between traditional fishers and
trawlers are of growing concern. The west coast fishing grounds of Malaysia are generally
muddy and shallow, which facilitates dragging the trawl net on or near the ocean bottom.
Trawlers catch fish indiscriminately, with a highly variable species composition, of which
about one third may be unusable fish (Viswanathan et al. 2000). In Teluk Bahang trawlers are
exploiting fishery resources illegally. Moreover, it is the wealthier fishing entrepreneurs who
can afford to purchase a trawler. Viswanathan et al. (2000) have also reported that about 80%
of the fish caught in Malaysia is from the inshore areas. This concentrated inshore fishing has
led to depletion in fishery resources. This affects the livelihood of traditional fishing
communities adversely. In other words trawlers are against the safeguarding of natural and
cultural heritage.
SAFEGUARDING NATURAL AND CULTURAL HERITAGE THROUGH HOMESTAY
PROGRAMME AND OTHER HERITAGE-RELATED ACTIVITIES
Homestay is a form of tourism programme that allows visitors to rent a room from a local
family to learn the local lifestyle as well as to improve their language ability. In Malaysia the
Homestay programme is promoted under the guidance of the Ministry of Tourism Malaysia,
with the aim of developing the country’s tourism industry as well as encouraging rural
communities to become involved for additional income (Ghazali 2005; Ghazali et al. 2006;
Ghazali et al. 2010; Abdul Kader et al. 2009). It also aims to produce tourism entrepreneurs
among rural communities and is in line with the government's of raising the monthly income
level of the rural poor (Bernama 14.7.2010). It is estimated that there are 2,000 registered
Homestay operators throughout Malaysia (Malaysia 2011).
As we saw above, heritage tourism relies on environmental and socio-cultural assets to
attract visitors (Fyall & Garrod 1998; Millar 1991). In this light, Homestay can be considered
heritage tourism which has roles in preserving cultural and natural heritage, and also
contributes to the local economy by providing employment (Bowitz & Ibenholt 2009; Greffe
2004). Homestay in Malaysia offers many of the cultural attractions desired by tourists, such as
traditional handicrafts, participatory activities, food and performances.
In 2008, the Homestay programme in Teluk Bahang involved a group of 11 village
community members (Penang State Government 2010b). The Homestay coordinator plays an
important role in planning activities for the tourists who stay in Teluk Bahang. The activities
aim to introduce the visitors to local customs and traditions. Among the activities are: sharing
meals with the villagers, jungle trekking in Penang National Park, bathing and swimming in the
river, fishing, cooking and preparing local food, eating using the hand, sitting cross-legged,
wearing Malay traditional clothes, playing traditional games, flying kites and spinning tops
(My-Island-Penang.com 2010 and personal interview, May 2010). Natural environment in and

54 Suriati Ghazali
surrounding the village – the National Park and the sea – are important elements in attracting
tourists to the village. The cultural elements meanwhile – such as traditional fishing and
making salted fish – which are also environmental-based, offer additional attraction for the
villagers to manage the Homestay.
Fatimah (53), a Homestay entrepreneur said that by getting involved in the Homestay
business she can get an additional income of RM300 per month. Even though this is considered
small compared to her main income of selling cooked food, this is not of her concern. She
recognised the importance of cultural heritage in building local identity and community
sustainability. Fatimah said: “Our country is rich in culture and tradition. Our fishing village
has its own identity. It is important to retain cultural traits of the fishing village, so that our
younger generations can feel that they are from the fishing community. Development and
modernization is everywhere and the younger generations might not know their own culture
and heritage without such programmes as Homestay”.
Fatimah’s contribution in promoting and safeguarding cultural and natural heritage is
important. She cooks traditional food to tourists, especially when her husband, Ismail (60s) a
traditional fisherman, catches prawn and crabs from the sea. Because prawns and crabs are
expensive they are considered as a delicacy, and in giving her guests this food Fatimah is able
to ameliorate her Homestay business. At the same time she is reaffirming authentic elements in
local foods that should be appreciated both by the local people and tourists.
Ismail meanwhile safeguards cultural and natural heritage in many ways: being traditional
fisherman; bringing sea produces for Fatimah to cook, and entertains guests by taking them in
his boat to places around Teluk Bahang, including the National Park. This has augmented the
attractiveness of Fatimah’s Homestay for tourists, making her the most popular choice. As
Ismail commented, “since now she (Fatimah) always has guests, and her guests wanted to have
the experience of fishing in the sea, so I take them with me”.
Even though traditional fishermen in Teluk Bahang complain about the diminishing stocks
of fish, Fatimah’s fourth son (Iskandar, 27), desires to become a fisherman. He goes fishing
with his father almost every day and, when there is demand, takes tourists out on the fishing
boat. According to Iskandar, he has been going out fishing with his father or neighbours since
he was a school boy. Iskandar’s sentiments illustrate the affective bond between people and
their place. People’s relation with nature, their geographical behaviour as well as their feelings
and ideas with regard the place, appear to have an effect upon the differences in the ways that
they perceive and attach to the place (Tuan 1974). Meanwhile the Homestay programme to a
certain extent put the emphasis on authentic cultural experiences for the purposes of tourism.
This has encourage the continuation of traditional economic activities such as fishing, which
can lead to a re-affirmation of community pride in one’s history and culture (Chhabra et al.
2003; Greffe 2004; Lane & Waitt 2001).
Another interviewee, Liza (36), also contributes to Homestay activities. She guides tourists
in activities such as jungle trekking and swimming in the river. She is personally interested in
the Homestay programme because she enjoys meeting people from other places. She
commented: “They (the tourists) will know and learn our culture and heritage, and we also will
have the opportunity to know and learn their culture through our interaction during their stay”.
She believes that young people should continue to learn about and sustain their traditions so
that the authentic aspects of the culture will not completely disappear in the midst of a new and
popular culture today.
As well as these tourist-related cultural activities, the traditional processing of food also
has an important role to play in the life of Malaysian fishing villages (Firth 1966; Carsten 1987,
1989). In Teluk Bahang traditional food processes involve salting and drying fish, work that is
usually undertaken by women. However informants reported that the number of villagers
involved in food processing activities such as these has decreased significantly over the last 20
years as a result of the reduced number of fishermen in the village.
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Malaysian Journal of Environmental Management 12(1) (2011): 47-58
Suriati Ghazali 55
One traditional way of preparing fish is called belacan which makes use of baby prawns
that have been caught accidentally. The prawns are washed, salted and dried for some time
under the sun. They are then crushed thoroughly until it becomes fine paste. The paste is
shaped into flat rounds and is packed. Rohani (50s) makes belacan in her spare time and,
because it is not very profitable, her household does not depend on this for a living. Her
husband is a pensioner and he considers fishing as his hobby. Since processing belacan is an
‘endangered’ traditional activity, one way in which these skills might be preserved is to
reformulate them as a tourist attraction.
Making dried salted fish is another natural and cultural heritage-related activity that has
lessening importance in Teluk Bahang. Zaiton (60s) gets free small fish from her third son who
is a fisherman. She will clean, salt, dry, and pack the fish, which she will then sell at the market
or to her friends and neighbours. Zaiton does not regard making salted fish as primarily a
money-making activity but gets great satisfaction from the process. For her, this process is
crucial to lives and identities of those who live in a fishing village. Thus, Zaiton’s sense of
attachment to her locale is closely related to these traditional activities. As in the preparation of
belacan the preservation of this specialist knowledge may be best achieved through touristrelated
activities.
CONCLUSION
In conclusion, traditional fishing communities in Teluk Bahang have undergone a drastic
change in livelihood and lifestyles in order to cope with increasing urbanization, growing
industrialization and overfishing. Recent developments in Penang offer a new range of
economic activities, especially in industry and services, which now employ most of the village
population. With only a few people left to continue life as traditional fishers, and with the dying
out of activities related to it, the cultural heritage of Teluk Bahang is now endangered.
However, the persistence of a few villagers to continue traditional fishing amid the scarcity of
getting fish, and the introduction of the government-led Homestay programme, cultural and
natural heritage to a certain extent, is preserved. Although the economic benefits are not always
significant, these activities have the potential to build and safeguard local identity. There is thus
a growing awareness and recognition of the importance of heritage by the local people, which
contributes to community sustainability, and provides a sense of belonging.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
This research is funded by the Research University Grants from the Universiti Sains Malaysia, namely
Natural and Cultural Heritage of the Northern Peninsular Malaysia (2008-2010)
[1001/PHUMANITI/816037] and, Topophilia and Topophobia: Place, Identity and the Geographical
Imagination of the Malay communities in Penang, Malaysia (2009-2011). I would like to thank Professor
Dato’ Abu Talib Ahmad and Professor Chan Ngai Weng for supporting the research endeavour that
made this research possible. Special thanks are due to my informants for participating in this study, as
well as Khairulnoor Khairuddin, Nursyafiqin Abdul Razak and Noor Zafirah Zulkurnaini for their
assistance in the field. Appreciation is also extended to David Preston, Anja Franck, and colleagues from
the School of Humanities, Universiti Sains Malaysia for their insight on the earlier draft of the paper. My
gratitude is expressed to the Citizenship and Belonging Research Cluster, School of Geography,
University of Leeds to which I am affiliated at the time of writing this article. I am also grateful to
Colonius Atang for the map and Agnes Woolley for the editorial assistance.
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Suriati Ghazali, Ph.D.
Associate Professor
School of Humanities
Universiti Sains Malaysia
11800 USM, Minden, Penang, MALAYSIA.
E-mail: suriati@usm.my
Malaysian Journal of Environmental Management 12(1) (2011): 47-58