ULUSLARARASI EKONOMİK SORUNLAR

N. Tolga TUNCER
4.3.1. An Overall Assesment of Trade Facilitation Negotiations and Turkey’s
Position
Perhaps, in no other WTO Negotiation the interests of EU and Turkey clashes so
openly than in the freedom of transit negotiation under Trade Facilitation heading.
Under pressure from its transportation sector which a very developed one in Turkey and
has access to even the top politicians, Turkey has to directly target EU. EU, on the other
hand, is quite uncomfortable with this process. As mentioned before, a recent and very
significant development was that EU made harmonisation in the positions in the
international organisations an opening benchmark for the external relations chapter.
This can be seen as a turning point since from now on, Turkey will formally have no
space to deviate from EU’s position in the international organisations –although it does-.
It is widely believed that among other things, the situation in trade facilitation
negotiations played a significant role.
5. Concluding Remarks
The majority of the economic problems experienced by Turkey are not unique to it.
Almost all developing countries with a large population and considerable amount rural
masses face the same problems though at varying levels: A dual structure of economy
with a relatively developed industrial sector and relatively underdeveloped rural areas
dealing with agriculture. High regional income differences and overall income
disparities in the society. The resulting dilemmas.
At the core of the difficulties faced by Turkey in both Doha Round and Accession
Negotiations with the EU, lies these dilemmas. As already discussed, Turkey has a dual
role in Doha Round. While in agriculture it has a “defensive” role, it has to play the
developed country role in industrial products. As we argued before, this dual position
apparently stems from Turkey’s EU obligations, mainly from the customs union.
However, if we once make a counterfactual exercise and ask what would be if there
were no EU obligations, I believe the result would not be extremely different. The
position in agriculture being the same, perhaps, Turkey would not be that agressively
“progressive” in industrial products since it would have more to lose and more actual
negotiating power. Nevertheless, there are few reasons to believe that Turkey would
change its liberal outlook in industrial products. In agriculture, the seeming dismatch
between Turkey’s rather short-sighted and politically motivated position and Turkey’s
prospective obligations from EU membership is a reality. However, what is to be done
in agriculture in the EU accession process are actually what is to be done in Turkey
sooner or later if it aspires to achieve a sustained and balanced growth period in the long
Uluslararası Ekonomik Sorunlar 31