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somanlu jul dez 2006.pmd - Eventos - Ufam

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“Soldiers” and citizens in the rainforest: Brazilian rubber tappers...<br />

On 18 June, 1944, a crowd of politicians, businessmen, military and church<br />

officials and foreign diplomats gathered at the headquarters of the Associação<br />

Comercial do Amazonas – ACA in the capital city of Manaus in a special ceremony<br />

to commemorate the seventy-third anniversary of the trade organization. The<br />

association congregated the small, tightly-knit business leadership of Manaus involved<br />

in the marketing of forest products, the forwarding of credit and merchandise to<br />

producers, and the import-export trade. Since its inception, ACA was an elite male<br />

realm where political deals were conducted, financial transactions sealed, and social<br />

relations cultivated. After exchanging pleasantries and handshakes, the invitees listened<br />

to the inspirational words of Álvaro Maia, the federally appointed governor in the<br />

state of Amazonas, and ACA President Waldemar Pinheiro, who praised the free<br />

market (ACA, 1945, p. 47).<br />

With the advent of World War II, the headquarters of ACA buzzed with<br />

anticipation as the newfound demand for Amazonian rubber by the Allies portended<br />

better times. The region’s economy had contracted sharply after 1913, when Asian<br />

plantation latex undercut the monopoly held for decades by wild Amazonian rubber.<br />

Depleted export tax revenues – a primary source of local state income under the<br />

decentralized political system of the Republic (1889-1930) – had left public servants<br />

and militias without pay, public services in shambles, and foreign creditors hollering.<br />

Many of the commercial forwarding firms (aviadores), unable to recover debt from<br />

the insolvent operators (seringalistas) of the rubber estates had gone bankrupt or<br />

taken possession of the relatively valueless land as collateral for unpaid loans. The<br />

federal government proved unwilling to bail out a region whose influence in national<br />

politics had always been marginal, and valorization plans to artificially increase the<br />

price of rubber failed. 1<br />

Manaus, capital of the state of Amazonas and the Brazilian Amazon’s second<br />

largest city, contained a population of 100,000 in 1940. The city’s mercantile elite and<br />

small middle class, suffering decades of economic downswing that followed the<br />

bust, sought to salve their wounded self-esteem in the familiar comfort of religious<br />

fervor, conservative mores, and traditional gender roles: even in the sweltering heat,<br />

gentlemen would never dare dispense with jacket and tie and long pants in public;<br />

“decent” women always wore long skirts and never pants – lest they face ridicule as<br />

a “mulher-macho”. (PERES, 1984, p. 21, 40-43). Still, the modern architecture of<br />

the Association’s newly constructed four-storied building emanated an air of self-<br />

36 Somanlu, ano 6, n. 2, <strong>jul</strong>./<strong>dez</strong>. 2006

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