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Vol <strong>13</strong> No 1<br />

∞<br />

March <strong>2016</strong><br />

ISSN <strong>13</strong>02-8324


Vol <strong>13</strong> No 1 ∞ March <strong>2016</strong><br />

Published three issues in one year by Istanbul Technical University as a refereed journal.<br />

Editorial<br />

Yurdanur Dülgeroğlu Yüksel<br />

Gül Koçlar Oral<br />

Tüzin Baycan<br />

Editorial Board<br />

Aygül Ağır<br />

Nilgün Ergun<br />

Yegan Kahya<br />

İlknur Kolay<br />

Sinan Mert Şener<br />

Hayriye Eşbah Tuncay<br />

Gülname Turan<br />

Alper Ünlü<br />

Zerrin <strong>Yıl</strong>maz<br />

Publishing Editor<br />

Y. Çağatay Seçkin<br />

Editorial Secretariat<br />

Melike Ersoy<br />

Koray Gelmez<br />

Buket Metin<br />

Feride Şener <strong>Yıl</strong>maz<br />

Representatives<br />

Ümit <strong>Yıl</strong>maz • Georgia, USA<br />

Sadık C. Artunç • Mississippi, USA<br />

Advisory Board<br />

Ömer Akın • School of Architecture, Carnegie Mellon University, Pittsburgh, USA<br />

Michael Batty • School of Architecture, Faculty of the Built Environment, Centre for Advanced Spatial Analysis, University College London, London, UK<br />

Sina Berköz • Department of Architecture and Interior Design , College of Engineering, University of Bahrain, Isa Town, Bahrain<br />

Sibel Bozdoğan • Department of Architecture, Faculty of Art and Design, Kadir Has University, Istanbul, Turkey<br />

Richard Buchanan • Department of Design & Innovation, Weatherhead School of Management, Case Western Reserve University, Cleveland, Ohio, USA<br />

Erich Buhmann • Department of Landscape Architecture, Faculty of Agriculture, Ecotrophology and Landscape Development, Anhalt University, Bernburg, Germany<br />

Conall O’Cathain • School of Architecture, Queen’s University of Belfast, Belfast, N. Ireland<br />

Jay Chatterjee • Seasongood Foundation, Urban Design Review Board City of Cincinnati, Contemporary Arts Center Cincinnati, Cinnati, Ohio, USA<br />

Max Conrad • Department of Landscape Architecture, College of Art and Design, Louisiana State University, Baton Rouge, USA<br />

Gülen Çağdaş • Department of Architecture, Faculty of Architecture, Istanbul Technical University, Istanbul, Turkey<br />

Gülden Erkut • Department of Urban and Regional Planning, Faculty of Architecture, Istanbul Technical University, Istanbul, Turkey<br />

Zafer Ertürk • Department of Interior Architecture, Faculty of Architecture and Design, Feyziye Schools Foundation Işık University, Istanbul, Turkey<br />

John Gero • Department of Computer Science, College of Computing and Informatics, The University of North Carolina at Charlotte, North Carolina, USA<br />

Luigi Fusco Girard • Department of Architecture, University of Naples Federico II, Naples, Italy<br />

Joachim B. Kieferle • Department of Architecture, Faculty of Architecture and Civil Engineering, Rheinmain University, Wiesbaden, Germany<br />

Roderick John Lawrence • Department of Geography & Environment, Faculty of Social Sciences, Institute of Environmental Sciences, University of Geneva, Switzerland<br />

Ardeshir Mahdavi • Department of Building Physics and Building Ecology, Institute of Architectural Sciences, Vienna University of Technology, Vienna, Austria<br />

Ezio Manzini • Chair of Design for Social Innovation,Department of Industrial Design, Polytechnic University of Milan, Milan, Italy<br />

Robert W. Marans • Department of Urban and Regional Planning, College of Architecture and Urban Planning, University of Michigan, Michigan, USA<br />

Mehmet Ocakçı • Department of Urban and Regional Planning, Faculty of Architecture, Istanbul Technical University, Istanbul, Turkey<br />

Rivka Oxman • Faculty of Architecture and Town Planning, Technion Israel Institute of Technology, Haifa Israel<br />

Süha Özkan • Faculty of Architecture and Design, Özyeğin University, Istanbul, Turkey<br />

Andrew D. Seidel • School of Environmental Planning, University of Northern British Columbia, Prince George, British Columbia, Canada<br />

Hasan Şener • Department of Architecture, Faculty of Architecture, Istanbul Kultur University, Istanbul, Turkey<br />

Handan Türkoğlu • Department of Urban and Regional Planning, Faculty of Architecture, Istanbul Technical University, Istanbul, Turkey<br />

Zerrin <strong>Yıl</strong>maz • Department of Architecture, Faculty of Architecture, Istanbul Technical University, Istanbul, Turkey<br />

Typesetting<br />

Koray Gelmez<br />

Onur <strong>Yıl</strong>maz<br />

Web<br />

Buket Metin<br />

Abstracted and Indexed in<br />

Avery Index to Architectural Periodicals<br />

Design and Applied Art Index (DAAI)<br />

Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ)<br />

Genamics JournalSeek<br />

International Construction Database (ICONDA)<br />

Scopus<br />

ISSN <strong>13</strong>02-8324<br />

Print<br />

Cenkler Matbaa, Istanbul Turkey, March <strong>2016</strong><br />

Cover Design<br />

Koray Gelmez<br />

Logo Design<br />

Koray Gelmez<br />

Contact<br />

İTÜ A|Z Yayın Sekreterliği,<br />

İstanbul Teknik Üniversitesi,<br />

Mimarlık Fakültesi<br />

Taşkışla, Taksim, 34437<br />

İstanbul Türkiye<br />

fax: 90 212 251 4895<br />

e-mail: az@itu.edu.tr<br />

web: www.az.itu.edu.tr


Contents<br />

Editor<br />

Editorial<br />

I-II<br />

Dossier: Vernacular architecture<br />

Yurdanur Yüksel Dülgeroğlu<br />

Dossier Editorial 1-3<br />

Keynote: Vernacular architecture and typology<br />

Attilio Petruccioli 5-<strong>13</strong><br />

Esin Hasgül<br />

Incremental housing: A participation process solution for informal housing 15-27<br />

Marwa Dabaieh, Birgitte Tanderup Eybye<br />

A comparative study of human aspects in acclimatization of<br />

adobe vernacular architecture: A case from Denmark and Egypt 29-41<br />

Emre Torbaoğlu, Yüksel Demir<br />

A research on the continuity of the original settlements:<br />

A case study on Kemaliye/Erzincan 43-56<br />

Rully Damayanti, Florian Kossak<br />

Extending Kevin Lynch’s concept of imageability in third space reading;<br />

case study of Kampungs, Surabaya–Indonesia 57-67<br />

Timothy O. Iyendo, Ebunoluwa Y. Akingbaso,<br />

Halil Z. Alibaba, Mesut B. Özdeniz<br />

A relative study of microclimate responsive design approaches to<br />

buildings in Cypriot settlements 69-81<br />

Warebi Gabriel Brisibe<br />

Lessons from ‘archaeotecture’: Analysing variations in vernacular<br />

architecture using methods from archaeology 83-95<br />

Selin Küçük<br />

Structural transformations of traditional architecture from<br />

Hittites to Ottomans in Bogazkoy 97-106<br />

Maria I Hidayatun, Josef Prijotomo, Murni Rachmawati<br />

Vernacular architecture as an alternative design approach with<br />

interpretation of Paul Ricoeur’s critical theory 107-114<br />

Shikha Patidar, Brishbhanlali Raghuwanshi<br />

Vernacular to modern in the search of sustainable development 115-126<br />

Ranjith Dayaratne<br />

Re-dignifying vernacular for constructing national identity: Elitism,<br />

grand traditions and cultural revival in Bahrain 127-<strong>13</strong>8


Theory<br />

Gizem Caner, Fulin Bölen<br />

Urban planning approaches in divided cities <strong>13</strong>9-156<br />

Deniz Balık, Açalya Allmer<br />

A critical review of ornament in contemporary<br />

architectural theory and practice 157-169<br />

Pınar Sıvalıoğlu, Lale Berköz<br />

Relationship between place attachment and user satisfaction<br />

at some national parks in Turkey 171-181<br />

Işıl Çokuğraş, C. İrem Gençer<br />

Urban regulations in 18 th century Istanbul:<br />

<br />

Gül Sibel Gedik, Dilek <strong>Yıl</strong>dız<br />

Assessing the role of users in sustainable revitalization of<br />

historic urban quarters: The case of Bursa-Khans District 195-208<br />

Feride Şener <strong>Yıl</strong>maz<br />

Energy efficient lighting system retrofit for retail environments 209-224


I<br />

Editorial<br />

Y. Çağatay SEÇKİN <br />

This issue of the A|Z ITU Journal of<br />

the Faculty of Architecture is the first of<br />

its 12th year, an event worthy of some<br />

special celebration, remembrance and<br />

considerable changes.<br />

Through the remaining years, A|Z<br />

ITU Journal of the Faculty of Architecture<br />

endeavored to create a decent<br />

platform for academic environment to<br />

reach the information in the field of design<br />

and planning. During this time, <strong>13</strong><br />

volumes and 26 issues have published<br />

both electronically and in hard copy,<br />

as an internationally indexed journal.<br />

By this time, 260 articles produced by<br />

450 authors have been published in the<br />

Journal; and these articles were sent<br />

from 31 different countries: Argentina,<br />

Australia, Bahrain, Brazil, Canada,<br />

China, Czech Republic, Denmark,<br />

Egypt, Finland, France, Germany,<br />

Greece, India, Indonesia, Iran, Israel,<br />

Lithuania, Malaysia, Mexico, Nigeria,<br />

Norway, Philippines, Qatar, Sweden,<br />

Switzerland, Thailand, Turkey, Turkish<br />

Republic of Northern Cyprus, United<br />

Kingdom and United States of America.<br />

Starting with the first issue of 2015,<br />

we have introduced a number of<br />

changes, all done with the intention of<br />

enhancing our reader satisfaction.<br />

The first and most obvious change<br />

was about the publication frequency.<br />

According to expanded visibility and<br />

outreach of the Journal, the number<br />

of good-quality submissions has increased<br />

dramatically and was left no<br />

choice but to move from biannual<br />

(spring & fall) to tri-annual publication<br />

(spring, summer & fall).<br />

The second and most exciting<br />

change was that the logo, the cover and<br />

the page layout have been completely<br />

redesigned. This was done both to<br />

give the journal a brighter appearance<br />

and give the reader an opportunity to<br />

quickly identify and read the article<br />

that might be of immediate interest.<br />

Beginning from this issue;<br />

Online manuscript management<br />

system (www.journalagent.com/itujfa/)<br />

was started to use for accelerating<br />

the submission, peer-review<br />

and correspondence processes.<br />

Each article has a Digital Object<br />

Identifier (DOI) number to increase<br />

the accessibility and ease the<br />

calculation of the citations.<br />

Webpage of the Journal<br />

(www.az.itu.edu.tr) is more appealing,<br />

easier to navigate, and more<br />

fun to use than even before, with its<br />

new fresh-look.<br />

We know the changes can be threatening<br />

and intimidating, but it can also<br />

be inspiring and beneficial. With the<br />

hope of being inspiring and beneficial,<br />

we welcome comments on whether we<br />

have succeeded in our objectives.<br />

The dossier of this issue has been<br />

titled as “Vernacular Architecture”<br />

which is edited by Yurdanur Dülgeroğlu-Yüksel,<br />

PhD. The articles of this<br />

dossier were selected from the ISVS<br />

7 Conference held on 15-17 October<br />

2014. The dossier has the articles as<br />

follows: <br />

<br />

-<br />

<br />

<br />

-<br />

<br />

<br />

-<br />

-<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

-<br />

<br />

-<br />

<br />

<br />

-<br />

-<br />

<br />

<br />

-<br />

-


II<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

-<br />

<br />

-<br />

<br />

. All selected papers were<br />

reviewed by at least two reviewers.<br />

Besides of the dossier, this issue has<br />

seven articles in the theory section.<br />

Gizem Caner and Fulin Bölen wrote<br />

the first article. Caner & Bölen, in their<br />

article entitled as -<br />

present a<br />

comparative analysis of planning approaches<br />

in divided cities in order to<br />

investigate the role of planning in alleviating<br />

or exacerbating urban division<br />

in these societies. It analyses four<br />

urban areas—Berlin, Beirut, Belfast,<br />

Jerusalem—either of which has experienced<br />

or still experiences extreme divisions<br />

related to nationality, ethnicity,<br />

religion, and/or culture.<br />

The second article, written by Deniz<br />

Balık and Açalya Allmer, makes <br />

-<br />

<br />

. The aim of this study is to<br />

construct the theoretical framework of<br />

ornament in the twenty-first century<br />

architectural domain, and the paper<br />

intends to investigate the reemergence<br />

of this-yet-ambiguous issue to evaluate<br />

its new aspects, and redefine its limits<br />

in contemporary architectural theory<br />

and practice.<br />

The article entitled <br />

<br />

<br />

written by Pınar Sıvalıoğlu and<br />

Lale Berköz intends to discover which<br />

factors effect visitor satisfaction and<br />

attachment for providing benefit to future<br />

studies in national parks.<br />

Işıl Çokuğraş and C. İrem Gençer<br />

aims to discuss how the built environment<br />

of Istanbul was formed in the 18 th<br />

century as an initial period for urban<br />

reforms and studies in their paper entitled<br />

<br />

<br />

. The paper evaluates the regulations<br />

of 18th century which were<br />

based on the occasion of natural disasters<br />

and public dispute through official<br />

archive documents and narratives. -<br />

<br />

-<br />

<br />

written by Gül Sibel Gedik and Dilek<br />

<strong>Yıl</strong>dız investigates the importance of<br />

users’ role in sustainable revitalization<br />

process in historical urban quarters.<br />

The last paper of this issue is -<br />

<br />

In this study,<br />

Feride Şener <strong>Yıl</strong>maz tries to clarify the<br />

lighting design criteria for retail environments<br />

in terms of visual comfort<br />

conditions and lighting energy efficiency<br />

and investigates a retail lighting<br />

retrofit application on the example of a<br />

department store. This research clearly<br />

underlines the importance of a proper<br />

lighting retrofit project in terms of providing<br />

visual comfort conditions and<br />

lighting energy efficiency.<br />

Lastly, I would like to let the readers<br />

know about the next issue. The dossiers<br />

of the following issues of A|Z ITU<br />

Journal of the Faculty of Architecture<br />

will be related with Energy Efficiency<br />

in Buildings.<br />

Please let us know for following issues<br />

if you have ideas or topics that we<br />

could be focusing on.


1<br />

Dossier Editorial:<br />

Vernacular architecture<br />

Yurdanur DÜLGEROĞLU YÜKSEL<br />

The dossier of this issue is a selection<br />

of articles, transformed from an international<br />

conference held at Istanbul<br />

technical University about a year ago.<br />

The theme of the ISVS-7 Conference<br />

in Istanbul which took place at Taşkışla,<br />

was Vernacular Architecture. ISVS<br />

stands for International Seminar on<br />

Vernacular Settlements. The Conference<br />

took place during the period between<br />

15-17th of October, 2014. After<br />

having many discussions and reviews<br />

of the previous 6 ISVS themes, the local<br />

conference team in Istanbul, ITU gave<br />

a special title to the ISVS 7 Conference:<br />

Re-Assessment of Vernacular Architecture:<br />

theory and practice. With<br />

this international conference, we welcomed<br />

participants from all over the<br />

world and enjoyed the energy springing<br />

from the ideas of diverse scholars.<br />

The conference was structured around<br />

several keynote speeches, half of them<br />

Turkish, half of them international.<br />

Furthermore, 7 sessions were held,<br />

with parallels. Contribution came from<br />

active participants 23 different countries<br />

–from Asia, Middle-East, Africa,<br />

Europe, North and Central America,<br />

and Canada. Over <strong>13</strong>0 abstracts were<br />

submitted. Approximately 100 participants<br />

came over. We were able to<br />

realize the conference by the sponsorship<br />

of TUBITAK, ITU Rectorate, Real<br />

Estate Investment Fund, Çuhadaroglu<br />

Aluminum Systems. The tripod of the<br />

conference structure was composed of<br />

the Dean of Faculty of Architecture,<br />

Architectural Design Typology Working<br />

Group, and Housing Research<br />

Center of ITU. While the dean together<br />

with the Rectorate offices was promoting<br />

the funds to realize the conference<br />

and opening up the spaces with, in<br />

Taşkışla, the working group undertook<br />

most of the human and intellectual responsibilities<br />

over long hours and days<br />

and weeks of work. The Center mobilized<br />

all its facilities almost everyday,<br />

welcoming and tracking the conference<br />

process before, during and after<br />

the Conference. The original founder<br />

of the series of biennial international<br />

seminars has been a group of scholars<br />

from Asia which started in Indonesia<br />

in 1999. It has aimed to promote research<br />

on Vernacular traditions and<br />

settlements.<br />

After reconsidering the previous<br />

ISVS themes and its main goals, the<br />

local organising committee at ITU has<br />

decided that conference focus on the<br />

following topics:<br />

Theory, philosophy and practice:<br />

Knowledge formation<br />

Globalization and Local Identities:<br />

Small Traditions and Grand Traditions<br />

Politics: Informality, Third Space,<br />

Otherness, Struggles, Exclusion,<br />

Resistance, Diversity, Plurality,<br />

Gender, Class, and Ethnic Differences<br />

Human Factors/Behavioral Aspects:<br />

Women, Children, the Aged,<br />

Everyday Life<br />

Meanings and Experiences:<br />

Place-making, Dwelling, Non-Place<br />

Commodification: Consumption,<br />

Media Intervention, Touristification,<br />

and Inappropriate Policies<br />

Environmental Concerns: Formation<br />

of Public Space, Street Art<br />

Socio-Cultural Sustainability: Cultural<br />

Ecology of Vernacular Housing<br />

Technology and New Materials:<br />

Climate, Ecology, Recycling, Saving<br />

of the Resources<br />

The participants included full-paper<br />

presenters, organization committee<br />

members, scientific committee members<br />

from different universities and<br />

geographies, architects-planners from<br />

offices, invited speakers, researchers<br />

from various research centers, and<br />

doctoral students from national and<br />

international universities. Diversity of<br />

geography, education, occupation and<br />

backgrounds was a springboard for<br />

heated discussions on the changing<br />

definition of what is vernacular and<br />

what is not. The conversations continued<br />

at coffee-breaks, lunches and<br />

even after the conference. The keynote<br />

speakers from international universities<br />

included Miki Desai from CEPT<br />

University, India; Nezar Alsayyad from<br />

University of California, Berkeley,<br />

USA; Attilio Petruccioli with Italian


2<br />

origin, from Qatar University. Furthermore,<br />

a guest speaker from Bahrain<br />

University Pratyush Shankar gave the<br />

welcoming speech as one of the core<br />

members of ISVS committee. Three<br />

best papers were selected to promote<br />

research on the theme by the organizing<br />

and scientific committee, and first,<br />

second, and two third best papers are<br />

included within this dossier in this and<br />

the next issue of the journal.<br />

A. Petruccioli’s article is the first one,<br />

and the author gives a well-founded critique<br />

of vernacular architecture Works<br />

at the contemporary times. He selects<br />

samples from the known architects<br />

and scholars. Understanding the typology<br />

process is the focus of the article,<br />

as a way of challenging the contemporary<br />

design in the built environment.<br />

E. Hasgül emphasizes the incremental<br />

growth of squatter settlements in İstanbul.<br />

She examines the cultural identity<br />

in the informal settlements and examines<br />

the house production process to<br />

the extent of its improvements in time.<br />

M. Dabaieh and B. Eybye have<br />

written their article on an interesting<br />

comparison between a middle-eastern<br />

country and a northern European<br />

Country. Through the context of acclimatization<br />

of adobe housing, they have<br />

shown that, even in different cultural<br />

contexts, people’s approach to sustainability<br />

can be similar..<br />

E. Torbaoğlu and Y. Demir have<br />

based their article on a long-lasting<br />

research on settlements of Kemaliye,<br />

Erzincan In the article is examined the<br />

concept of continuity, a highly crucial<br />

parameter of transferrence of vernacular<br />

architecture to the new and coming<br />

generations throughout time for their<br />

cultural, as well as spatial sustainability.<br />

The critical regionalizm formed the<br />

theoretical framework of the article.<br />

R. Dayamanti and F. Kossak use in<br />

their article, the major urban identity<br />

definers of Kevin Lynch in order<br />

to re-assess them in view of vernacular<br />

architecture. The article carries the<br />

Lynch’s theory of imageability of contemporary<br />

third space. The authors<br />

attempt to interpret the theory and its<br />

application in a new way.<br />

T. Iyendo, E. Akingbaso, H. Z. Alibaba<br />

and M. Özdeniz have made a research<br />

as the background for his article<br />

on the Cypriot buildings. Their emphasis<br />

is on the microclimate-based design<br />

alternatives. Their study reveals that<br />

vernacular housing embodies more<br />

climate-responsive and human-comfort<br />

oriented design approach than the<br />

contemporary buildings The article<br />

contributes to the understanding of<br />

the relevant knowledge whether it becomes<br />

an input in the design concept<br />

and design process or not. W. Brisibe<br />

has conducted an extremely interesting<br />

field study in African fisher village<br />

using ethnographic methodology. He<br />

examined on one-to-one basis through<br />

interviews, photos the fisher tribes<br />

housing and settlement forms, and<br />

their activities differentiated by gender<br />

and age. The life styles of these migrant<br />

fisher families of Nigeria require highly<br />

hierarchical spatial arrangements. The<br />

article reminds us one more time that<br />

the best knowledge about the Local can<br />

only be derived from the local community,<br />

in place.<br />

S. Küçük has conducted quite an interesting<br />

work on Hittite civilization<br />

with its own unique architecture. The<br />

author curiously intends to follow up<br />

the traces of the vernacular from Hittite’s<br />

time up to the Ottoman period for<br />

comparative purposes. To fulfill this<br />

aim, the Hattusha village local architecture<br />

is examined. The change along<br />

time longitudinally has existed; yet,<br />

same material and structural design<br />

factors persisted despite thousands of<br />

years in between, indicating continuity<br />

of the vernacular.<br />

M. I Hidayatun and J. Prijotomo,<br />

and M. Rachmawati, similar to the 6th<br />

article in the dossier, have interpreted<br />

and applied an existing theory, in this<br />

case Paul Ricoeur’s theory, on a different<br />

context of design approach. The<br />

authors explore the capacities of the<br />

contemporary usage of Vernacular Architecture<br />

for a viable tool for today,in<br />

the light of Ricoeur’s theory.<br />

S. Patidar and B. Raghuwanshi dwell<br />

in their article on a timeless argument<br />

of whether Vernacular Architecture<br />

is dominated by the modern Architecture,<br />

or if the two can co-exist for<br />

a sustainable development. They have<br />

explored a central tribal settlement in<br />

India, in its ecological, architectural,<br />

and economic aspects, to find leading


3<br />

guidelines for the design of sustainable<br />

development of the modern. Throughout<br />

the Conference, this issue has been<br />

debated; and it seems that this article<br />

contributes to this discussion by pointing<br />

out its significance for consideration<br />

in a realizable development.<br />

R. Dayaratne in his article has a<br />

detailed examination of the traditional<br />

architecture of Bahrain in order to<br />

show that re-dignification of the vernacular<br />

is possible. He justifies it by the<br />

significance of sustaining the identity<br />

of the culture and the nation. Under<br />

the global forces and with the loss of<br />

pearl industry the major traditions are<br />

threatened to be diminished, and the<br />

author claims they need to be revived.<br />

l hope that the readers share the ideas<br />

of the authors presented here, and at<br />

the same time re-assess their daily lives<br />

in connection with local values in their<br />

built and social environments.


1<br />

attilio.petruccioli@<br />

<br />

Department of<br />

Architecture and<br />

Urban Planning,<br />

College of<br />

Engineering, Qatar<br />

University, Doha,<br />

Qatar<br />

Keynote:<br />

Vernacular architecture<br />

and typology<br />

Attilio PETRUCCIOLI 1<br />

“A language is a dialect with an army<br />

and a navy.”<br />

Max Weinreich<br />

Typology<br />

A pious Muslim, whose son was<br />

about to get married, he went to the<br />

mosque of a small village and asked the<br />

brothers to help build the new house.<br />

All the faithful agreed, no questions<br />

like: “What type of home?” “How are<br />

distributed functions?” what materials<br />

and what techniques? “. Simply: the<br />

house. In the past times the owner very<br />

likely did not even need to describe<br />

a house to a local mason who shared<br />

his cultural milieu; he simply told the<br />

mason what he needed and the mason<br />

built the house without too much planning<br />

and the carpenter, when he built<br />

the roof, built the only roof he knows.<br />

The idea of house is a concept shared<br />

by the whole community and it is so<br />

rooted, that exists in the mind of the<br />

inhabitants even before challenging the<br />

tools and execute the work.<br />

We have introduced the concept of<br />

type using this short fable, whose definition<br />

in its simplest version sounds<br />

like this: “Type is the organic sum of<br />

the morphological invariant features<br />

of a group of buildings from the same<br />

time period and cultural area. Typology,<br />

not to be confused with type, is<br />

the science that studies the types, their<br />

mutual relations and their evolution in<br />

time”.<br />

The a-priori type<br />

In the past village where the houses<br />

and overall fabric are notable for their<br />

homogeneity, is possible because at a<br />

given point in the past every villager<br />

building a house referred to the same<br />

common legacy of constructive, distributive,<br />

and decorative techniques.<br />

Changes over time occurred so<br />

slowly that almost any abrupt change<br />

in the formal continuity of any one<br />

built object was essentially cancelled<br />

out. Homogeneity, far from being monotonous,<br />

was the aesthetic merit of<br />

the village.<br />

This is not to say that differences<br />

almost did not exist. “A shepherd of a<br />

large flock who must distinguish one<br />

sheep from another necessarily takes<br />

into account the subtle differences<br />

between his individual sheep,” writes<br />

Heinrich Tessenow, “and he is quite<br />

able to do it, while a non-shepherd like<br />

ourselves thinks they all look alike because<br />

in this case our eyes are not used<br />

to seeking out the subtleties.” (1)<br />

Paradoxically, when the protagonists<br />

of the modern movement tried to cut<br />

the bonds of historical consciousness<br />

and by extension the historic fabric by<br />

using a clean, abstract language, they<br />

constructed that language from the<br />

southern Mediterranean vernacular.<br />

Masters of modernism such as Joseph<br />

Hoffman, Adolf Loos, Adalberto Libera,<br />

and Carlo Enrico Rava, for example,<br />

were inspired by examples of Libyan,<br />

Tunisian, and Algerian Vernacular<br />

building.(2)<br />

A patrimony of expression of space<br />

and architecture still exists that people<br />

retain in their memory and apply when<br />

they build a house without an architect.<br />

If we visit a gurbi an illegal settlement<br />

on the periphery of Tunis, such as the<br />

Melassine quarter, or a douar at Marrakesh,<br />

places where we would expect<br />

chaos, we will be surprised by the rationality<br />

of the layout, with its equal-sized<br />

plots properly aligned along regular<br />

streets. Most striking is the similarity<br />

of these layouts to the fabric of the madina.<br />

The immigrants from the hinterland,<br />

who have occupied the land and<br />

subsequently built these structures,<br />

have used the patrimony expressed by<br />

the type simply because it is ingrained<br />

in their consciousness. These and other<br />

similar examples reinforce the principle<br />

of type that Saverio Muratori called<br />

“a common creative effort.”(3). His observations<br />

on the built fabric of Venice<br />

and Rome also led him to the important<br />

and original corollary that type is not<br />

only an a-posteriori mental construct,<br />

but it already exists within the built reality<br />

of the building, the fabric, and the<br />

city. It is “the mental project” of whoever<br />

builds or remodels a building, and<br />

therefore precedes the planning stage<br />

as a pre-representation. Furthermore,<br />

5


6<br />

Muratori points out, at their deepest<br />

level, types are much more than just<br />

schemes established a-posteriori. They<br />

are the essential formative elements of<br />

stylistic forms and also of the works<br />

of art themselves. In these works they<br />

represent the often decisive contribution<br />

of an environment and a culture<br />

operating at the individual level while<br />

characterizing an entire school, age,<br />

and people. Outside such a formative<br />

spiritual climate single works would<br />

not even be conceivable.<br />

Unlike Platonic ideas, the a-priori<br />

type does not pre-exist at the metaphysical<br />

level or on a formal schematic<br />

level as Argan suggested, but is a<br />

product of the historical process and<br />

is rooted in a society’s culture, as John<br />

Habraken never tires of stating. (4) For<br />

Muratori, the type is the concept, not a<br />

scientific paradigm, a conjecture with<br />

which to verify the sensible world except<br />

in contrary cases; rather, it is scientific<br />

in that it exists and has its roots<br />

in History. If it were not immanent in<br />

reality/History, which helps to interpret,<br />

it would in fact be a broken tool<br />

and we would make the usual error of<br />

constructing an abstract and subjective<br />

system like the gestalt of Christian<br />

Norberg-Schulz, entrusting ourselves<br />

to theories based on perception. It is<br />

neither the work of individuals nor of<br />

a society in a given historic moment,<br />

but is slowly formulated and progressively<br />

added to by society as a whole<br />

during its cultural-historical evolution.<br />

Since it is formed on the structure of<br />

the environment and on principles and<br />

structures of use as experienced, the<br />

apriori type is deeply tied to the place<br />

and is opposed to the conventionalism<br />

of standards, but to the atopic as<br />

well. It is always politically, culturally,<br />

and economically up to date. While it<br />

is shared it is also individual, insofar as<br />

each person who uses the type introduces<br />

new elements that make changes<br />

in it that are not part of the existing<br />

consensus. We may sum up by saying<br />

that an a-priori type is determined by<br />

the legacy of transmittable characteristics<br />

which precedes the formation<br />

of the single building, governing its<br />

structure of relations from within. In<br />

other words, it is the body of customs<br />

and norms acquired over the course of<br />

the building experience, which forms<br />

the framework for previewing the proposed<br />

building.<br />

Spontaneous conscience<br />

The a-priori type is definitely a product<br />

of the spontaneous conscience that<br />

is the attitude of man to adhere to established<br />

standards, rules and customs,<br />

that stem from the built tradition. Even<br />

in the absence of real building regulations,<br />

the force of custom was such that<br />

the manufacturer adhered in full to the<br />

existing built reality. Returning to the<br />

example of the illegal settlements in<br />

many Islamic countries, the building<br />

is a precise economic reply and is done<br />

by dividing the land in accordance<br />

with the rules and conventions that<br />

translates instances of spontaneous<br />

conscience, rooted in time. The distribution<br />

of land produces plots of constant<br />

size that match constructive, economic<br />

and distributive requirements of<br />

the house. In the minds of those who<br />

divide the land a close relationship between<br />

land-use, type of house and type<br />

of urban fabric is established, which<br />

will be summarized in the act of constructing.<br />

The spontaneous consciousness<br />

of the rule matches the spontaneous<br />

consciousness of the type.<br />

Vernacular architecture<br />

It is not nostalgia for a distant past<br />

that leads us to refer to vernacular examples,<br />

but the expression of a conscious<br />

spontaneity that they embody.<br />

The striking unity of a Kabyl settlement<br />

on the mountain above Tizi Ouzou in<br />

Algeria or a ksar in the Draa valley<br />

in Morocco are the expression of homogeneous<br />

society, which, passed the<br />

state of nature, have metabolized experience<br />

in tradition.<br />

In the Italian Enciclopedia Treccani<br />

we read: vernacular, from Latin<br />

vernaculus, adj. “ domestic, familiar”,<br />

that continues:” Speech characteristic<br />

of a center or a limited area. This is<br />

in contrast to language and is distinguished<br />

from dialect, with respect to<br />

which is more popular and local (as<br />

in French patois is opposed to langue<br />

and differs from dialecte), and is used<br />

most often for historical reasons. Most<br />

of the dictionaries associate vernacular<br />

to linguistics: for instance from


7<br />

the Free Dictionary:” being or characteristic<br />

of or appropriate to everyday<br />

language; “common parlance”;<br />

“a vernacular term”; “vernacular<br />

speakers”; “the vulgar tongue of<br />

the masses”; “the technical and vulgar<br />

names for an animal species” , or<br />

from the Your Dictionary:” Vernacular<br />

is common language spoken by average<br />

citizens of a particular place, or is<br />

language used within a particular field<br />

or industry ”.<br />

From the previous definitions it<br />

seems that the term is used with two<br />

meanings. The first branch (in the<br />

sense of the meaning) more Anglo-Saxon<br />

(which corresponds to the<br />

English “dialect” defines the “dialect”<br />

of a “variant” of a linguistic geographic<br />

continuum, and therefore the term is<br />

understood to refer to a specific family<br />

language and possibly related to the<br />

“linguistic form of reference” or “root”<br />

of the family, called the standard form.<br />

In this sense we can speak of “dialect of<br />

a language” or “dialect of a language or<br />

dialect continuum” as tantamount to<br />

speak a variety of languages intelligible<br />

with the others in the group to which it<br />

is ascribed.<br />

The second meaning, derived from<br />

Greek antiquity, identifies the “dialect”<br />

as any “idiom” with its territorial<br />

characterization but devoid of political<br />

or literary prestige, and that from the<br />

point of view of descriptive linguistics<br />

and philology is independent of any<br />

bond dependence, subordination or<br />

affiliation with the official language (or<br />

official) in force in its territory of relevance,<br />

although between dialect and<br />

the official language there may be significant<br />

relationships and similarities.<br />

(5)<br />

Bernard Rudofski in the introduction<br />

of the exhibition at MOMA,<br />

dedicated to the architecture without<br />

pedigree, describes the transition from<br />

the state of nature to the spontaneous<br />

consciousness, just as we read in the<br />

vernacular architecture: “ it seems that<br />

long before the first enterprising man<br />

bent some twigs into a leaky roof, many<br />

animals were already accomplished<br />

builders. It is unlikely that beavers got<br />

the idea of building dams by watching<br />

human dam-builders at work. It probably<br />

was the other way. Most likely,<br />

man got his first incentive to put up a<br />

shelter from his cousins, the anthropomorphous<br />

apes. Untamed apes do<br />

not share man’s urge to seek shelter in<br />

a natural cave, or under an overhanging<br />

rock, but prefer an airy scaffolding<br />

of their own making. The untutored<br />

builders in space and time-the protagonists<br />

of this show-demonstrate an admirable<br />

talent for fitting their buildings<br />

into the natural surroundings. Instead<br />

of trying to “conquer” nature, as we<br />

do, they welcome the vagaries of climate<br />

and the challenge of topography.<br />

Whereas we find flat, featureless country<br />

most to our liking (any flaws in the<br />

terrain are easily erased by the application<br />

of a bulldozer), more sophisticated<br />

people are attracted by rugged country.<br />

In fact, they do not hesitate to seek out<br />

the most complicated configurations in<br />

the landscape”.(6) and Glassie captures<br />

vernacular architecture in a matter of<br />

democracy and inclusion that does<br />

not have the architecture with capital<br />

A: “ The study of vernacular architecture<br />

through its urge toward the comprehensive,<br />

accommodates cultural<br />

diversity. It welcomes the neglected<br />

into study in order to acknowledge<br />

the reality of difference and conflict”<br />

(7). Rudofski who writes in the forties<br />

does locate under the umbrella of architecture<br />

without architects not only<br />

the homes of men, but any unplanned<br />

settlement, choosing beautiful images<br />

based mainly on their aesthetic impact;<br />

while for Glassie vernacular architecture<br />

is the ordinary house and everyday<br />

life, the first imbued with the values<br />

of family and community.<br />

However, both of the subtle differences<br />

of assessment of Bernard<br />

Rudofski, Paul Oliver, Henry Glassie<br />

or Dell Upton it is clear that vernacular<br />

architecture for its collective character,<br />

its belonging to an established and undisputed<br />

tradition, is an expression of<br />

the world of spontaneous consciousness.<br />

The works of vernacular architecture<br />

are typological variants of the<br />

leading type a-priori and can be studied<br />

by the typological science. This is<br />

absolutely true for the pre-modern architecture.


8<br />

Critical conscience<br />

In the second half of the nineteenth<br />

century, building as a work of spontaneous<br />

consciousness faced an unprecedented<br />

crisis and eventually its natural<br />

relation with the culture was severed.<br />

Rapid economic growth fueled by industrialization,<br />

as well as the specialization<br />

of the building industry itself,<br />

took by surprise those who venerated<br />

the existing “old” city. In addition,<br />

population growth caused the unprecedented<br />

outward expansion of those<br />

European cities just emerging from a<br />

state of semi-stagnation. The pre-industrial<br />

expansion of these cities had<br />

been inward and was achieved either<br />

through the erosion of public space or<br />

the deliberate transformation of existing<br />

structures. The new demographic<br />

and economic vitality combined with<br />

new mechanical means created new<br />

demands and functions. To meet them,<br />

traditional builders had only their limited<br />

experience and expertise derived<br />

from earlier changes in the local urban<br />

fabric and building practices and<br />

thus were only partially successful. The<br />

tastes of these medieval builders were<br />

formed by a common background and<br />

training, and their relation to building<br />

itself reflected this formation. The new<br />

bourgeois culture, in contrast, began to<br />

conceptualize buildings intellectually,<br />

as one can see in the universal forms<br />

of neoclassical architecture. Their response<br />

was primarily quantitative,<br />

leading to the reduction of a project to<br />

a simple question of style, in contrast<br />

to the spontaneous richness of the medieval<br />

town. Building became the monopoly<br />

of the architect and the owner:<br />

“building one’s house” became “finding<br />

one’s house on the market” Since that<br />

time the fact of working on special<br />

buildings has molded the professional<br />

figure of the architect.<br />

In addition to the inadequacies of<br />

the builders, nineteenth-century urbanism<br />

was adversely affected by the<br />

incapacity of the bureaucratic culture<br />

to assimilate the pre-industrial, medieval<br />

city. The Enlightenment, concerned<br />

with the abstract behavior of<br />

people, eventually conceived the city<br />

in terms of mechanical problems like<br />

transportation and sanitation, refusing<br />

to understand the existing city beyond<br />

the superficial image of the medieval<br />

crowded narrow winding streets. The<br />

intellectual position of the Enlightenment<br />

also proved inadequate for facing<br />

the challenge of the new era; so did<br />

Romanticism in its vain desire to favor<br />

morality and emotion, and Positivism<br />

because of the narrowness of its vision<br />

of reality.<br />

The Enlightenment inspired countless<br />

modern interventions in historical<br />

cities, from the nineteenth-century attempts<br />

to “liberate” monuments (e.g.,<br />

Hausmann’s gutting of Paris) to Le<br />

Corbusier’s famous Plan Voisin.<br />

I do not want deny the value of<br />

XIXth century urbanism, and architecture,<br />

but as a result of its conflictual<br />

relationship with the past it betrayed<br />

an exhaustion of ethical and expressive<br />

impulses.<br />

The phenomena described above<br />

have resulted in the long run a general<br />

weakening of the societies, making<br />

them more permeable to the a-critical<br />

import of alien architecture and at<br />

the same time a hypertrophy of egocentrism<br />

of the architect; so to paraphrase<br />

the examples of linguistics, and<br />

we passed from dialect to language<br />

often to finish using the idiolect. At<br />

the same time, the proliferation of increasingly<br />

specialized building types,<br />

which by definition are little or nothing<br />

spontaneous, has also influenced the<br />

design of the dwelling. Today’s homes<br />

are designed with strong intentionality<br />

and load of signs and meanings that<br />

are irrelevant. The first consequence is<br />

that every single house is not part of<br />

the chorus, placed in a homogeneous<br />

environment, but lives an aggressive<br />

competition among architects, which<br />

contributes to the cacophony of the<br />

contemporary city.<br />

The critical consciousness of the<br />

builder is founded in the early stages<br />

of the crisis, when there is the problem<br />

of designing the building intentionally.<br />

You can then define critical consciousness<br />

the state of uncertainty in the face<br />

of built reality that inherited an obligation<br />

to operate with very deliberate actions<br />

by imposing conscious project in<br />

the construction process. Analogously<br />

in this period of crisis the type can only<br />

be reconstructed a-posteriori.<br />

This has undermined the vernacular


9<br />

as the main vehicle of expression both<br />

in language and architecture, making<br />

the latter a subject of folklore. Beyond<br />

the numerous and often inflated literature<br />

documenting and studying the<br />

architecture which is than the role of<br />

the vernacular? Examples of inclusion<br />

of vernacular architecture in modern<br />

design are numerous, but the results<br />

are unconvincing.<br />

In the case of Aldo Rossi elements<br />

of the vernacular architecture like the<br />

lighthouse, the chimney, the sea cabins<br />

can be separated from their historical<br />

context and become poetic objects, losing<br />

all typological meaning and their<br />

participation in a specific culture.<br />

In contrast Hassan Fathy in the sixties<br />

put himself against the world of<br />

building production and the academia<br />

now converted to a simplistic modernism.<br />

His book Architecture for the Poor<br />

is a call to common sense, an invitation<br />

to find coherent solutions in the building<br />

traditions of the common people,<br />

to reevaluate ancient technologies in<br />

the name of economy and well-being.<br />

Its architecture reflects the tradition,<br />

but it is animated by a moral imperative<br />

that all leads back to the simple<br />

without being simplistic. It rarely gives<br />

in to the decoration. Nevertheless even<br />

in the most socially engaged works as<br />

in the villages of Gourna and Bariz his<br />

interpretation of tradition, based on a<br />

personal, refined sensibility, but not on<br />

a scientific method of history, remains<br />

in the wake of post-modern attitude<br />

(8).<br />

Rasem Badran, the most interesting<br />

Arab architect and urban designer<br />

today, chose the traditional Arab city<br />

as a reference of his projects. A sharp<br />

eye and a remarkable sensitivity, and a<br />

graphic mastery with a certain redundancy<br />

of signs are accompanied by an<br />

eclecticism in the choice of models, - I<br />

quote the renovation of the promenade<br />

of Sidon - producing works, especially<br />

in the printed version of the un-built<br />

projects, in precarious balance between<br />

folklore and sophisticate quotation(9).<br />

These examples of great architects<br />

show that any reference to the vernacular<br />

architecture hides the risk of a fall in<br />

the post-modern poetic, imbued with<br />

nostalgia for a golden un-known age.<br />

Only a critical process of philological<br />

reconstruction implemented on<br />

the living body of the city, distilling the<br />

lessons from the overlapping stratification<br />

in history of vernacular architecture,<br />

can subtract the architect to the<br />

persuasive charm of the images.<br />

Typological process<br />

In 1946 Muratori recognized the<br />

need to insert type into the complex<br />

flow of history, intuitively connecting<br />

type with the concept of organism and<br />

embedding both in society. In fact, he<br />

continues, “the architectural type is<br />

a kind of architecture and therefore a<br />

building organism which, as a result<br />

of repeatedly taking shape in order to<br />

respond to the typical needs of a given<br />

society, ends up so intimately adhering<br />

to its psychological climate that it<br />

absorbs all its essential human traits.”<br />

Type, then, is not merely a sub-product<br />

of the historical process that leads<br />

to the mechanical repetition of needs<br />

or material development. It is History.<br />

The connection of type to historical<br />

process is the only correct use of it in<br />

the design process, since the type is an<br />

authentic expression of the collective<br />

memory. Due to a rupture in the historical<br />

process, at present type can be<br />

approached only through a reflective<br />

critical consciousness. This operation<br />

of critical consciousness to reach spontaneous<br />

consciousness that will, at best,<br />

fall short of the goal, is what Muratori<br />

called “asymptotic.” (10)<br />

Our idea of “type” as history cannot<br />

be separated from the idea of process.<br />

The most relevant concept of typological<br />

theory is that of processuality,<br />

which fixes the mutations of the type<br />

in the historical duration. Without it,<br />

the type runs the constant risk of falling<br />

into one of the historic errors: an<br />

a-historic formal scheme good for every<br />

trick, or a mechanical montage of<br />

forms broken off from the real world.<br />

It is necessary to understand the internal<br />

mechanism that animates the type<br />

and anchor this in built reality, which<br />

would otherwise not be different from<br />

any biological organism. This is the<br />

most relevant concept of the method<br />

of typological analysis. By the concept<br />

of process we understand the internal<br />

mechanism that animates the type and<br />

anchors this mechanism in the built


10<br />

reality.<br />

Typological process allows us to understand<br />

the evolution from one type<br />

to the next, but does not really understand<br />

the deal with the question of dating<br />

(the province of traditional historians)<br />

so much as it does the question<br />

of the sequence of buildings and urban<br />

fabrics. In fact, similar typical conditions<br />

can be isolated in the history of<br />

different civilizations in different periods.<br />

The tracing of typological processes<br />

allows us, on the one hand, to establish<br />

those characteristics of the building<br />

that are essential for the determination<br />

of continuity in the process over the<br />

course of its transformation. On the<br />

other hand, it also determines those<br />

characteristics that constitute departures<br />

or exceptions, and in their own<br />

way contribute to the valuable heritage<br />

of experimentation. In other words, typological<br />

processes show us at the same<br />

time both the rule and the exception.<br />

“Phase” is defined as the period of<br />

time needed to allow the clear identification<br />

of changes in the built object.<br />

The progression of phases makes up<br />

the diachronic typological process<br />

from the Greek dia=through, and kronos=time,<br />

if conducted in a culturally<br />

homogeneous area that is, with negligible<br />

external influences, such as a closed<br />

valley, are syntopic from the Greek<br />

syn=together, and topos=place.<br />

The basic type in any typological<br />

process coincides with the ideal house<br />

in any given time and progressively<br />

changes through specialization from<br />

elementary matrices to complex derivations.<br />

The type is commonly recognized<br />

by every inhabitant, and it can<br />

accommodate slight changes based on<br />

its role and source of revenue, provided<br />

they are within the bounds of the type.<br />

We can also call it a “leading or current<br />

type,” since it is the type all members<br />

of a society recognize as optimal. In a<br />

given phase it can be coherently found<br />

in the corresponding building. A synchronic<br />

variation is a type of house<br />

realized under less than optimal conditions.<br />

These can be the result of topographical<br />

problems, or of problems<br />

with placement in a block or placement<br />

in an incongruous fabric. Even under<br />

the best conditions there is always a<br />

chance for synchronic variations to develop<br />

within a group. If there is a slight<br />

rotation in the tissue, as is common,<br />

there will be at least one house with<br />

walls that are not parallel. Such a house<br />

will face problems such as trying to<br />

raise a vault on a trapezoidal plan and<br />

the difficulty of furnishing spaces with<br />

odd angles and will inevitably lead to<br />

variations in the type.<br />

The typological process is as complicated<br />

as the urban or territorial organism<br />

in which it operates; it more or<br />

less involves the intersection of different<br />

processes. It is therefore necessary<br />

to reduce the complexity of a building<br />

type or a contemporary urban tissue<br />

by assuming that they have necessarily<br />

absorbed their predecessors and then<br />

backtracking to find the simplest form<br />

of the type or fabric. The elementary<br />

matrix is the first documentable type<br />

at either the substratum level or an archaeologically<br />

measurable level upon<br />

which the reading can be based.<br />

A diachronic and syntopic typological<br />

process, limited within the bounds<br />

of a circumscribed culture area and referring<br />

to the residential type, can be<br />

described. Taking any of the beautiful<br />

Rudofski’s examples of medieval city in<br />

the Levant or the Maghreb, the “leading<br />

type” in the initial phase of the typological<br />

process is an elementary type<br />

or plan - we can call it founding type<br />

- whose dimensions are an expression<br />

of that specific building culture. The<br />

urban fabric is conceived on the basis<br />

of this leading type and is concurrent<br />

with it. Modified houses exist, however,<br />

on irregular lots or on slopes or located<br />

at the beginning of a series, or in a corner<br />

and so on; the sum of these experiences<br />

generates a parallel process by<br />

synchronic variation, insofar as each<br />

can cause the imitation of its neighbor,<br />

offering itself as a possible solution to a<br />

problem. In turn, the parallel processes<br />

mature with and modify the leading<br />

type as people gain in experience.<br />

In the second phase, assuming the<br />

continuous growth of the city, the next<br />

leading type will evolve by exceeding<br />

its limits and refining some of its parts.<br />

In new growth zones of the city the<br />

new leading type adapts to the tissues<br />

planned specifically for it, and is found<br />

mainly on principal or matrix routes or


11<br />

planned routes. This is not the case in<br />

the old city center, where the layout is<br />

more permanent because of the resistance<br />

of the building tissue to change.<br />

What contributes most to the conservation<br />

of such an area is that real estate<br />

is simply heaped atop the resistant existing<br />

tissue.49 In this case the inhabitant<br />

must compromise between the<br />

concept of a leading type, an ideal expression<br />

if you will, and the reality that<br />

the building tissue is unyielding.<br />

The inhabitant’s intervention will<br />

determine two new possible types of<br />

synchronic variation. The first are the<br />

renovations or mutations made to the<br />

elements of the interior without disturbing<br />

the main structure; the second<br />

is demolition and reconstruction. In<br />

neither case will the adaptation of the<br />

new leading type in the old building<br />

tissue reach optimal conditions.<br />

Variations generate processes that<br />

in turn contribute to the development<br />

of the next leading type. In this third<br />

phase the new leading type is comfortably<br />

located in the new yet saturated<br />

fabric but it will be subject to modification<br />

in the two older building tissues.<br />

The more time that elapses between<br />

phases, the more difficult it becomes<br />

for the leading type in the old tissues to<br />

adapt. The assumption that the growth<br />

of a city is steady is hypothetical. In<br />

practice, after a certain number of<br />

growth phases a period of relative stagnation,<br />

or even of regression, sets in,<br />

often resulting in vacancies, abandonment,<br />

and the like. This was typical of<br />

all Mediterranean cities after the Black<br />

Death almost halved their populations<br />

after <strong>13</strong>48. In Siena, until well into the<br />

mid-nineteenth century, for example,<br />

large undeveloped areas still lay within<br />

the city walls.<br />

A more realistic picture is one in<br />

which intervals of more or less intense<br />

growth alternate with periods of arrested<br />

development and regressions.<br />

During the periods of accelerated<br />

growth and subsequent slowing down,<br />

the behavior of residential tissues and<br />

special tissues is different. The residential<br />

tissues easily both accept rapid<br />

growth and resist regression.<br />

The period of regression affects first<br />

and foremost the special buildings, as<br />

they represent an investment of cultural<br />

and economic surplus by the collective.<br />

In periods of economic stagnation,<br />

limited building activity inhibits<br />

the evolution of a leading type. Where<br />

building tissue shrinks, the specialization<br />

of the residential type is also reduced<br />

from its former incarnations and<br />

produces only synchronic variations.<br />

This is logical, since the reduced and<br />

limited requirements of the surviving<br />

population will lead to a simpler use of<br />

the old buildings. A similar phenomenon<br />

occurred in Tripoli and Algiers<br />

during the late Ottoman period, and<br />

in Naples under Spanish domination:<br />

because the walled city was restricted<br />

to the area claimed by the walls, it grew<br />

in height, blocked open spaces, and<br />

turned special buildings into collective<br />

residences. In periods of crisis the most<br />

adaptable structures are the serial ones,<br />

that is, iterative ones; in the special<br />

buildings as well the serial parts are<br />

those that are most easily recyclable.<br />

When a period of stagnation gives<br />

way to a new cycle of growth the notion<br />

of a leading type is considerably attenuated<br />

in the spontaneous consciousness<br />

of the residents and they are able<br />

to manage only synchronic variations.<br />

As a result, diatopic51 (from the Greek<br />

dia=through and topos=place) formed<br />

modifications thrive in the weakened<br />

body of the city, and a new leading type<br />

is often imported from a distant but<br />

culturally dominant area. A new leading<br />

type, the result of the synthesis of<br />

local processes and the imported model,<br />

is then used in the future expansion<br />

of the city.<br />

Despite cultural differences, this<br />

phenomenon is discernible in both Europe<br />

and the Islamic Mediterranean.<br />

After 1850, the model used in Italy<br />

originated in Paris or Vienna but was<br />

grafted onto strong local traditions.<br />

The local traditions explain why the<br />

fundamental typological processes in<br />

Genoa, Florence and Rome took such<br />

different directions despite their use of<br />

the same models.<br />

In Aleppo after 1870 the Venetian<br />

type called a portego was merged with<br />

the local type of courtyard house with<br />

iwan to produce a tripartite house with<br />

a wide main corridor. This model was<br />

universally adopted when the new<br />

quarter of Aziziye was built in the sec-


12<br />

ond half of the nineteenth century.<br />

Algiers presents yet a different case:<br />

instead of agreeing to adopt a single<br />

Western model, a variety of types were<br />

imported and imposed by the colonizing<br />

French population. The impact of<br />

colonization minimized the effect of<br />

local processes and the leading type<br />

coincided almost exactly with the imported<br />

model. I say “almost” precisely<br />

because even though local building<br />

customs were followed only in those<br />

residential sections of the city which<br />

the French shunned, they nevertheless<br />

persisted through many small gestures.<br />

Only a detailed reconstruction of the<br />

typological process would reveal to<br />

what extent they survived.<br />

It is clear, however, that the post-<br />

1830 colonial construction of Algiers<br />

preserved traces of local traditions in<br />

the compact dimensions of its building<br />

blocks, the result of a minutely divided<br />

property substratum and of the<br />

demolition and reconstruction of small<br />

courtyard houses. The imposing imperial<br />

facades of residential buildings also<br />

mask a lingering spontaneous ones.<br />

To sum up: Process is always diachronic,<br />

based on continuous time<br />

whose rhythm changes in relation to<br />

the behaviour of the various scales. The<br />

inertia of the large territorial scale with<br />

its urban framework and infrastructure<br />

produces a slower rhythm, while,<br />

on the other end of the building scale,<br />

changes occur faster and thus have a<br />

quicker rhythm. Differences can also be<br />

discerned in the position of the objects<br />

on the same scale, for instance between<br />

central and peripheral buildings, or between<br />

special and residential buildings.<br />

The typological process takes place in<br />

phases in which the leading type proceeds<br />

through moments of equilibrium<br />

alternating with synchronic variations.<br />

The typological process may be syntopic<br />

(i.e., occurring in the same area)<br />

or diatopic (i.e., involving variations<br />

between areas). Finally it can refer to<br />

the basic type (the house) or to special<br />

types.<br />

The graphic models we construct<br />

in our mind or represent on paper are<br />

reductive. Not even the metaphor of a<br />

tree with its trunk, branches, and foliage<br />

can do justice to the complexity of<br />

typological processes, unless it is the<br />

banyan tree of India, whose enormity<br />

and growth pattern would merit definition<br />

as a grove rather than a single<br />

tree. Its branches extend out horizontally,<br />

shoot upward, descend toward<br />

the ground, and sneak underground<br />

where they take root and shoot out new<br />

branches not unlike the original ones.<br />

Eventually only the expert eye of the<br />

gardener can distinguish the primary<br />

trunk. The reconstruction of typological<br />

processes is somewhat similar to<br />

the script of a film, with one important<br />

difference: the filmed work anticipates<br />

scenes which might take place in<br />

the future, while the reconstruction of<br />

typologies projects into the past. It approaches<br />

past scenes with the unquestionable<br />

advantage of already knowing<br />

many of the elements, relationships,<br />

and sequences; it can therefore critically<br />

reconstruct the missing pieces insofar<br />

as they are typical. It requires the<br />

awareness that a critical description of<br />

the process -as in all disciplines- must<br />

be carried backwards throughout from<br />

the final frame. The term “critical” is<br />

emphasized: even a reading restricted<br />

to documentable facts is not “objective,”<br />

nor is knowledge the equivalent<br />

of a mass of data piled up in a closet<br />

but is remote control operated by our<br />

minds. We hear only what we want to<br />

hear and nothing else.<br />

Returning now to the vernacular architecture,<br />

we established that all those<br />

beautiful and moving homes of ordinary<br />

people belong to the state of the<br />

spontaneous conscience.<br />

Two important questions remain<br />

open: If there is a space in the critical<br />

consciousness to the vernacular architecture<br />

and if , beyond architectural<br />

analysis that leads to the discovery<br />

of extraordinary architecture without<br />

pedigree, it is conceivable to speak<br />

with a vernacular idiom in the contemporary<br />

design. The answer is a cautious<br />

yes in both cases.<br />

Let it speak the language of things<br />

(11) is important because it allows<br />

not only to bring out the fragments of<br />

spontaneous consciousness that everyone<br />

keeps jealously in his unconscious,<br />

but also to reaffirm the social value of<br />

architecture against the anarchist current<br />

interpretation of the great stars<br />

and the media. The journey back along


<strong>13</strong><br />

the line of time, required by the typological<br />

process, allows us to reconstruct<br />

the complex heritage of principles and<br />

know-how generated by the traditions<br />

and consumption, consolidated in<br />

a society. It allows you to resume the<br />

broken thread with the story and set<br />

rules for a design for ordinary people,<br />

subtracted from the fashion. This all<br />

the more real and measurable in the<br />

basic buildings, the house, to which<br />

the majority of vernacular researches<br />

are dedicated. The typological process<br />

offers dignity and scientific method to<br />

research on the vernacular architecture,<br />

subtracting it from the easy imitation<br />

of eye-catching shapes.<br />

Notes<br />

1. “To assume homogeneity means<br />

developing a noteworthy sensitivity, a<br />

sensitivity in only one direction; because<br />

it is necessary to concentrate all<br />

one’s attention on every subtle detail;<br />

this is the limitation which characterizes<br />

uniformity and also order.” Tessenow,<br />

H. (1989) House Building and<br />

Such Things, p. 17.<br />

2. Carlo Enrico Rava is perhaps the<br />

least known, but decidedly the most<br />

important figure as a theorist of the<br />

Rationalist Movement (he was leader<br />

of the Gruppo 7 in 1926) and a participant<br />

in the debate on modern colonial<br />

architecture. His ideas on colonial architecture<br />

begin with the rejection of<br />

Moorish (and other) styles as inspirations<br />

for Libyan architecture, which he<br />

claims is of classical Roman derivation.<br />

Ultimately he sees “an extremely fine<br />

Mediterranean intonation that clearly<br />

relates it to all other architectures of<br />

southern origin” (C. E. Rava, “Una architettura<br />

coloniale moderna mediterranea,”<br />

Domus (1931), 39. On the same<br />

subject see also idem, “Costruire in colonia,”<br />

Domus(August-October 1936),<br />

28-30; and idem, Nove anni di architettura<br />

vissuta 1926 IV-1935 XIII (Rome,<br />

1935), 103 ff.<br />

3. S. Muratori, “I Caratteri degli edifici<br />

nello studio dell’architettura,” Inaugural<br />

lecture, Course on the Characteristics<br />

of Buildings, IUAV, Venice, 1950,<br />

p. 15. Muratori further adds, “What is<br />

more, the most orthodox application<br />

of that idealist thought which seeks to<br />

negate type does not suffice to deny the<br />

existence of true collective expressive<br />

creations manifest in some typical spatial<br />

and structural intuitions - which<br />

make up the architectural core of an<br />

entire civilization.”<br />

4. “Types are shared properties within<br />

a culture. Everyone - builder, designer,<br />

user, is familiar with them. Yet types<br />

such as the Venetian Gothic palace, the<br />

Amsterdam renaissance townhouse,<br />

the Georgian terraced house, or the<br />

Pompeian courtyard house were never<br />

formally described by those who made<br />

and used them. Types only exist in a<br />

social body.” J. Habraken, “The Control<br />

of Complexity,” Places 4, n. 2 (1987), p.<br />

7.<br />

5. It is important in this context to<br />

note that dialect is the opposite of idiolect<br />

the set of characteristic language<br />

habits of a single individual or a small<br />

group of speakers. Idiolects are the architectural<br />

languages of the contemporary<br />

architects of the star system,<br />

whose poetry far from being referred<br />

to a body of established traditions is<br />

purely self-referential.<br />

6. Rudofski, B. Architecture without<br />

Architects. A short Introduction to<br />

Non-pedigreed Architecture, New York,<br />

Museum of Modern Art, 1965<br />

7. Glassie, H.H. Vernacular Architecture,<br />

Bloomington, In. ,Indiana University<br />

Press, 2000.<br />

8. Steele, J. An architecture for People:<br />

The Complete Works of Hassan Fathy,<br />

Darby, Pa., Diane Pub co, 1997.<br />

9. Steele, J. The Architecture of Rasem<br />

Badran: narrative of People and Place,<br />

London, Thames and Hudson, 2005.<br />

10. From asymptote, a line which<br />

appears nearer and nearer to a curve<br />

but does not meet it within a finite distance.<br />

11. See Dell Upton. “The Power of<br />

Things: Recent Studies in American<br />

Vernacular Architecture”, in American<br />

Quarterly, 35/3, 1985, pgs. 262-279


Incremental housing:<br />

A participation process solution<br />

for informal housing<br />

Esin HASGÜL<br />

<br />

İstanbul Kültür University, İstanbul, Turkey<br />

Final Acceptance: January <strong>2016</strong><br />

doi: 10.5505/itujfa.<strong>2016</strong>.08370<br />

Abstract<br />

As long as there is government and regulations, there will be a system of building<br />

a shelter. There are experts who have a different perspective about technical,<br />

political, economical, aesthetical, functional, etc. issues. On the other hand,<br />

there are also individuals who have another thought of their own living-styles.<br />

The question is then more related with building a shelter but how and with what.<br />

In ‘’informal settlements’’; settlers build their own houses, connect their utility<br />

lines and organise their physical arrangements. There are many problems in these<br />

settlements; but there is also a self-build and develop process. Thus we can also<br />

relate these spontaneously built settlements with the vernacular. Within this context,<br />

firstly the subjects informality and vernacular will be defined interrelatedly<br />

and as a solution to informal settlements, the participation process will be opened<br />

up to discussion reading through three actors which has a different role in the<br />

process. Relating these actors, the opportunities of incremental housing in informal<br />

settlements will be evaluated connectively which presents a participation<br />

process solution for informal housing.<br />

Keywords<br />

Incremental housing, Informality, Participation, Self-build, Vernacular.


1. Introduction<br />

‘’Building a shelter’’ is a subject<br />

which has underlying reasons such as<br />

living, surviving, protecting, habiting<br />

and so on. In order to understand this<br />

subject and its influences, the system of<br />

housing and housing policies become<br />

an important issue which comprises<br />

all.<br />

Since the adoption of the Universal<br />

<br />

the right to adequate housing has been<br />

recognized as an important component<br />

of the right to an adequate stan-<br />

ever,<br />

housing in todays world is still<br />

a problematic issue considering the<br />

economical obstacles that most of the<br />

people are facing with.<br />

One of the problem which urbanizing<br />

countries have can be mentioned<br />

as the informal settlements where the<br />

way of building an ‘‘informal’’ shelter<br />

becomes an important issue. The process<br />

of people building their own without<br />

any authorisation, brings many<br />

<br />

<br />

order to add value to housing to be<br />

converted, the conversion program<br />

should: Increase housing affordability;<br />

add amenities to that housing; provide<br />

economic value to residents through a<br />

realizable equity stake; and/or enhance<br />

residents’ lives by increasing their control<br />

over their housing and/or their<br />

housing communities (Lewis, Clamp<br />

<br />

urbanisation and modernisation, in<br />

most of the developing countries living<br />

conditions have been changed.<br />

‘With urban populations commonly<br />

doubling every decade, conventional<br />

tenure concepts have proved unable<br />

to meet the needs of people with low<br />

incomes and limited, if any, savings or<br />

Within this<br />

and its various related reasons, a new<br />

word has become a reality: the ‘‘urban<br />

poor’’. The characteristics of the urban<br />

poor can be categorised as the jobless,<br />

disaster victims, transients, migrants,<br />

squatters, slum dwellers, workers in the<br />

informal sector and the homelesses.<br />

These are the people who are torn between<br />

the urbanisation and modernisation<br />

having pushed to choose an illegal<br />

way of living. ‘‘Squatters’’ here are<br />

the ones that live in the squatter settlements<br />

most of which are located near-<br />

<br />

are built with low-income possibilities<br />

<br />

using the land continuously, because<br />

of owning the land and the house that<br />

they built for free. On one hand, the<br />

non-organized development of this<br />

areas have a negative effect on cities<br />

that they are appearing to be shaped<br />

by the land speculators rather than city<br />

master plans. On the other, they leave<br />

the government in a difficult situation<br />

because of various economical issues.<br />

Apart from the cities and government,<br />

other negative influence affects also<br />

the individual self; because life quality<br />

in informal settlements is also another<br />

discussion. Thus, it can be said that the<br />

informal housing brings us such problems<br />

starting from the city scale to the<br />

minimised scale: the individual.<br />

While such problems occur, we also<br />

see a similarity with the subject vernacular<br />

and informality. Vernacular architecture<br />

is based generally on the local<br />

needs, local materials and local traditions.<br />

Looking through the informality<br />

within this subject, we can see that a<br />

self-build and develop process comes<br />

<br />

in squatter settlements about the local<br />

materials, traditions and construction<br />

methods there is a gap which makes<br />

us to question how this kind of illegal<br />

vernacular can transform into a legal,<br />

non-problematic housing. The answer<br />

can be searched in the actors which involve<br />

in the informal housing process.<br />

1.1. Goals / aims<br />

This research is examining the conflict<br />

between the squatter settlers, the<br />

government and the experts. The struggle<br />

of low-income families, the difficulties<br />

that the governments have and the<br />

anxiety of the experts about this kind<br />

of living idea that make us to ask the<br />

<br />

It is becoming important to understand<br />

what kind of social and economical<br />

issues are taking part in this urbanised<br />

problem. The aim of this paper is<br />

to examine the problem starting from<br />

the city level with government housing<br />

policies, continuing with the private<br />

sector where architects and other<br />

<br />

This article is<br />

prepared within<br />

the course - MTS<br />

602E ‘Informal<br />

Housing’’ given in<br />

Ph.D Architectural<br />

Design Programme<br />

in ITU Graduate<br />

School of Science<br />

Engineering<br />

Technology.


Table 1. The main research questions concerning social and economical issues.<br />

MAIN QUESTIONS<br />

(1) What are the main problems of squatter settlers?<br />

(2) What influences do squatter settlements make to the city -<br />

government- self?<br />

(3) In what conditions do the settlers want to live?<br />

SOCIAL ISSUES<br />

(4) Where do the settlers want to live? Do they want to leave<br />

the place they live?<br />

(5) What main struggles have the settlers and government<br />

about affordability and land tenure?<br />

ECONOMICAL<br />

ISSUES<br />

(6) What can the government do about the unregulated land<br />

and utility use of the informal settlements?<br />

experts’ point of view is taking place<br />

and resulting the user who has the<br />

struggle of making his/her own living<br />

conditions. After that the issue would<br />

be opened up to discussion how the<br />

setllers can participate in the solving<br />

process and how the informal housing<br />

be related with the incremental housing<br />

ideas.<br />

1.2. Methodology<br />

The methodology of the paper starts<br />

with the expressions of the main issues<br />

in a generalised introduction. After<br />

that the paper can be divided into<br />

two parts: Part one is the main theme<br />

which the theoretical background of<br />

the research is being explained. In this<br />

part the related general paradigms is<br />

being described referring to the terms<br />

such as informal housing, vernacular<br />

architecture, community participation,<br />

seld-build and incremental housing.<br />

Then in part two, the three actors<br />

which involve in the participation process<br />

for informal housing are being<br />

categorised as the individuals, public<br />

der<br />

to look from the individuals point<br />

of view, a case in El Salvador households,<br />

an individual self-built process<br />

ing<br />

Program Alternative: Incremental<br />

<br />

of Venezuela, will be clarified. And<br />

thirdly, a build case in Iquique, Chile<br />

that is designed by Elemental Architecture<br />

Group, will be reviewed in order<br />

to see an example of incremental housing<br />

solution which has the participation<br />

process between the government,<br />

architects and the informal settlers.<br />

2. Main theme<br />

The struggle of low-income families<br />

come out as a self-build but unregulated<br />

process which constitutes ‘’squatter<br />

settlements’’. Thus a conflict between<br />

the squatter settlers and the government<br />

happens. Then the main theme<br />

can be figured out answering the ques-<br />

ment<br />

and the architect all participate in<br />

the solving process?<br />

2.1. Theoretical background<br />

The theoretical debates on informal<br />

settlements on research fields starts<br />

Incremental housing: A participation process solution for informal housing


expansion of informal settlements were<br />

appearently recognised. In order to understand<br />

and connect the issue’s both<br />

problems and solutions, it would be coherent<br />

first to explain the main context<br />

of informal housing; an illegal kind of<br />

vernacular architecture. Then the subjects<br />

will be related with three kind of<br />

interrelated sub-contexts which are the<br />

community participation, self-build<br />

and incremental housing.<br />

2.2. Informal housing: An illegal<br />

vernacular architecture<br />

<br />

‘’Vernacular architecture does not go<br />

through fashion cycles’’. It comprises<br />

localness; climate, local materials,<br />

<br />

subject here was to talk about ‘’Architecture<br />

without Architects’’ and to take<br />

notice how the process goes spontaneously.<br />

There are some user needs and<br />

the solution comes from the users with<br />

-<br />

tions<br />

of vernacular environments have<br />

the potential to include spontaneous<br />

settlement and hold the promise of affording<br />

a better understanding of these<br />

people-made places.<br />

In informal settlements, we see the<br />

process in a people-made but problematic<br />

way. Informal settlers have an<br />

important role while configuring the<br />

place they live by their own. But the<br />

process puncture because of economical<br />

reasons and this self-build process<br />

can not result with the values of ver-<br />

<br />

housing developments as an illegal and<br />

composed of unauthorized colonies<br />

and squatter settlement. The common<br />

characteristics of informal housing<br />

are insecurity of tenure, low standard<br />

of infrastructure and services (Ahsan<br />

<br />

houses can be distinguish through the<br />

typologies which can be categorised<br />

as the squatter houses (defined also as<br />

<br />

squatter houses, slums in central city<br />

<br />

rooms in historical areas and quatter<br />

villages. These housing typologies differ<br />

because of the physical conditions<br />

they have. The significant characteristics<br />

of informal development are insecurity<br />

of tenure and low standard of<br />

facilities and infrastructure. Another<br />

factor of importance is the accessibility<br />

of services such as running water<br />

supply, power, and the like (Ahsan and<br />

<br />

<br />

housing in developing countries include:<br />

Insecure housing tenure<br />

Inadequate basic services<br />

<br />

city by-laws<br />

<br />

by the state or the third party instead<br />

of the owner or resident<br />

Insufficient access to basic urban<br />

services<br />

Substandard housing and inadequate<br />

building structures<br />

Illegal subdivision of housing<br />

Poverty and social exclusion and<br />

Unhealthy living conditions and<br />

hazardous locations (Tsenkova<br />

<br />

<br />

settlements the lack of official sanction<br />

usually means that activities within<br />

the settlement take place without any<br />

formal controls such as building regulations,<br />

planning controls, health and<br />

safety laws, etc. So informal settlements<br />

are configuring by their own; using<br />

their own construction techniques,<br />

materials, etc. ‘’Informal housing as<br />

settlement units (whether slums or<br />

work<br />

of formal law for construction<br />

of housing. By nature, the informal<br />

housing units are constructed using<br />

less expensive construction materials<br />

(i.e. mud bricks, bamboo, ordinary<br />

er<br />

life’’ (Ahsan and Quamruzzaman,<br />

<br />

discursive about the quality of life that<br />

they present to the dwellers. Within<br />

this range of informal housing types,<br />

“squatter or informal settlements” may<br />

be defined by the following characteristics:<br />

the land used has not been zoned<br />

for residential development; land tenure<br />

is insecure; the state is tolerant or<br />

ignorant of the settlement; speculative<br />

capital is involved (i.e., the land is not<br />

<br />

-


tempted to demonstrate that the rapid<br />

growth of informal settlements is a direct<br />

consequence of high rates of urban<br />

growth and rural urban migration, but<br />

its magnitude is also the direct result of<br />

failed approaches to housing and spatial<br />

planning policies (Arandel and Ba-<br />

<br />

important to see the housing policies<br />

and their affects in the housing platform.<br />

Figure 1. Participation as a function of who decides what shall be<br />

done, and who provides the means (Turner, 1976).<br />

2.3. Community participation<br />

fining<br />

the verbs community and the<br />

participation seperately: ‘’Sociologically,<br />

“Community” is defined as a group<br />

of people with face-to-face contact, a<br />

sense of belonging together and common<br />

interests and values and ‘’Participation’’<br />

assumes an activity in which<br />

the community takes part and the involvement<br />

of at least one other party,<br />

usually a government agency or a non-<br />

<br />

The participation of the people by<br />

involving and making decisions on<br />

their own living environments can be<br />

the main statement of community par-<br />

-<br />

<br />

<br />

albeit patronizing as a slogan and began<br />

to question existing relationships<br />

among people, professionals, industry,<br />

and government authorities. As Sanoff<br />

<br />

has many benefits accruing from such<br />

an approach for the community, the<br />

users, design and the planning profes-<br />

<br />

<br />

economic desirability of local citizen’s<br />

participation in housing (design, construction<br />

and management - i.e. at<br />

<br />

cy<br />

of centrally administered systems of<br />

<br />

of local participation on the productivity<br />

of such systems. The community<br />

participation which brings the people,<br />

government and the experts together,<br />

has the background of deciding and<br />

providing in collaboration.<br />

<br />

importance of people’s participation<br />

that the rationale behind people’s helping<br />

to formulate the kinds of homes<br />

and communities in which they will<br />

live goes beyond a simple reference to<br />

democratic ideology and he relates this<br />

issue with such reasons:<br />

cessful<br />

if the intended beneficiaries<br />

take part in their design and implementation.<br />

Because, it will conform<br />

more closely to their aspirations<br />

and accustomed lifestyles.<br />

A second reason for people’s participation<br />

is the reeducation it gives<br />

architects, planners, and administrators<br />

directly involved in the<br />

project by showing them another<br />

perspective<br />

A third benefit of people’s participation<br />

derives from the very process<br />

<br />

based, it builds up the self-enabling<br />

character and cooperative spirit of<br />

<br />

problems as a solidary group and<br />

finding solutions collectively leads<br />

to greater self-assurance and pride<br />

over the group’s ability to act productively.<br />

<br />

springs from guarantees cited in<br />

most national constitutions of the<br />

world. The right of citizens to express<br />

their views and share especially<br />

in decisions that affect them is the<br />

<br />

<br />

that it is also significant to take attention<br />

to the target group of participation<br />

processes. Questioniong how participation<br />

appears in informal settlements,<br />

is that of todays much-discussed issue:<br />

<br />

<br />

talk about the existential life they con-<br />

Incremental housing: A participation process solution for informal housing


stitute while most of the solutions were<br />

seen as deleting these settlements and<br />

removing the settlers to other places<br />

or providing them another kind of living.<br />

In order to overcome the conflict<br />

between the informality and the vernacular<br />

living-styles of the people who<br />

live in these settlements; a collaborate<br />

participation of the two edge can be an<br />

alternative.<br />

2.4. Self-build<br />

<br />

kind of different meaning that people<br />

give to; that is why it can be called as<br />

‘’home’’. There is a social and cultural<br />

appropriation which leads people to<br />

have some desire about their houses.<br />

<br />

this as there was an unfulfilled desire<br />

that seems to have been at the heart<br />

of all motivations to make home: the<br />

desire to acquire a complete sense of<br />

home:<br />

<br />

acquisition of a piece of ground.<br />

form<br />

to popular images and conventions.<br />

<br />

social respect and personal dignity.<br />

chestrate<br />

space to fulfill household<br />

needs.<br />

<br />

<br />

The desire to make a spatial structure<br />

for habitation, can be seen visually<br />

in informal settlements where<br />

people have no other option to choose<br />

<br />

underlines the self-build process with<br />

the residents’ motivations regarding<br />

tenure change the expression of built<br />

form in squatter settlements. It is also<br />

important to understand physical and<br />

social attachment of informal settlers<br />

to their living environments. Thus, in<br />

these settlements, there is also a selfbuild<br />

process where the lower income<br />

people be obligated to build their own<br />

houses. It is some kind of another dilemma<br />

where in one part, these informal<br />

houses are lack of water supply,<br />

utilities and other services, etc. which<br />

reduce the quality of life while in the<br />

other part these houses are built (and<br />

<br />

to the needs by the owners. Instead of<br />

a planned unity of rooms designed for<br />

different functions opening into an inner<br />

service core, it is observed horizontal<br />

additions to an initial core realized<br />

in accordance with factors itemized<br />

above. In general, foundations are not<br />

suitable for vertical expansion. Besides,<br />

extension in this dimension is<br />

more expensive and therefore attempted<br />

only when a deed is obtained. In<br />

process of horizontal extension, either<br />

new units are added to the older one<br />

from one end. It can be seen here that<br />

there is a cultural vernacular character<br />

that informal settlers build and expand<br />

ny their own according to their local<br />

needs.<br />

2.5. Incremental housing<br />

Incremental housing approach is<br />

based upon the principle of increasing<br />

the responsibility of individual households<br />

and communities by encouraging<br />

decision making and responsibility<br />

of individual household or communities<br />

so that they take care of the aspects<br />

of housing for which they are in<br />

<br />

’stepby-step’’<br />

configuration of the house in<br />

order to be build for people.<br />

‘‘The origin of state involvement in<br />

incremental housing strategies was<br />

therefore the reluctant acceptance that<br />

informal housing delivery systems<br />

performed much better than public<br />

attempts to build dwellings in a number<br />

of respects: they were affordable<br />

without recourse to public subsidy,<br />

they were flexible and responsive to<br />

the changing needs and unstable fortunes<br />

of poor urban families, they were<br />

self-managed and made few demands<br />

on hard-pressed public administrations,<br />

and they met the needs of the<br />

rapidly growing urban populations of<br />

developing towns and cities’’ (Wakely<br />

ing<br />

comprises both the community<br />

participation and self-build processes.<br />

Observations of what ordinary families<br />

in urbanizing countries do, when<br />

they are free to act as they will, show<br />

that they prefer to live in large unfinished<br />

houses or even large shacks-rather<br />

than in small finished ones (Turner,


‘‘core-houses’’. <br />

<br />

formal contractors. Both the core and<br />

the extensions were to be financed. The<br />

extensions were to be built according<br />

to plans supplied by the project developer.<br />

The main innovation in practice<br />

for its time was the enablement of a<br />

limited self-help contribution by the<br />

occupying household, supported by<br />

the stimulation of the materials supplier<br />

and small contractor sectors. The financial<br />

innovation was that the form of<br />

core provided would somehow relate to<br />

levels of affordability by the household<br />

to be accommodated. Core housing<br />

was thus a highly managed and limited<br />

form of assisted self-help’’. There is<br />

a strong network of this process which<br />

overcomes the financial problems of<br />

the individual while at the same time<br />

making connections with the experts<br />

and government in order to build their<br />

own houses with their own desires.<br />

3. The process – three actors<br />

The process of incremental housing<br />

takes three actors come into the stage:<br />

The individuals, public sector and private<br />

sector. Individuals are the informal<br />

settlers who has a problem about the<br />

affordility. Public sector can be defined<br />

as the government and municipalities<br />

who has also a struggle with the unregulated<br />

processes and private sector is<br />

<br />

who would like to make a solution to<br />

<br />

Table 2. The actors in the incremental housing process (Adapted from the table 2 - Greene<br />

and Rojas, 2008).<br />

ACTOR TYPE ACTIVITIES<br />

Individuals Households/ users<br />

Relatives<br />

Involve in the design/planning process<br />

Help with labour in construction<br />

Provide a finance to expand the core<br />

Use the houses<br />

Expand the houses according to the needs / additions to<br />

family members<br />

Public<br />

Sector<br />

Private<br />

Sector<br />

Government<br />

Municipalities<br />

Planners<br />

Architects<br />

Engineers<br />

BuildingMaterials<br />

Suppliers<br />

Construction<br />

Industry<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

regulations<br />

<br />

households<br />

<br />

concessions)<br />

<br />

financial sectors<br />

<br />

infrastructure and urban services<br />

-income households<br />

ces in incremental<br />

house building<br />

<br />

<br />

of housing sector<br />

-<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

Incremental housing: A participation process solution for informal housing


Table 3. User extensions in El Salvador squatter settlement (Galtoni, Goethert and Chavez,<br />

2011).<br />

Sites and<br />

Services<br />

(Legal)<br />

Illegal Settlements<br />

Projects<br />

Types<br />

Compared<br />

Settlements<br />

Surveyed<br />

Services Plots&<br />

Core Units<br />

El Pepeto<br />

Sensunapan<br />

Upgraded<br />

Slums<br />

Las<br />

Palmas<br />

Un-<br />

Upgraded<br />

Slums<br />

Jardines<br />

Del<br />

Boulevard<br />

Illegal<br />

Subdivisions<br />

Nouve<br />

Trinadad<br />

Public<br />

Turnkey<br />

Housing<br />

Nouve<br />

Hozionte<br />

Private<br />

Developer<br />

Turnkey<br />

Housing<br />

Altavista<br />

CLIMATE<br />

LOCAL MATERIAL<br />

PLACE-IDENTITY<br />

STARTING<br />

POINT*<br />

Tropical<br />

Brick, Stucco,<br />

Corrugated<br />

Sheet<br />

Shape, According to<br />

Minimum Local Needs<br />

FUNCTIONAL*<br />

Tropical<br />

Brick, Stucco,<br />

Corrugated<br />

Sheet<br />

Shape Acoording to<br />

Functional Local<br />

Needs<br />

COMPLETE*<br />

Tropical<br />

Stucco, Paint,<br />

Corrugated<br />

Sheet<br />

Shape According to<br />

Maximized Local<br />

Needs<br />

EXPANDED*<br />

Tropical<br />

Paint,<br />

Decorated<br />

Element,<br />

Corrugated<br />

Sheet<br />

Shape According to<br />

Personal Addings<br />

3.1. Individuals<br />

Individuals that is mentioned here<br />

are informal settlers who live in the<br />

squatter areas located nearby the city.<br />

The reason why to call these settlers as<br />

‘’individuals’’is to emphasise the self being<br />

of their own. These settlers, relying<br />

on various reasons, mostly come to the<br />

city and start to build their own house<br />

without authorisation. In order to develop<br />

the spatial qualities of the primary<br />

unit or to expand the use of space<br />

by adding rooms, etc. some transformations<br />

in these settlements can be ap-<br />

<br />

the underlying factors of these transformations<br />

are economic reasons, socio-cultural<br />

reasons and the aspiration<br />

to live in a modern house. The transformations<br />

are a kind of reality that the<br />

settlers willing to use the land continuosly<br />

and maybe enlarging the houses<br />

while introducing other relatives to<br />

<br />

point of view that these individuals are<br />

mainly in the progress of the self-build<br />

process which can also be related with<br />

the incremental housing as a solution<br />

of developing the houses ‘’step-by-step’’.<br />

A case in El Salvador squatter settlements<br />

can be an example how informal<br />

settlers can participate the process of<br />

<br />

of incremental housing is figured out<br />

in this project that how the individuals<br />

involve in the process and what<br />

transformations do they have made<br />

in accordance with their own per-<br />

<br />

households documented the strategies<br />

and processes from occupation to the<br />

present – most of the cases spanning<br />

three decades. Seven settlements were<br />

surveyed, representing three predominant<br />

types of low-income housing in<br />

El Salvador – illegal settlements, ‘sitesand-services’<br />

projects, and ‘turnkey’<br />

housing projects by government and<br />

the private sector (Galtoni, Goethert<br />

<br />

It has seen from the results that<br />

all incrementally developed settle-


ments have a range of buildouts/ improvements.<br />

Within this group some<br />

households make few investments<br />

even years on, so houses remain with<br />

minor improvements (characterized<br />

in this study as Functional). Others<br />

expand rooms and amenities in a matter<br />

of several years to meet household<br />

space needs, functional priorities, and<br />

aesthetic preferences to a satisfactory<br />

point of completion. These households<br />

stop expanding at this point. A third<br />

group invests <br />

add rooms, second and third stories,<br />

and often upgrades services, kitchen<br />

and baths for a fully expanded house.<br />

<br />

categorises the main findings of case at<br />

the start up, during construction and<br />

after completion which also figures out<br />

the stages of the incremental housing<br />

<br />

3.2. Public sector<br />

The process of overcoming problems<br />

which informal settlements create is<br />

the major problem of the governments<br />

since the subject is becoming a visibly<br />

conflict. The government and relatedly<br />

the municipaliities work on various<br />

strategies on the purpose of resolving<br />

the unregulated actions. Thus, issue’s<br />

second part can be defined as the public<br />

sector realizing also the institutional<br />

context.<br />

Governing the regulatory framework<br />

for housing and financial sectors,<br />

public sector has a main heading<br />

in the process. The great deal of challange<br />

that government is facing is how<br />

to resolve this problematic either in a<br />

strict or in a flexible way. Choosing a<br />

flexible way comprises an empathetic<br />

content while understanding the social<br />

and cultural issues of the problematic<br />

<br />

one way of trying to understand how<br />

squatters perceived their own situation<br />

is to look at them in their role, as they<br />

understood it, in their own society.<br />

Then the way of governing for habitability<br />

can be also in the way of paying<br />

attention to all.<br />

<br />

ernment<br />

implemented an incremen-<br />

<br />

<br />

’’a booklet’’ <br />

guidelines for incremental housing<br />

struction<br />

techniques. This is a different<br />

way of government corresponding the<br />

problem in an informational support.<br />

Goal was to help poorest families that<br />

could not afford to buy public housing,<br />

because housing demand was so high<br />

that most of the subsidized housing<br />

was taken by middle class. The booklet<br />

was a construction guide to help people<br />

build their own houses according<br />

to basic construction norms in a given<br />

<br />

offered technical and financial support<br />

to assure that houses were well build.<br />

cremental<br />

housing and different ways<br />

that a “core unit” can grow in a given<br />

parcel respecting urban guidelines.<br />

They define the basic spaces needed:<br />

bathroom, kitchen and bedroom<br />

and flexible spaces that will transform<br />

through time such as social space. The<br />

rest of blooklet explains with diagrams<br />

construction process with basic concrete<br />

and masonry blocks. Sanitary and<br />

electrical measures are explain thoroughly<br />

specifying that sewage most be<br />

connected to public sewage and if not<br />

available a septic tank must be build<br />

<br />

This action of government is apart<br />

from operational solutions; however it<br />

is also a starting point of incremental<br />

housing that government is showing<br />

<br />

<br />

Figure 2. Booklet of construction guidelines for incremental<br />

housing by Venezuelan Government (Fiji Incremental Housing<br />

Workshop).<br />

3.3. Private sector<br />

The problem of informal settlements<br />

that have negative influences on starting<br />

from city to life quality of the individuals<br />

configure such a discussion<br />

in the platforms of experts. Planners,<br />

Incremental housing: A participation process solution for informal housing


Figure 3. Quinta Monroy housing units: Before the project -After the project- After the settlers expansions (Moma<br />

Exhibitions, 2010).<br />

architects, engineers, etc. who involve<br />

in private sector are the third actors in<br />

<br />

settlers appear while looking through a<br />

<br />

are permanent brick structures that<br />

represent the accumulated savings of<br />

families who have been building them<br />

little by little, brick by brick’’. These<br />

perceptions that architects be aware of<br />

is making a bridge with informal settlers<br />

and architects. Such incremental<br />

housing projects that private sector<br />

also involve, connects public sector<br />

and individuals.<br />

A Case in Iquique, Chile is a sample<br />

from the private sector which uses<br />

the program of incremental housing.<br />

<br />

<br />

the center of Iquique, a city in the Chilean<br />

desert. A labyrinth of structures,<br />

settlement was unsafe and difficult to<br />

police; however, residents were adamant<br />

– likely due to site’s central location—about<br />

remaining there’’ (Open<br />

Chilean<br />

Government asked Elemantal Architecture<br />

Group to resolve the following<br />

<br />

<br />

sqm site that they have illegally occu-<br />

ed<br />

in the very center of Iquique, a city<br />

in the Chilean desert’’.<br />

Architects were to work within the<br />

<br />

<br />

they had to pay for the land, infrastructure<br />

and architecture. Considering current<br />

values in Chilean building indus-<br />

<br />

sqm of built space. And despite site’s<br />

<br />

<br />

to settle families in same site, instead of<br />

displacing them to the periphery. In the<br />

end, when the given money is enough<br />

for just half of the house, key question<br />

was, which half to do. Then architects<br />

choose to make half that a family individually<br />

will never be able to achieve<br />

on its own, no matter how much money,<br />

energy or time they spend.<br />

Then architecture group’s decision<br />

of colloborating the government, individual<br />

and architects serves the solution<br />

of incremental housing. Elemental<br />

have identified a set of design conditions<br />

through which a housing unit<br />

can increase its value over time; this<br />

without having to increase the amount<br />

of money of current subsidy while following<br />

such aims:<br />

to achieve enough density, (but<br />

<br />

be able to pay for site, which because<br />

of its location was very expensive<br />

to develop the provision a physical<br />

space for the “extensive family”<br />

to allow each unit to expand within<br />

its structure, due to the fact that<br />

<br />

eventually be self-built, the building<br />

had to be porous enough<br />

to provide a middle-income house<br />

instead of designing a small house<br />

Figure 4. The structure of participation process solution for<br />

informal housing: incremental housing.


of which the architects were giving<br />

just a small part now. This meant<br />

a change in the standard: kitchens,<br />

bathrooms, stairs, partition walls<br />

and all the difficult parts of the<br />

house had to be designed for final<br />

<br />

<br />

So the core of housing units are<br />

made by architects while overcoming<br />

financial and social problems of the<br />

settlement. Individuals also participate<br />

in planning, design and construction<br />

of the project with the help of government<br />

support. After core houses are<br />

produced in an organised settlement,<br />

settlers start to expand their houses ac-<br />

<br />

4. Findings and discussion<br />

Research focused on incremental<br />

housing solution while understanding<br />

community participation and<br />

self-build processes in the informal<br />

settlements. It is seen that informal settlements<br />

have a vernacular character;<br />

thus a strong relationship between the<br />

three actors should be attached together.<br />

The process of incremental housing<br />

can be summarised and opened up to<br />

discussion as to enable the participation<br />

of three actors presenting a solution<br />

for all: government, experts and<br />

<br />

5. Conclusion<br />

The problems of informal settlements<br />

comprise many discussions starting<br />

from the past while still continuing in<br />

todays modern world. In most of developing<br />

countries the change of living<br />

conditions and such related progresses,<br />

the struggle of urban poor, trying<br />

to live in the city, configured such a<br />

dilemma in different platforms. Informal<br />

settlements are problematic in<br />

many ways: Governments pay a price<br />

for these unregulated processes, there<br />

are also negative affects in cities which<br />

make the city develop in an unpredictable<br />

way. In addition, there is a suffer<br />

from poverty, disease, and political unrest.<br />

In most of informal settlements,<br />

it can be visibly seen that the quality of<br />

living conditions reduce and relatedly,<br />

the quality of individual life also suffer<br />

which are derived from low-income<br />

built old construction.<br />

In this research, the vernacular<br />

character of informality is investigated<br />

and incremental housing is served as a<br />

solution to unregulated conditions. It<br />

is seen that solutions that is offered to<br />

informal settlement problematics, look<br />

just one point of view; sometimes just<br />

from point of government or some-<br />

less,<br />

incremental housing solution for<br />

informal settlements has a three-sided<br />

connection that enables the three actors<br />

in process. It appears that the stages<br />

of incremental housing provide the<br />

actors in a more active way and organise<br />

relations in a more coherent method.<br />

Within this housing opportunity,<br />

three different platform which involve<br />

in process can participate together and<br />

this participation results more associated.<br />

While government, which can be<br />

defined as the public sector, provide<br />

technical assistance for reform and<br />

development of the housing sector;<br />

private sector as mentioned planners,<br />

architects, engineers, etc. configure<br />

the design and construction processes.<br />

Both two provide support to informal<br />

settlers; they also involve individuals<br />

in process in order to understand what<br />

they want and how do they want to live.<br />

Thus in this way, incremental housing<br />

is not just solving a physical matter,<br />

it also constitutes a solution understanding<br />

cultural and social patterns<br />

in informal settlements. By involving<br />

the individuals in design process, community<br />

participation and by involving<br />

them in construction and development<br />

of their living environments, self-build<br />

processes occur. Consequently, incremental<br />

housing as a participation<br />

process for informal housing can be a<br />

multi-sided solution concerning both<br />

social and economical issues.<br />

References<br />

<br />

Informal Housing and Approaches<br />

Towards the Low-income Society<br />

in Developing Countries. Paper presented<br />

at the Australian Sociological<br />

Association Annual Conference Aus-<br />

<br />

Australia.<br />

Archdaily (http://www.archdaily.<br />

<br />

Incremental housing: A participation process solution for informal housing


The Informal Housing Development<br />

Process in Egypt <br />

<br />

<br />

come<br />

Urban Settlements: Sri Lanka<br />

and Colombia, Journal of Housing and<br />

The Built Environment<br />

<br />

<br />

America. Retrieved from: http://sigus.<br />

scripts.mit.edu/x/archived/files/LAT-<br />

<br />

pdf.<br />

Galtoni, G., Goethert, R., Chavez, R.<br />

El Salvador Self-Help and Incremental<br />

Housing: Likely Directions for<br />

Future Policy. (An Ongoing Research<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

mental<br />

Construction: A Strategy to<br />

Environment<br />

and Urbanization Journal,<br />

<br />

Housing Without<br />

Houses: Participation, Flexibility, Enablement.<br />

London: Intermediate Technology<br />

Publications.<br />

<br />

Power: Community Participation in<br />

the Planning and Implementation of<br />

Philippine Studies,<br />

<br />

Squatters and the<br />

Roots of Mau Mau, 1905-63. Kenya:<br />

East African Educational Publishers<br />

Ltd.<br />

Slum<br />

Upgrading and Participation: Lessons<br />

from Latin America. <br />

The International Bank for Recon-<br />

<br />

-<br />

<br />

<br />

Latin America. Forum<br />

ter<br />

Architecture? A Critical Examination<br />

of Vernacular Theory and Spontaneous<br />

Settlement with Reference<br />

to South America and South Africa.<br />

TDER<br />

Lewis T., Clamp C.A., Jacobs E.L.<br />

-<br />

<br />

Governance in Rural Low Income<br />

International<br />

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and Spatial Qualities in In-<br />

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and Property Rights in Developing<br />

Countries a Review. UK: IT Publications.<br />

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Marginality: Urban Poverty and Politics<br />

in Rio de Janeiro. USA: University of<br />

California Press.<br />

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Architectural Research<br />

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Without Architect.-<br />

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Incremental housing: A participation process solution for informal housing


A comparative study of human<br />

aspects in acclimatization of adobe<br />

vernacular architecture: A case<br />

from Denmark and Egypt<br />

Marwa DABAIEH 1 , Birgitte Tanderup EYBYE 2<br />

1<br />

<br />

Environment, Faculty of Engineering, Lund University, Lund, Sweden<br />

2<br />

<br />

Aarhus School of Architecture, Aarhus, Denmark<br />

Final Acceptance: January <strong>2016</strong><br />

doi: 10.5505/itujfa.<strong>2016</strong>.09709<br />

Abstract<br />

Today’s architecture swarms with concepts of energy and resource efficient<br />

buildings. In contrast, vernacular buildings are characterized by low-tech climatic<br />

responsive strategies and by their inhabitants’ resource and energy savings practices<br />

during construction and operation of their dwellings. That makes vernacular<br />

buildings highly relevant to resource efficiency in contemporary building research.<br />

The main focus of this study is to explore and analyse human behaviour<br />

to reach responsive and conscious resource efficient solutions in two different<br />

climatic context; in Egypt and Denmark. The aim is to suggest sustainable principles<br />

out of human conduct for contemporary resource efficient building practice.<br />

Though Danish and Egyptian climates and cultures are very different from each<br />

other some human approaches to sustainability appeared to be similar. That was<br />

evident through a comparative analytical study applying case-study methodology<br />

for two courtyard adobe dwellings; one in each country. The paper contributes to<br />

existing vernacular sustainable building studies by filling a knowledge gap on how<br />

human factors is a key parameter in acclimatization in buildings and how that can<br />

influence resource efficient building practice.<br />

Keywords<br />

Adobe, Acclimatization, Human behavior, Resource efficiency, Vernacular<br />

architecture.


1. Introduction<br />

Parallel to the population growth<br />

in the world, the demand for energy<br />

and resources increase, and countries<br />

search for new methods of resource<br />

over,<br />

the consumption of energy, which<br />

is mostly of fossil origin, causes environmental<br />

impacts for ecological cycles.<br />

Due to the need for supplying the<br />

climatic comfort conditions in buildings<br />

most of the energy is consumed in<br />

heating, cooling and acclimatization.<br />

Sustainability was found to be a subjective<br />

term for many vernacular building<br />

materials and construction technology.<br />

Vernacular local culture and tradition<br />

were major factors in how building-related<br />

to sustainability. Attempts were<br />

made to fulfil modernisation and official<br />

requirements in a creative and<br />

well-conceived way. This prevented<br />

loss of value and building information<br />

and ensured sustainable future reuse.<br />

This vernacular building outcome<br />

emerged, mainly resulting from differences<br />

in the local society created by<br />

environmental and economic factors.<br />

This study in hand discusses the influence<br />

of human aspect on vernacular<br />

passive acclimatization approaches and<br />

sustainable use from a building-related<br />

perspective using two courtyard adobe<br />

dwellings. A combined site survey<br />

and comparative case study revealed<br />

the influence of human behaviour to<br />

sustain a comfort living environment<br />

within harsh climatic conditions. The<br />

outcome of this study is divided into<br />

two parts. The first will catalogue and<br />

compare principles from the two selected<br />

dwellings concerning human<br />

conduct of resource-savings, such as<br />

use of passive energy strategies and<br />

rational building principles involving<br />

strong/ weak materials and use of<br />

protection layers. The second part will<br />

discuss how the identified principles<br />

may contribute to future sustainable<br />

building through direct adoption and<br />

implementation of vernacular passive<br />

concepts or by developing and interpreting<br />

the principles for contemporary<br />

application.<br />

1.1. Presentation of the two cases<br />

1.1.1. Mayor courtyard house, Balat,<br />

Egypt<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

at the eastern entrance of the Dakhla<br />

Oasis. It is situated at the junction of<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

tal<br />

city. The town is famous for trading,<br />

olive oil juicing, pottery making,<br />

blacksmithing, grazing and farming.<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

The house is considered one of the<br />

oldest houses in the town that is still<br />

in a good condition. It is dated back to<br />

<br />

<br />

and his family. It had a central location<br />

in the town urban structure. The main<br />

skeleton of the house is from adobe<br />

construction. The wall is constructed<br />

from sun dried mud blocks and the<br />

roofs are from acacia wood. The house<br />

is not only the remarkable public building<br />

in terms of its architectural design<br />

but has a special architectural identity<br />

Figure 1. To the left, the Mayor house in<br />

Balat town, Egypt (Source: Dabaieh).<br />

Figure 2. To the right, Abeline’ Farm,<br />

Holmsland, Denmark (Source: Eybye).


as well. The design reflects the intention<br />

of locals to show their accepted<br />

values in the community together with<br />

the functional purpose of such building.<br />

This house provide more than just<br />

functional answers to essential life<br />

needs. Due to the flexible geometry it<br />

also have the potential to respond to<br />

<br />

have always played a role in the design<br />

configuration, sticking to locals traditions<br />

has never caused inhabitants to<br />

deny the need for continuous development<br />

and growth for their building and<br />

for the whole town as well. The architectural<br />

design has reached a high level<br />

of precision through an ever-evolving<br />

building process; inhabitants get the<br />

most use out of spaces to fit their needs,<br />

even as those needs change. The house<br />

is now listed building but it is deserted<br />

for the last 7 years after the death of the<br />

<br />

1.1.2. Abeline’s Farm, Holmsland,<br />

Denmark<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

the south. In former time this area was<br />

characterized by harsh climate conditions,<br />

poor quality of the soil and lack<br />

of forests. Instead the area offered a<br />

range of other landscape types; coast,<br />

inlets, dunes covered with lyme grass,<br />

heath, fields and meadows. A particular<br />

vernacular building practice developed<br />

in this area, which today is<br />

considered sustainable in many ways,<br />

such as passive energy strategies, recycling<br />

and use of local and organic<br />

materials. The overall characteristics<br />

of the farms are that they are almost<br />

always single-located, have their four<br />

wings built together, primarily built of<br />

local materials and orientated according<br />

to the prevalent west wind and the<br />

sun. The building practice was pre-<br />

<br />

the farms were supported by a mixed<br />

economy which included farming and<br />

fishing, and sometimes the farm owner<br />

also held the position as wreck master<br />

<br />

Abeline’s Farm, situated near Hvide<br />

Sande at Holmsland, exemplifies the<br />

farm in the dunes and follows the particular<br />

vernacular building practice,<br />

which characterizes these farms. The<br />

<br />

<br />

with the barn and finishing with the<br />

farmhouse. The farm was owned by the<br />

same family and passed on from generation<br />

to generation. Abeline’s Farm was<br />

<br />

afterwards. Today Abeline’s Farm is<br />

regarded as one of the best preserved<br />

farms of Holmsland.<br />

2. Case study methodology<br />

The methodology used is a case<br />

study methodology applying a comparative<br />

analysis technique of two<br />

courtyard dwellings in order to explore<br />

human factors of sustainability in<br />

building. Two cases have been selected,<br />

of which one is situated in Egypt and<br />

the other in Denmark. The criteria for<br />

the cases selection have been carefully<br />

chosen to secure common basis of<br />

<br />

dwellings situated in rural contexts,<br />

built under hard conditions such as<br />

scarce resources and harsh climate,<br />

involve earth building technology.<br />

<br />

by local officials. As to age, the Egyp-<br />

<br />

Danish dwelling is built in stages from<br />

<br />

and cultural contexts widen the range<br />

of identified sustainable principles and<br />

illustrate how inhabitants in different<br />

climates and cultures tackle challenges<br />

in both diverse and similar ways.<br />

<br />

of sustainability, of which human factors<br />

are emphasised. Human factors<br />

can be both tangible and intangible,<br />

and they primarily touch upon social,<br />

cultural and economic aspects of sustainability.<br />

Yet, these aspects of sustainability<br />

may also lead to environmental<br />

sustainability. The features of the cases<br />

that will be analysed and compared are<br />

the following: ‘climate responsive design’,<br />

‘layout and spatial organization’,<br />

‘rational use of building materials’ and<br />

‘relationship between dwelling and in-<br />

<br />

is analysed for the two cases in terms<br />

of culture and way of life, the method<br />

of analysis is based mainly on in situ<br />

A comparative study of human aspects in acclimatization of adobe vernacular architecture: A case<br />

from Denmark and Egypt


Figure 3. A collective shots for the Mayor house showing from left to right, the passive climatic responsive solutions<br />

in coping with hot climate like shaded courtyards, small windows facing prevailing favourable winds and staircase<br />

that acts as air shafts (Source: Dabaieh).<br />

observations combined with a detailed<br />

documentation of specific facts about<br />

local vernacular building techniques<br />

and ethnographic descriptions.<br />

3. Comparative analysis<br />

3.1. Application of climate<br />

responsive design in Mayor house<br />

The case study from Egypt is located<br />

<br />

which is in a higher altitude and characterized<br />

by hot daytime temperatures<br />

and much lower overnight tempera-<br />

-<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

maximum day temperatures is within<br />

-<br />

<br />

a daytime temperature can reach up<br />

-<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

areas as the altitude makes for lower<br />

temperatures that often drop below<br />

freezing in winter. Generally, the humidity<br />

is low and rains are rare, but<br />

strong sand storms during windy seasons<br />

raise sandy dust, these are par-<br />

<br />

April. These dusty winds are important<br />

factors in the adaptation of the dwellings<br />

to the desert climate because wind<br />

direction is unstable and dwellers have<br />

to create effective solutions to avoid its<br />

hazardous effects.<br />

Environmental characteristics of the<br />

architecture, the buildings’ south and<br />

west exterior walls are shaded to avoid<br />

the unbearable heat of the sun, especially<br />

in summer. Passive ventilation<br />

solutions are applied using bottomless<br />

pottery vessels that are inserted into<br />

the ceilings of the last floor during<br />

construction in places where these<br />

holes can serve both as both skylights<br />

for indirect light and ventilation openings.<br />

They allow pleasant air to flow<br />

down from the roof floor to the ground<br />

floor. In addition, all these openings<br />

also serve as smoke exhaust ducts, for<br />

example, for bread ovens or kitchens if<br />

<br />

cold on winter nights or during a sandstorm,<br />

the openings can be closed by a<br />

piece of pottery or by a cotton pillow.<br />

The staircase shafts or interior courts<br />

also serve to create ventilating air flows.<br />

The average thickness of external<br />

<br />

lators,<br />

create natural thermal regulation<br />

and provide protection against<br />

the extreme temperatures that build<br />

up between the outdoor and indoor<br />

climates. The dimensions of openings<br />

<br />

<br />

small to avoid direct sunrays and reduce<br />

glare in summer. Some are placed<br />

facing north to capture pleasant winds<br />

on summer nights and the others face<br />

south for warm sun in winter. Inhabitants<br />

tend to close the windows firmly<br />

with cotton pillows whenever needed<br />

to protect them from glare, sand<br />

storms and strong winter winds. The<br />

house residents tend to open windows<br />

for cross ventilation on summer evenings<br />

to get rid of warm heat transmitted<br />

from the walls during day time.<br />

This leads them also to use ingenious<br />

systems for air traps; for example,<br />

the courtyard and the staircase shafts


Figure 4. Climate responsive design as seen in Abeline’s Farm, showing from left to right: half-hipped roofs reduce<br />

wind pressure on the gables, wide eaves protect the building from precipitation and summer sunlight, and pebbles<br />

lead precipitation away (Source: Eybye).<br />

function as wind catchers or as wind<br />

scoops.<br />

3.2. Application of climate<br />

responsive design in Abeline’s Farm<br />

Denmark has a temperate coastal<br />

climate according to Vahl climate classification.<br />

This climate is characterized<br />

by close distance to the sea, windy<br />

weather and frequent precipitation.<br />

<br />

winters are mild. Average daytime<br />

<br />

in winter average daytime temperature<br />

<br />

scarce in Scandinavia and sky is cloud-<br />

<br />

daylight must be secured. The area of<br />

Holmsland is characterized as harsh in<br />

particular, as it is more rainy and windy<br />

<br />

important in this area is to protect the<br />

building from precipitation and wind.<br />

<br />

<br />

precipitation and daylight form climat-<br />

<br />

Abeline’s Farms is situated in the flat<br />

area just east of the dunes, as they pro-<br />

<br />

the four wings of the farm together secures<br />

a sheltered courtyard. The farmhouse<br />

is east-west orientated, so the<br />

prevalent wind only cools the gable. In<br />

order to respond to precipitation the<br />

buildings have slanted roofs to lead<br />

<br />

placed in the ridge to minimize problems<br />

with leaks. The wide eaves protect<br />

the walls. At the base of the buildings<br />

ground is paved with pebbles to lead<br />

precipitation away and prevent mud<br />

splashes, as thatched buildings have<br />

no gutters. Ensuring a suitable amount<br />

of daylight is central to the wellbeing<br />

of the inhabitants, particularly during<br />

winter, and the farmhouse has a large<br />

number of windows to the south.<br />

<br />

ter<br />

sun is low, sunlight comes deep into<br />

the southward rooms. In summer, sun<br />

light only comes into the front part of<br />

the southward rooms. Sunlight thus<br />

contributes to heating during the cold<br />

winter months, while the house is kept<br />

cool during summer.<br />

3.3. Layout and spatial organization<br />

of Mayor house<br />

<br />

Desert is family-and kin-oriented.<br />

<br />

neighbourhood as their kin. Social organization<br />

is primarily based on blood<br />

relations, which play a main role in the<br />

site selection, configuration, grouping<br />

and location of dwellings within towns<br />

<br />

<br />

societies and evidence of the community<br />

strength is shown in the organizing<br />

of space. A strong architectural<br />

base has evolved to enrich the lives of<br />

inhabitants through reflecting their socio-cultural<br />

structures and values. It is<br />

for this reason nearly impossible to isolate<br />

cultural and traditional artefacts<br />

and ways of producing them from the<br />

influence of religion, norms and daily<br />

practices in the final building outcome<br />

<br />

The design and configuration of the<br />

house basically depend on the way the<br />

<br />

The oven and the small chicken coop<br />

are placed on the top floor nearby the<br />

kitchen to make it easy to manage dai-<br />

A comparative study of human aspects in acclimatization of adobe vernacular architecture: A case<br />

from Denmark and Egypt


Figure 5. Layout of Mayor courtyard house showing the organization of rooms and spaces<br />

(Source: Dabaieh).<br />

ly activities. The location of openings<br />

is decided by the wife as well, that is,<br />

it is up to her where to place the windows<br />

to the courtyard of the grandparents’<br />

house and to the street to monitor<br />

passers-by.<br />

<br />

major role in the spatial organization<br />

of the house. For example, privacy<br />

is highly represented in the design of<br />

the dwelling. The concept of privacy<br />

is based on a mixture of religious and<br />

cultural norms. The hierarchy of spaces<br />

allows and reflects privacy in different<br />

types of social activities. Space<br />

is planned to change gradually from<br />

semi-public spaces to semi-private to<br />

private. In the same time the concern<br />

for thermal comfort is still achieved by<br />

providing proper shading and allow<br />

for cross ventilation between different<br />

<br />

guests from the town community representatives<br />

that should be in a place<br />

where women can walk around the<br />

house freely without being noticed by<br />

strangers. Also the urban design of<br />

the town allows for houses common<br />

courtyards to be connected to the town<br />

tunnelled streets and cool recess. The<br />

<br />

neighbours in parallel with finishing<br />

her household activities without being<br />

visible to the outside.<br />

<br />

<br />

a main hall in the centre for family<br />

gatherings, meals and socialization.<br />

You can find a degree of complexity<br />

that is derived from the diverse needs<br />

for a large extended family living together<br />

and functional office space for<br />

<br />

Generally, there is great flexibility in<br />

changing the functionality of spaces.<br />

Adding rooms and extending houses<br />

both horizontally or vertically are common,<br />

easy and affordable. For example,<br />

when the children grow up and decide<br />

to marry, depending on the available<br />

space and the family’s financial situation,<br />

the parents add another room for<br />

the newly married couple or they build<br />

another attached house with an internal<br />

connection. There is also flexibility<br />

in the functional use of space. For example,<br />

the entrance hall on the ground<br />

floor is normally employed for multiple<br />

functions. It can be used as a reception<br />

<br />

day time and in the afternoon is used<br />

as dining and sitting area while at night<br />

as sleeping area on cold winter days.<br />

<br />

change in functions.<br />

The roof floor is an important part


Figure 6. Layout of Abeline’s Farm including organization of rooms in the farmhouse<br />

(Source: Eybye).<br />

of the house with many facilities for<br />

conveniences and daily activities. To<br />

provide a natural fence around the roof<br />

floor, long palm tree branches are used.<br />

For more privacy, tall exterior fences<br />

<br />

built. They reach up to 1.5 metres and<br />

are designed with high openings used<br />

for ventilation and to make it easy to<br />

look through and keep an eye on the<br />

community members’ comings and<br />

goings. Above and beyond the view<br />

from the street, ringed by high parapet<br />

walls, are sleeping porches, which<br />

inhabitants use as mentioned on sum-<br />

<br />

grain and mud bread ovens have their<br />

own spaces on the roof floor, as does<br />

the chicken coop. Grain storage has<br />

always had a very particular meaning<br />

especially in old times. It is to store the<br />

grain and other food essential to the<br />

family’s survival for the whole year.<br />

The toilets in the house are dry toi-<br />

<br />

order to allow air circulation to get rid<br />

of bad smells. The lack of covering also<br />

allows sun rays to speed up the process<br />

of drying the waste and killing any bacteria.<br />

The toilet is located on the mezzanine<br />

level between the ground and<br />

the first floor. The orientation of the<br />

toilet is in the opposite direction from<br />

the prevailing wind. The toilet has an<br />

opening in the bottom of this tower to<br />

collect the wastes when they are completely<br />

dry twice a year. The wastes are<br />

used as soil fertilizers or fuel for ovens.<br />

3.4. Layout and spatial organization<br />

of Abeline’s Farm<br />

A household typical of a Holmsland<br />

farm would include the farmer, his<br />

wife, their children, one or two maids<br />

hold<br />

would usually include the former<br />

owners of the farm. As part of<br />

the making over the farm, the former<br />

owners received accommodation and<br />

support by the new owner (often a son<br />

<br />

secure their old age. A farmer holding<br />

position of wreckmaster was obliged<br />

to accommodate wrecked sailors after<br />

shipwrecks. Finally, a household could<br />

include tenants, foster children and<br />

summer tourists. Hence, the typical<br />

farm of Holmsland would be a small<br />

community of different people (An-<br />

<br />

Layout and spatial organization of<br />

Abeline’s Farm highly reflects a large<br />

household and local climate conditions.<br />

The four wings of the farm are<br />

organized as follows; to the north is<br />

the large barn providing shelter, to the<br />

west is the stable, to the east the gate<br />

wing providing sheltered access to the<br />

courtyard and to the south is the farm-<br />

er<br />

reduces outer walls and thereby loss<br />

of heat. The shape of the farmhouse<br />

is long and narrow. Hence, all rooms<br />

are provided the possibility of natural<br />

daylight and moreover, the house can<br />

be ventilated naturally by opening the<br />

windows. The primary living rooms<br />

are placed in the middle of the house<br />

A comparative study of human aspects in acclimatization of adobe vernacular architecture: A case<br />

from Denmark and Egypt


facing southwards to take advantage<br />

of sunlight, optimize thermal comfort<br />

and reduce use of energy having only<br />

cesses<br />

are placed in connection to the<br />

primary living rooms, which reduces<br />

use of energy for heating. Practical<br />

rooms such as kitchen, scullery, larder,<br />

pantry and milk room are placed<br />

northwards as storing food and dairy<br />

in cool rooms are important. Porches<br />

and entrance halls reduce loss of heat,<br />

and one never enters directly from outside<br />

into a living room. The gables are<br />

climatic buffer zones. To the west are<br />

the scullery and maid’s chamber. To the<br />

east were rooms for the former owner<br />

of the house. This part of the house was<br />

later rebuilt to accommodate summer<br />

tourists.<br />

The traditional Danish farmhouse<br />

is accessed from the courtyard, which<br />

was used for all kinds of purposes.<br />

msland<br />

are accessed from the south<br />

– and not through the courtyard. The<br />

courtyard of Abeline’s Farm was primarily<br />

reserved for the dwellers of the<br />

farm and their doings. Animals were<br />

only rarely found in the courtyard.<br />

3.5. Rational use of building<br />

materials in Major house<br />

Earth is an environmental building<br />

material and copes efficiently with the<br />

harsh arid desert climate, especially<br />

during hot summers. It was mentioned<br />

<br />

based on Hassan Fathy’s experience<br />

in Egypt that traditional earthen interiors<br />

remain cool during the day and<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

costs almost nothing because its material<br />

is obtained from the surrounding<br />

environment. In addition, a house built<br />

with such local resources can be easily<br />

enlarged at low cost, as need arises. As<br />

people build by themselves, there is no<br />

cost for workers’ fees. In fact, neighbours<br />

and families help each other in<br />

<br />

are no transportation or manufacturing<br />

costs. Although earth may be<br />

perceived as a weak building material,<br />

due to desert vernacular trial and error<br />

experimentation of uncountable ideas,<br />

earth structures have managed to survive<br />

for centuries. Also the delicate<br />

craftsmanship, wisdom and accumulation<br />

of experience have led to good<br />

designs that are comfortable for living<br />

and sustainable to this day.<br />

Due to the shortage of natural resources<br />

and raw materials in the desert,<br />

there are several creative ideas and<br />

solutions that maximize the use of the<br />

scarce available resources adopted in<br />

this house. They used by-products of<br />

buildings materials. For example, when<br />

tree trunks are used as beams for roof<br />

support, the medium sized branches<br />

that remain are used for wall supports<br />

in corners or in making small shelves<br />

in kitchens and living areas or for windows<br />

or lintels for doors. The small<br />

branches are then tied together as a<br />

mesh to be used as secondary layers<br />

over the main roof beams and used in<br />

a vertical science with a wooden frame<br />

as small interior doors. Finally, the leftovers<br />

of small wood pieces are used as<br />

a fuel for ovens.<br />

<br />

women in the town collaborated to-<br />

<br />

for raising walls and roofs and doing<br />

the first plastering layer of the house.<br />

<br />

water for the clay mix. They also help<br />

in the mud brick casting process, assisting<br />

by handing the bricks to bricklayers<br />

during building and by doing<br />

the final interior and exterior render-<br />

<br />

the exterior together with men in some<br />

cases. During the lifetime of using the<br />

building, the ladies in the house do a<br />

monthly maintenance and rendering<br />

of the floors and walls. They sprinkle<br />

new clean sand on the floors and the<br />

roof of the house every month. They<br />

are also responsible for regular maintenance<br />

of the houses if needed in case<br />

of cracks.<br />

Room sizes are rather small due to<br />

limited availability of long wood logs.<br />

The same goes for ceiling heights, as the<br />

higher the ceilings the thicker the bearing<br />

walls must be and this reduces the<br />

room areas as well. The flexible structure<br />

system makes it easy to connect<br />

the house together with neighbouring<br />

ones with possibility of extension.<br />

Some of the wood logs are reclaimed


wood from old and demolished houses<br />

in the town.<br />

3.6. Rational use of building<br />

materials in Abeline’s Farm<br />

The building materials for Abeline’s<br />

Farm were primarily provided from<br />

the local environment. As mentioned,<br />

the area was characterised by a number<br />

of different landscape types. Inlets<br />

provided reed for thatching, meadows<br />

provided turf for the ridge and mud for<br />

adobes and mortar, while beaches provided<br />

pebbles the courtyard paving and<br />

shells for mortar. Furthermore, ship<br />

wrecks provided timber, metal and all<br />

<br />

auctions at the wreck masters’ farms.<br />

<br />

side of the inlets and was transported<br />

by boat across the inlet to the area.<br />

Economically, local materials such as<br />

reed, turf, mud and pebbles were cheap<br />

but required hard work.<br />

Lack of forests meant that timber<br />

on a large scale was recycled from ship<br />

wrecks and old houses being dismantled.<br />

In Abeline’s Farm timber parts<br />

such as beams, rafters and collar beams<br />

are recycled from wrecked ships, and it<br />

is likely that wooden floors and ceilings<br />

also are recycled from ship wrecks. A<br />

few pieces of furniture are wreckage<br />

as well. Recycling was very common<br />

practice all over Denmark, as materials<br />

were either expensive or required hard<br />

<br />

sources tell us that whole houses have<br />

been dismantled, moved and rebuilt in<br />

<br />

In preindustrial time, timber was<br />

the most important building material<br />

in Denmark, and almost all vernacular<br />

dwellings were half-timbered constructions<br />

with wattle and daub infill.<br />

In contrast, the farms in the dunes are<br />

built of bricks and adobes. As men-<br />

<br />

was challenged by lack of forests, and<br />

this is presumed to be one of the reasons<br />

why masonry spread from Holland<br />

to Friesland and further up the<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

where bricks have longer durability<br />

than wood. Yet, brick baking was<br />

costly due to the consumption of fire<br />

wood. Hence, rational building practice<br />

developed. In Abeline’s farm walls<br />

exposed to weather were masonry,<br />

while inner walls, walls surrounding<br />

the courtyard and the north side of<br />

the barn were built of adobes, as these<br />

<br />

came from the meadows, where it was<br />

knead and cast into adobes. Then the<br />

adobes dried, perhaps covered with<br />

straw or sea weed as protection from<br />

weather. Adobes for building were usually<br />

made the year before construction,<br />

so their full shrinkage was obtained.<br />

Adobe walls are vulnerable to humidity<br />

and precipitation and therefore,<br />

they were plastered and lime washed<br />

as protection layer to extend their du-<br />

ularly<br />

fragile, and they were made of<br />

baked bricks. The farmer would often<br />

produce his own bricks for masonry<br />

with help from his farm hand and<br />

children - just like the adobe manufac-<br />

tumn<br />

and was knead and moulded to<br />

bricks in the early part of the following<br />

summer. The bricks dried in the empty<br />

barn during summer, was moved to<br />

the gate room in harvest and baked in<br />

small brick kilns in autumn. The baking<br />

process produced bricks of heterogeneous<br />

quality, and the weakest bricks<br />

were used in less exposed parts of the<br />

building, such as cornices and masonry<br />

arches, as these often were protected<br />

by the wide eaves of the building (Jen-<br />

<br />

Roofs are thatched with reed. This<br />

is a highly flexible material that easily<br />

adjusts to the shape of the roof. Furthermore,<br />

reed is hollow and works as<br />

insulation. Thatched roofs contribute<br />

to reduced energy consumption. Depending<br />

on climate and orientation,<br />

a thatched roof is expected to last for<br />

<br />

worn out, it is used as fertilizer and<br />

thereby recycles back to nature. The<br />

only disadvantage of reed is fire risk.<br />

<br />

qualities were important to vernacular<br />

dwellers. Different types of wood possess<br />

different abilities. Usually the most<br />

exposed building parts, such as lower<br />

parts of doors are made of stronger<br />

wood types such as oak to prolong durability.<br />

Altogether, the construction of<br />

A comparative study of human aspects in acclimatization of adobe vernacular architecture: A case<br />

from Denmark and Egypt


Abeline’s Farm point to deliberate use<br />

of strong and weak materials in accordance<br />

with climate, use of protection<br />

layers to prolong durability and recycling,<br />

which reduced efforts in obtaining<br />

and processing materials.<br />

3.7. The Major house and the<br />

inhabitants<br />

The roles of the inhabitants in the<br />

building procedures in desert communities<br />

are allocated among family<br />

members. These roles are more like<br />

basic life activities and habits than<br />

<br />

building process never stops, but is al-<br />

<br />

and maintaining dwellings is a dynamic<br />

practice that develops according to<br />

current needs and past customs, and<br />

that helps dwellers feel engaged and<br />

interactive with their dwellings. All<br />

family members share work and different<br />

tasks are distributed among them.<br />

Rules allocate work differently in the<br />

different oases since all rules are based<br />

on the local cultures and traditions.<br />

<br />

<br />

women have, throughout history, taken<br />

a central role in planning, construction<br />

and use of desert vernacular buildings.<br />

<br />

in all the building phases in addition<br />

to taking part in the regular monthly<br />

and annual maintenance. Everyone in<br />

the town learn various construction<br />

<br />

responsible for raising walls and roofs<br />

and doing the first plastering layer of<br />

<br />

bringing water for the clay mix. They<br />

also help in the mud brick casting process,<br />

assisting by handing the bricks to<br />

bricklayers during building and by doing<br />

the final interior and exterior rendering<br />

of the house. They may decorate<br />

the exterior together with men in some<br />

nance<br />

and rendering of the floors and<br />

walls. They sprinkle new clean sand<br />

on the floors and the roof of the house<br />

every month. They are also responsible<br />

for regular plastering maintenance<br />

for the houses twice a year and some<br />

times more if needed in case of structure<br />

cracks.<br />

3.8. Abeline’ Farm and the<br />

inhabitants<br />

The dwellers of Abeline’ Farm supported<br />

themselves by a mixed economy.<br />

This was reflected in the situation<br />

and the layout of the farm. The farmhouse<br />

was large due to accommodation<br />

of wrecked sailors. In times with<br />

scarcity of money, the western part of<br />

the house was let to a family. Hence,<br />

the layout of the house had to be flexible<br />

to support variable needs and able<br />

to adopt changes to a certain degree.<br />

Preferably changes were made within<br />

the existing farmhouse, such as accommodation<br />

rooms for the former owner.<br />

There are, however, examples of other<br />

farmhouses which have been extended<br />

lengthwise to adapt to changes.<br />

Abeline’s Farm is built of materials<br />

from the local environment, and as<br />

more of these are organic, they need<br />

regular maintenance. Particularly the<br />

outer adobe walls needed regularly<br />

maintenance, which took place every<br />

spring and was done by the females of<br />

the farm. Sealing up roof and painting<br />

woodwork such as gates, doors and<br />

windows were also important. In general,<br />

maintenance was considered as part<br />

of everyday work and it took place in<br />

the times of the year, when the dwellers<br />

were not preoccupied with fishing or<br />

harvesting. Furthermore, the applied<br />

building materials possess the quality<br />

of possible repair. An example is the<br />

lower parts of window frames, which<br />

are more exposed to rot and therefore<br />

can be changed without discarding the<br />

whole window, thus saving resources.<br />

The south elevation of the house with<br />

its symmetrical composition and neoclassical<br />

elements indicates that the<br />

dwellers were proud of their farm and<br />

made it a point of honour to maintain<br />

their house.<br />

4. Commonalities and differences<br />

in acclimatization and resource<br />

efficiency practice<br />

Despite very different cultures and<br />

climates, the two vernacular dwellings<br />

in this study pointed to similar<br />

challenges and solutions. Our analysis<br />

revealed that vernacular architecture<br />

arises from a rare mixture of tradition<br />

and a variety of personal preferences.<br />

Vernacular housing reached a high


level of design perfection and that is<br />

particularly due to the use of inherited<br />

traditions in the building process.<br />

Dwellers have managed to reach more<br />

or less the same solutions, methodologies<br />

and best practice adapting to harsh<br />

climate to create adaptive environmental<br />

solutions. Though this study has<br />

focused on the social, cultural and<br />

economic aspects of sustainability, the<br />

principles pointed out are to a large<br />

extent also examples of environmental<br />

sustainability. From the two case studies<br />

we found some common sustainable<br />

and resource efficient practices<br />

from which:<br />

Dwellings are carefully built in accordance<br />

with local climate using<br />

passive strategies for lighting, cooling<br />

and heating, which reduces energy<br />

consumption.<br />

Inhabitants take part in both design<br />

and construction phases, which encourage<br />

resource savings and rational<br />

building practice.<br />

Self-help building process as locals<br />

build their own dwellings, so there<br />

is almost zero labour cost.<br />

The sustainability of managing the<br />

balance between preservation and<br />

use of local resources and of the<br />

limited local materials.<br />

Economic perception in using local<br />

building materials which are almost<br />

cost-free, such as the use of wood<br />

trees grown on their farmlands and<br />

the cast mud bricks using earth<br />

from their surroundings.<br />

cal<br />

available resources and an ability<br />

to be inspired by the cradle to<br />

cradle ecological cycles from surrounding<br />

nature.<br />

Almost no waste product is produced<br />

during buildings process.<br />

High degree of reuse such as earth<br />

material, timber etc.<br />

Dwellings are flexible to changes<br />

in space configuration or for future<br />

extension.<br />

tained<br />

and repaired, prolonging durability<br />

and reducing waste.<br />

All family members take part in<br />

maintenance process so reducing<br />

maintenance cost and keeps the<br />

building in a good shape.<br />

<br />

in the climatic adaptation and responses:<br />

The adaptation to cope with heat<br />

versus and cold weather which are<br />

ventilation versus wind and precipitation.<br />

Different approaches to daylight:<br />

avoiding direct sunlight to reduce<br />

glare versus encouraging daylight<br />

especially in winter time.<br />

Shaded courtyards to provide summer<br />

cool air for cross ventilation<br />

versus exposed courtyards to direct<br />

sun for winter heating.<br />

5. Lessons learned and<br />

recommendations for application<br />

in contemporary building design<br />

Thus an important issue today is how<br />

we can learn from vernacular practice<br />

and still be able to respond to modernity<br />

and at the same time respond to<br />

the need for sustainability, recyclable<br />

materials and green technologies. One<br />

lesson to learn from our case studies to<br />

be adopted in contemporary design is<br />

encouraging using natural local building<br />

materials and building methods<br />

rather than costly imported materials.<br />

That makes the building process more<br />

resource efficient and reduce a lot of<br />

<br />

<br />

material and methods allows the use of<br />

existing work force of craftsmen and<br />

skilled locals and that it also reduces<br />

costs compared to procedures using<br />

imported building methods and ma-<br />

<br />

are conscious about the future, as they<br />

develop logical solutions, especially as<br />

regards the comfort inside their dwellings.<br />

Second, building in accordance with<br />

local climate prolongs durability of the<br />

<br />

dwellers must consider heat, ventilation,<br />

wind, precipitation and daylight<br />

in the design of the building. Hence,<br />

passive energy strategies can be applied,<br />

which improve comfort and<br />

reduce energy consumption. Furthermore,<br />

possibilities of the building site<br />

must be considered to take advantage<br />

of contextual elements and situate the<br />

dwelling advantageously.<br />

Third, knowledge of materials’ qualities<br />

are important to build in a ratio-<br />

A comparative study of human aspects in acclimatization of adobe vernacular architecture: A case<br />

from Denmark and Egypt


nal manner. Vernacular dwellers know<br />

that exposed parts of buildings need<br />

strong materials and sheltered part can<br />

do with weaker materials. Use of protection<br />

layers prolong durability in a<br />

cheap manner, thus reducing resource<br />

consumption.<br />

Finally, in present building practice<br />

enormous amounts of waste are generated,<br />

as buildings being demolished are<br />

considered to be rubbish and down cy-<br />

<br />

houses must be seen as resources and<br />

<br />

the use of ‘simple technology’, such as<br />

vernacular building practice, materials<br />

over,<br />

‘simple materials’ as wood, earth<br />

and clay can be maintained and repaired,<br />

thus reducing waste, resources<br />

and energy.<br />

5.1. Sustainable recommendations<br />

for application in contemporary<br />

building practice<br />

The study shows that adobe buildings<br />

have many sustainable qualities<br />

<br />

norm in both Egypt and Denmark that<br />

people tend to prefer industrialised<br />

modern building materials, as adobe<br />

are considered to be old fashion. Furthermore,<br />

adobe buildings need maintenance,<br />

which doesn’t contribute to<br />

their popularity. However, in order to<br />

meet the needs for sustainability this<br />

construction principle should be considered,<br />

as it also offers human aspects<br />

of sustainability. A number of these<br />

sustainable principles, which easily apply<br />

in contemporary building practice,<br />

are listed below:<br />

Using natural building materials as<br />

it has no carbon footprint and can<br />

be recycled back to nature when the<br />

building is dismantled.<br />

Local materials reduce transportation,<br />

economic costs and keep your<br />

neighbour employed.<br />

<br />

durability and reduces resource<br />

consumption.<br />

Applying passive energy strategies<br />

whenever possible to reduce relying<br />

on active mechanical systems.<br />

6. Conclusions<br />

The frame of sustainability in this<br />

paper comprises both tangible and<br />

intangible aspects for two adobe residential<br />

courtyard buildings in two extreme<br />

climatic and cultural conditions<br />

in Denmark and Egypt. Hence, the<br />

analysis tackled human aspects particular<br />

to social, cultural and economics<br />

of sustainability. This relates to items as<br />

climate responsive design, layout and<br />

spatial organization, rational use of<br />

building materials, durability, flexibil-<br />

<br />

selected based on certain criteria from<br />

which both dwellings are built under<br />

harsh climate conditions, scarce resources<br />

and built with adobe building<br />

technology. It was clear from the study<br />

that cultural and social characteristics<br />

need to be considered in this analysis<br />

as they give insight into the physical<br />

setting, explain many variables and<br />

clarify the reasons for specific characteristics<br />

of the built environment.<br />

This comparative case study shows<br />

that human aspects are very important<br />

in order to build in a sustainable<br />

manner and that vernacular dwellings<br />

display a wide range of ingenious solutions<br />

in order to be resource efficient.<br />

The vernacular in both cases is a record<br />

of the lifestyle of the past when inhabitants<br />

were trying to find a sustainable<br />

way of life, just as they are trying to now.<br />

Vernacular exhibits the potential of the<br />

local community to organize spaces,<br />

evolve a strong architectural base and<br />

enrich their lives through their own lo-<br />

<br />

needed for the influence of human factors<br />

in climatic adaptation in buildings<br />

as such factors are always missing and<br />

the focus normally is on physical and<br />

tangible building practice. Our study<br />

was based mainly on our observations<br />

<br />

needed by involving residents to share<br />

their own experience and using post<br />

occupancy evaluation to assess the efficiency<br />

of passive strategies applied.<br />

Acknowledgements<br />

The authors would like to acknowl-<br />

son<br />

Foundation for sponsoring this<br />

part of post-doc research at Lund<br />

university in Sweden and the Aarhus<br />

School of Architecture and Realdania<br />

for granting the Ph.D. project ‘Sustain-


ability in Danish architectural heritage<br />

- building design, practice and techniques’.<br />

References<br />

Abelines gård: En<br />

strandfogedgård på Holmsland Klit.<br />

Hvide Sande: Den selvejende institution<br />

“Abelines gård”<br />

Den vestjyske<br />

klitgård<br />

Forlag ApS.<br />

<br />

Encyclopedia of the archaeology<br />

of ancient Egyp<br />

tion<br />

and Statistics(http://www.capmas.<br />

<br />

A future for the<br />

past of desert vernacular architecture:<br />

testing a novel conservation model an<br />

applied methodology in the town of Balat<br />

in Egypt. Diss. Lund : Lunds universitet.<br />

<br />

Klima og arkitektur. -<br />

<br />

Forlag.<br />

<br />

<br />

-<br />

<br />

Balât, Etude<br />

ethnologique d’une communauté rurale.<br />

Institut français d’archéologie orientale<br />

<br />

Bebyggelse og<br />

landskab på Holmsland Klit. Aarhus:<br />

Arkitektskolen i Aarhus.<br />

set:<br />

byggeskik og egnspræg, gode raad<br />

om vedligeholdelse og istandsættelse,<br />

<br />

Building<br />

Without Borders: sustainable construction<br />

for the global village. Gabriola,<br />

<br />

Mawaiz wa<br />

al-’i’tibar bi dhikr al-khitat wa al-’athar,<br />

<br />

Egypt.<br />

A comparative study of human aspects in acclimatization of adobe vernacular architecture: A case<br />

from Denmark and Egypt


A research on the continuity of the<br />

original settlements: A case study<br />

on Kemaliye/Erzincan<br />

Emre TORBAOĞLU 1 , Yüksel DEMİR 2<br />

1<br />

<br />

2<br />

<br />

<br />

Final Acceptance: January <strong>2016</strong><br />

doi: 10.5505/itujfa.<strong>2016</strong>.14633<br />

Abstract<br />

One of the most important reasons of settlements looking like each other, despite<br />

the differences of their geographies and cultures, is the cultural disengagement<br />

due to the uniformity of socio-cultural stratification. This simultaneously<br />

creates negative impacts on many original settlements. Consequently; today, we<br />

need design approaches, aiming to provide solutions for the disconnection of<br />

people and spaces to help continue the architectural and urban characteristics of<br />

original settlements while they are in a process of development. This study handles<br />

such approaches in line with the “critical regionalism” concept of Frampton.<br />

A theoretical basis is formed over Giancarlo De Carlo and his architectural approach<br />

in Urbino can be assessed within the framework of critical regionalism.<br />

Over this theoretical basis, Kemaliye, chosen as the study location, is evaluated in<br />

terms of continuity, in light of data based on field practices.<br />

Keywords<br />

Kemaliye, Cultural continuity, Local data, Vernacular architecture, Critical<br />

regionalism.


1. A critical view of current<br />

architecture practices within the<br />

context of cultural continuity<br />

<br />

forcing us to face a contradictory process,<br />

which aims to connect on a single<br />

entirety while preserving or rebuilding<br />

cultural variety; has caused certain approaches<br />

in architecture, working in<br />

opposite directions. Some of these approaches<br />

focus on regional identities,<br />

attempting to establish a unity with<br />

them, and aiming to let them keep up<br />

with the new era; while others aim to<br />

impose their presence, ignoring such<br />

identities. The first of these two approaches<br />

provide “cultural continu-<br />

<br />

their lives as individuals in harmony<br />

with their environments. The other<br />

approach ignores cultural variety, environment<br />

and social connections and<br />

creates an effect which alienates people<br />

to their own environment. Defined as<br />

“current architecture practices” in the<br />

study, this attitude ignores different<br />

contexts and the basic characteristics<br />

of cultural areas, and drives many original<br />

settlements to a process of disconnection.<br />

Settlements, which have been able<br />

to preserve their originality, are accepted<br />

as archives, containing all abstract<br />

and solid traces of the history of humanity<br />

and nature. Having a local landscape<br />

with natural and cultural values,<br />

and preserving their regional identities,<br />

such settlements are defined by<br />

Scazzosi as centuries-old palimpsest:<br />

These are parchments where traces of<br />

every era come one after another, intertwine<br />

with those to be left for future,<br />

within a constant change (Scazzosi,<br />

<br />

in time and traces of such changes can<br />

often be seen in the physical and social<br />

environment. Understanding these<br />

traces is important for reshaping the<br />

essence of humans within the current<br />

change processes for keeping up with<br />

the era. Therefore, such traces should<br />

be considered as documents guiding<br />

new practices, enabling cultural continuity,<br />

and forming the urban memory.<br />

Berman states that understanding<br />

traditions is important for feeding and<br />

enriching our own modernity. Therefore,<br />

culture should not be seen as a<br />

cult, containing nostalgic elements,<br />

but as a source of feeding for the on-<br />

<br />

these ideas, we can say that it is critical<br />

to understand the local essence and<br />

the pieces that form the entirety before<br />

any design interventions on original<br />

settlements. Therefore; approaches,<br />

in which cultural and social forms of<br />

previous centuries are re-explored and<br />

contexts are taken into account, must<br />

<br />

using tradition as a source of logic and<br />

information, advocating that traditions<br />

must be continued not formally but intellectually,<br />

must be adopted.<br />

However, if we look at the design<br />

interventions at such settlements within<br />

the framework of current architecture<br />

practices; we can mention two frequently<br />

seen trends. These trends can<br />

be defined as nostalgic approaches, advocating<br />

the inviolableness of the “old”<br />

by only preserving local characteristics<br />

or attempting to create the “new” by<br />

emulating the “old”, or as destructive<br />

approaches totally ignoring the values<br />

that form the regional identity. It is<br />

obvious that in both situations, there<br />

are attitudes that do not attempt to establish<br />

a relationship with the local essence.<br />

In the first approach, the “old”<br />

is frozen in time or recreated with a<br />

superficial point of view, and “original<br />

settlements” are turned into decorative<br />

cities. This will cause a misperception<br />

in society and cause a blur in the difference<br />

between the past and today. In the<br />

second approach; the “old” is outcast<br />

or even destroyed to let standardized<br />

environments take over original settlement<br />

patterns.<br />

According to Levi-Strauss, if it<br />

is attempted to recreate old forms, it<br />

would be inevitable for new forms to<br />

gradually become monotonous and ultimately,<br />

reach solutions that are ultimately<br />

weakened. On the contrary, he<br />

states that we should know humanity<br />

is rich enough in terms of options to<br />

surprise everybody and that progress<br />

is not achieved by this extremely easy<br />

“adjusted similarity” image, which we<br />

lazily approach, but as a product of<br />

a process full of adventures, disconnections<br />

and scandals (Levi-Strauss,<br />

<br />

a futile effort to recreate completed and


forgone times, and we should be open<br />

for new trials.<br />

So, how should such new trials be?<br />

How can a compromising relation be<br />

established between current architecture<br />

practices, which ignore and outcast<br />

the “old”, and original settlement<br />

<br />

concept of “critical regionalism” may<br />

give us alternative points of view aiming<br />

to produce a modern architecture<br />

based on context, in parallel with universal<br />

processes.<br />

2. A strategy of resistance against<br />

standardization in architecture:<br />

Critical regionalism<br />

Critical regionalism concept is an<br />

attitude opposing the recreation of<br />

traditional forms and the formalist<br />

attitude of regionalism. This concept<br />

suggests using an exploring construction<br />

language in modern architecture,<br />

revealing and respecting the local essence<br />

instead of a simple copying-imitating<br />

approach. At the same time,<br />

it tries to establish a system of new<br />

regional values by clashing universal<br />

values with regional values. Frampton<br />

considers critical regionalism as a strategy<br />

of resistance against the uniformity<br />

caused by modernism and against the<br />

historical approaches in architecture.<br />

He propounds this concept as a camp<br />

against the standardization caused by<br />

current architecture practices in preserving<br />

and reviving local cultures in<br />

architecture. Within the framework<br />

of critical regionalism, he advocates a<br />

stance against the dominant forms of<br />

current conditions, while on the other<br />

hand, accepts the liberating effect of<br />

<br />

Critical regionalism is based on<br />

the “place sensitivity”, which can be<br />

strongly perceived, defined by experience<br />

and based on its own context. In<br />

<br />

gionalism<br />

as an approach which cannot<br />

be described as internationalism<br />

but which can not be connected to the<br />

folkloric or historical concepts of the<br />

region, either.<br />

Critical regional architecture contributes<br />

to the improvement of cultural<br />

interactions by focusing on the relationship<br />

of the building with the loca-<br />

<br />

its socio-cultural position, instead of<br />

considering regional styles. In essence,<br />

it considers people as part of the natural<br />

and cultural environment they live<br />

in. It prefers the awareness about the<br />

tectonic reality of architecture instead<br />

of understanding the artificial environment<br />

only based on image with a superficial<br />

approach. It suggests creating<br />

a modern structure in harmony with<br />

the location, without taking formative<br />

and technologic references. It aims to<br />

contribute to the development processes<br />

of settlements by making small<br />

interventions, instead of large-scale urban<br />

interventions.<br />

3. Approaches based on<br />

field practices in original<br />

settlements: Design approach<br />

of Giancarlo De Carlo<br />

Rethinking on “Giancarlo De Carlo<br />

Architecture”, which we can study<br />

under the concept of “critical regionalism”,<br />

may give hints on creating a<br />

new product by being connected to<br />

the “local essence”. De Carlo adopted<br />

an approach which evaluates natural<br />

and socio-cultural data, attempting<br />

to establish a relation with previous<br />

architectural languages by taking historical<br />

processes into account. Based<br />

on the necessity to create a connection<br />

between society and modernism, he<br />

worked with an approach, taking human<br />

experience and human perception<br />

as basis. Indispensible principles<br />

of a design process that is based on<br />

continuity are deep analysis of location<br />

and participating values.<br />

The design method developed by<br />

De Carlo based on field practice states<br />

the necessity of performing theoretical<br />

and practical studies together in design<br />

interventions on original settlements.<br />

The projects he materialized in Urbino<br />

are successful examples connecting<br />

with the local context, converting and<br />

using traditional architectural principles<br />

forming the regional identity, and<br />

thus, contributing to cultural continuity.<br />

At Urbino, where De Carlo worked<br />

for approximately half a century; he<br />

gathered the municipality, the university,<br />

independent researchers and<br />

residents on a common platform, determined<br />

the requirements of the set-<br />

A research on the continuity of the original settlements: A case study on Kemaliye/Erzincan


Figure 1. Aerial view of Urbino identifying four of De Carlo’s conversions (1) Faculty of Economics, (2) Magistero,<br />

(3) Ramp and stables, (4) Faculty of Law (Source: Jones, P.B. & Canniffe, E., 2007).<br />

Figure 2, 3, 4. Analytical sketches of De Carlo (McKean, 2004).<br />

tlement in line with their opinions and<br />

developed his suggestions.<br />

Urbino is an ancient settlement ,<br />

<br />

region in eastern Italy. The history of<br />

the city dates back to the Etruscan period,<br />

which took place before the Roman<br />

period. Pattern of the city, which<br />

reaches today, usually belongs to the<br />

medieval age. There were additions<br />

to the city in the renaissance period.<br />

Among these, the Ducal Palace built<br />

by Francesco di Giorgio for Duke Fed-<br />

-<br />

<br />

difference from other historical Italian<br />

cities, emphasizes that history and nature<br />

is intertwined here and that it is<br />

hard to distinguish new human interventions<br />

within the original pattern of<br />

<br />

De Carlo started his zoning plan<br />

studies in a period when the settlement<br />

physically began to deteriorate and local<br />

economy was being attempted to be<br />

revived by tourism. He studied sensitively<br />

on both the urban and rural environment,<br />

and had a special relationship<br />

with the residents and the history<br />

of the city. Starting as he undertook<br />

<br />

this relationship turned to a series of<br />

simultaneous interventions. Such interventions<br />

range from constructing a<br />

university settlement outside the city<br />

walls, rehabilitation of some structures<br />

at the historical settlement, faculty<br />

building designs, rearrangement of the<br />

<br />

of Urbino, to designs of academician<br />

-<br />

provement<br />

of the university was also<br />

selected as a way to revive the settlement.<br />

However; this also meant that<br />

the population would be multiplied<br />

and De Carlo developed a dual strategy<br />

to overcome this problem. He settled<br />

faculty buildings within the historical<br />

city center, and positioned dormitories<br />

Figure 5, 6. Site plan sketches of Collegio della Colle (NAI, 2005).


Figure 7, 8. Perspectives of dormitories (NAI, 2005).<br />

at the hillsides outside the historical<br />

city center, where he defined as a new<br />

settlement area.<br />

Jones describes the design approach<br />

of Giancarlo de Carlo as such:<br />

“De Carlo is playing a long game at<br />

Urbino, often with a light touch and<br />

with no great compulsion to over-impose<br />

his personal signature. Oblivious<br />

to the calls of fashion, De Carlo builds<br />

with a view to centuries past, and looks<br />

<br />

citizens yet to come. It is hard to think<br />

of another contemporary architect<br />

who has contributed so much to one<br />

place. Without his intervention the<br />

whole development of the town and<br />

its university would have taken a different<br />

and almost certainly more destructive<br />

turn. Ordinary old buildings<br />

in the centre would probably have been<br />

destroyed. With his struggle to understand<br />

the relationship between buildings<br />

and human institutions, his concern<br />

with shared memory, his careful<br />

<br />

De Carlo has demonstrated a method<br />

that seems to me the precise opposite<br />

posing<br />

from without, it discovers from<br />

<br />

De Carlo emphasizes the necessity of<br />

reinterpreting the past to solve the current<br />

requirements of a settlement. He<br />

suggests starting with the deep reading<br />

of the land in this interpretation process.<br />

In this process, which he defines<br />

as a genetic code analysis, he researches<br />

how buildings are positioned according<br />

to the sun, light, wind, water,<br />

streets, pathways and green texture.<br />

He describes it as a repeating process,<br />

including experimental arrangement<br />

and transformation. Urbino became an<br />

instrument of principles for De Carlo<br />

to explore and develop region reading<br />

<br />

its forms and places, it is necessary<br />

to understand their reflections on the<br />

current social and physical situation.<br />

De Carlo tells that, to work in such a<br />

cultural landscape, first of all, history<br />

must be considered as a flowing wa-<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

“I believe a lot in the revelatory ca-<br />

<br />

interpret the meaning of what has remained<br />

engraved, not only does one<br />

come to understand when this mark<br />

was made and what motivation behind<br />

it was, but one also becomes conscious<br />

of how the various events that have left<br />

their mark have become layered, how<br />

they relate to one another and how,<br />

through time, they have set off other<br />

events and have woven together our<br />

<br />

4. Why Kemaliye?<br />

<br />

<br />

its unquestionable natural and cultural<br />

values. Located northwest edge of<br />

the Eastern Anatolian Region and the<br />

southwest of Erzincan province; Kemaliye<br />

is a riverside settlement locat-<br />

<br />

<br />

one of the social and trade centers of its<br />

region from the past to the present. Located<br />

on the Silk Road, the settlement<br />

was ruled by the Sassanid, Persians,<br />

Romans, Byzantines and Ottomans be-<br />

<br />

circumstances, the population movement<br />

to metropolitan centers has also<br />

A research on the continuity of the original settlements: A case study on Kemaliye/Erzincan


Figure 9. Aerial view of Kemaliye (Atölye Kolektif Archive).<br />

Figure 10. Settlement pattern identified with nature (Atölye Kolektif Archive).<br />

Figure 11. Tree-Leaf diagram (URL-1).<br />

affected Kemaliye. Population of the<br />

<br />

together with the surrounding villages<br />

near the end the 19th century, has<br />

decreased in years due to migrations<br />

<br />

<br />

importance today, has shifted the re-<br />

<br />

tourism.<br />

Designing his projects from the data<br />

he gathers in his field researches, particularly<br />

anthropology studies, Dutch<br />

architect Aldo Van Eyck describes the<br />

<br />

<br />

with his “tree-leaf ” diagram as above.<br />

We can say that the complex relation<br />

between house and city established<br />

by Van Eyck is also valid for Kemaliye.<br />

Kemaliye is an entirety, whose<br />

values cannot be considered separately<br />

from one another; no house, tree, person<br />

can be considered individually. The<br />

nature-space-human relationship has<br />

created a specific settlement pattern<br />

here. The regional identity, which has<br />

developed on the basis of a piece-entirety<br />

relation, is the product of a rational<br />

idea based on centuries ago.<br />

The basic components, forming the<br />

regional identity value of Kemaliye, are<br />

the natural structure and established<br />

cultural values of the settlement. An<br />

original settlement with its urban space<br />

character, which developed on the basis<br />

of these factors, Kemaliye stands on<br />

a different point among Anatolian settlements<br />

with such characteristics.<br />

4.1 Research methodology<br />

In this study; all analysis and evaluations<br />

on Kemaliye settlement texture<br />

are based on the field studies performed<br />

by Kemaliye Research Group<br />

<br />

<br />

studies, which started as a student initiative,<br />

were planned as an architecture<br />

education model based on field<br />

practices to complete the theoretical<br />

knowledge gathered at school. With<br />

the workshop studies carried out after<br />

the summer field researches, suggestions<br />

of solution were developed to<br />

maintain the original texture of the settlement.<br />

These recommendations were<br />

shared with Kemaliye public on var-<br />

<br />

aiming to use the studies for the benefit<br />

of the settlement. Said studies form the<br />

<br />

<br />

titled “A Research On The Continuity<br />

of the Original Settlements: Kemaliye<br />

Sample”.<br />

The main goal of these researches<br />

were to analyze the factors that form<br />

the regional identity of Kemaliye with<br />

various points of view, detect the problems<br />

related to the current status and<br />

develop solution suggestions for these<br />

problems with the contribution of the<br />

residents. In these studies, carried out<br />

on the basis of mutual interaction, it<br />

was also aimed to reinforce the awareness<br />

of the residents for the environment<br />

they lived in. For these purpose,<br />

under the study, a collective production<br />

with an architectural, social and<br />

cultural content was performed with<br />

the participation of students and executives<br />

from various disciplines. The<br />

analyses performed were associated<br />

with each other and a feedback method<br />

was developed, so, it was attempted<br />

to understand the deep connection between<br />

the architecture and socio-cul-


Figure 12, <strong>13</strong>, 14. Sketches describing the settlement texture, 2002 (Kemaliye Research Group Archive).<br />

tural structure. Data from the social<br />

events performed in this context, and<br />

from the verbal history study, were<br />

overlapped with architectural analyses<br />

to discuss the relations between the<br />

past and the present.<br />

Architectural researches were carried<br />

out within the framework of a program<br />

where theoretical and practical<br />

studies were performed together. Analytic<br />

sketches, visual recording techniques,<br />

literature scanning and verbal<br />

history methods were used for documenting<br />

and analyzing the settlement.<br />

Regional architecture basin was considered<br />

in different scales as the settlement,<br />

street, house and details, and<br />

the factors that form the settlement<br />

texture were examined. The relationship<br />

between the urban location layout<br />

and house-street analyses were made<br />

and the effects of topography, water<br />

and cultural structure on the regional<br />

architecture were researched. Changes<br />

over time on the houses and streets,<br />

sis<br />

of Alper, titled “A Research on Ke-<br />

<br />

/ Kemaliye Evleri ve Yerleşim Dokusu<br />

Üzerine Bir Araştırma”, were reviewed<br />

and an inventory study was performed,<br />

covering comparative evaluations. As<br />

a result of the architecture analyses,<br />

an erosion of values was seen all over<br />

the settlement. The factors causing this<br />

problem were discussed with the residents<br />

and alternative urban, architecture<br />

and social suggestions were developed<br />

for the future of the settlement.<br />

Differences between the past and<br />

present of Kemaliye, and changing<br />

lifestyles are handled with the verbal<br />

history study performed. The verbal<br />

history study has become an instrument<br />

for analyzing the cultural elements<br />

that formed the urban location<br />

and architecture layout, by influencing<br />

the architectural researches. The crafts,<br />

which formed the basis of the commercial<br />

structure in the past, and which are<br />

about to be lost today, and the effects of<br />

these crafts on traditional architecture<br />

are again discussed under the verbal<br />

history study. Social studies included<br />

film and documentary shows, slide<br />

shows; art, handicraft, music, sports<br />

and drama workshops for children;<br />

and sculpture studies. These studies<br />

aimed to increase the awareness of particularly<br />

the young population for their<br />

environment.<br />

4.2 Urban space and architectural<br />

character analysis of Kemaliye<br />

effects of natural elements<br />

<br />

the trends of gradual topography usage<br />

and shifting towards Karasu Valley are<br />

the main factors in Kemaliye, helping<br />

form the urban character and architectural<br />

layout. At the settlement, which is<br />

positioned over three main sets; green<br />

areas stand out on the first set near the<br />

river. These sections consist of vineyards<br />

and gardens, and a low-density<br />

housing can be mentioned. Within<br />

vineyard areas, there are cottages, locally<br />

named as “hinzan”.<br />

Kemaliye has many water sources<br />

and settlement units are concentrated<br />

around these water sources. Particularly,<br />

the second set, covering the<br />

<br />

defined as the vital point of the settlement,<br />

has the characteristics of a settlement<br />

center with its land structure<br />

suitable for settlement. Spreading the<br />

<br />

A research on the continuity of the original settlements: A case study on Kemaliye/Erzincan


Figure 15, 16. Houses set on rocks as an extension of the topography (Atölye Kolektif Archive).<br />

to the entire settlement has created the<br />

dense green pattern, one of the main<br />

elements of the local landscape. With<br />

the canal systems, water can be taken<br />

to the gardens, yards, sinks and coolers<br />

in houses. These water canals, which<br />

can be used both functionally and as<br />

a visual natural landscape device also<br />

provide natural air-conditioning.<br />

<br />

Site, where the settlement ends, construction<br />

opportunities are limited due<br />

to suddenly elevating land conditions.<br />

Although there are no structures today<br />

on this area, it was found by verbal<br />

historical researches that, in the past,<br />

there were settlements of terrace houses<br />

in this district.<br />

tions,<br />

using topographic data with a rational<br />

approach. Due to the land structure,<br />

all floors of the houses can be<br />

associated with the outside, except for<br />

roof floors. So, different indoor layouts<br />

can be created, based on functional<br />

and social requirements. Some houses<br />

are based on hard and steep rocks and<br />

built over them. On this regional architecture,<br />

which is in ultimate harmony<br />

with nature, some settlement units are<br />

located as an extension of the topography.<br />

In this settlement, shaped according<br />

to land conditions, characteristic street<br />

formations draw attention. Developing<br />

perpendicularly to the slope, the<br />

streets use a system formed of wide, inclined<br />

stone steps. A bevelling system<br />

is developed as a way to reduce sharp<br />

turns on the streets, which are narrow<br />

at certain points. These special details,<br />

which sometimes use overlap systems,<br />

contribute to the creation of the street<br />

character. Another street type, which<br />

defines the urban character is the “torta”.<br />

Created as the houses cross over the<br />

streets, “torta”s also act as passages.<br />

Although it is essential to use local<br />

materials for creating the regional<br />

architectural languages in Anatolian<br />

settlements, there is a significant distinction<br />

between the regional architecture<br />

and the natural environment in<br />

Kemaliye. The main components of the<br />

architectural language, displaying the<br />

characteristics of a superior workmanship<br />

based on fine materials, are wood,<br />

stone and cob. Kemaliye houses are<br />

built with “hımış” construction technique<br />

and built with wooden beams,<br />

mud joints, rubbles up to the main<br />

floor; and with cob filled wooden carcass<br />

at the main floor and roof.<br />

Development of wooden architecture<br />

in the region despite rough conditions,<br />

and its turning into a widespread<br />

construction system practiced at the<br />

whole settlement, has caused to distinguish<br />

Kemaliye from its surrounding<br />

settlements. In this natural environment,<br />

consisting of cliffs and orchards,<br />

there are no forest areas that can provide<br />

the wood, which can be used as<br />

<br />

to Kemaliye are in Refahiye, north of<br />

the settlement, and there are no direct<br />

connections between these two settlements.<br />

According to the information<br />

gathered from the verbal history study,<br />

the logs supplied from Refahiye forests<br />

were brought here over Kemah,<br />

through the Euphrates River. In this<br />

method, called “apart”, logs were tied<br />

to each other and sent over Euphrates<br />

<br />

processed at carpenter shops by the


iverside and turned into construction<br />

materials.<br />

Wood and stone, used as structural<br />

elements in the general design approach<br />

based on principles of functionality<br />

and strength, were also used<br />

as fine coating materials. Wood is<br />

commonly used both as wall or floor<br />

coating. Width of wall coatings usually<br />

<br />

is a socio-economical indicator; higher<br />

the purchasing power of the house<br />

owner, wider the coating. Service,<br />

walking, and roof areas of the houses<br />

are coated with the flooring system<br />

called “rıhtım”, which is unique to Kemaliye.<br />

Rıhtım is a finishing detail of<br />

the multi-layered, soil-based flooring<br />

system, formed by lining up small river<br />

rocks side by side.<br />

Among this regional architecture<br />

based on natural materials, metal sheet<br />

coatings draw attention as an industri-<br />

-<br />

<br />

wooden walls and soil roofs, became<br />

an important factor to preserve the regional<br />

identity until today. This method,<br />

developed for preventing the negative<br />

effects of time, can be assessed as<br />

a creative solution for protection, discovered<br />

by the local public. With this<br />

new situation, radically affecting the<br />

regional identity of the settlement, Kemaliye<br />

became a place, which realized<br />

its own evolution. So, without losing its<br />

essence, it succeeded in maintaining its<br />

continuity by using the opportunities<br />

provided by the modern times.<br />

4.3. Reflections of cultural<br />

background<br />

Kemaliye houses abstracts the traditions<br />

and elements of daily life, and<br />

add them into the structure. These abstract<br />

traces are details that enrich the<br />

modest nature of the houses. Figurative<br />

door knobs and locks, wooden engravings<br />

in fixed hardware, patterns at<br />

“rıhtım” floors, inscriptions and stone<br />

embossments on walls, high windows,<br />

ironwork patterns are details that include<br />

these traces. This planning approach,<br />

displaying features in parallel<br />

with the traditional Anatolian civilian<br />

architecture, are separated together<br />

with these details and created an original<br />

identity for the settlement. Such<br />

traces prove that even one nail in these<br />

houses can have a meaning, that each<br />

<br />

a story, and that wise eyes can read<br />

these stories. This houses are immortal<br />

works, which tell what happened<br />

once upon a time inside to the people<br />

of today, making them immortal, way<br />

above just meeting the need for accommodation.<br />

The cultural interaction, beginning<br />

with Istanbul from the Ottoman<br />

times, and still continuing today, has<br />

been effective in the development of<br />

<br />

immaterial acquisitions gathered in Istanbul<br />

by the Kemaliye people living<br />

there, returned to the settlement as<br />

an original architectural language. As<br />

well as the use of wood, the definitive<br />

element of the architectural character,<br />

the delicacies in indoor details are the<br />

indicators of this effect.<br />

The knobs, arranged separately<br />

for the use of men and women, with a<br />

low sound from one, and a high sound<br />

from the other, were formed depending<br />

on the beliefs and traditions of the<br />

region. The reason for this distinction<br />

is to have the visitors knock according<br />

to their genders to allow the household<br />

prepare accordingly. This separation,<br />

beginning from the door, continues<br />

<br />

“selamlık” section, and women were<br />

<br />

the “selamlık” room, a coffee stove is<br />

placed as a service unit. This section<br />

becomes independent from the other<br />

sections of the house with an inner<br />

door. This way, it was possible to host<br />

men and women in different floors,<br />

particularly in weddings and funerals.<br />

It is possible to see various reliefs<br />

and inscriptions at the entrances or<br />

corner stones of some houses. These<br />

reliefs express the population and fertility<br />

of the house with their sizes or<br />

quantities. Another example for symbolic<br />

details are the nails pounded on<br />

the threshold upon arrival of a bride.<br />

They express that the bride is a permanent<br />

member of the house.<br />

All abovementioned definitive elements<br />

of the urban constructs and<br />

architecture character can be reviewed<br />

over the Efeoğlu House in detail to<br />

better understand the subject. Efeoğlu<br />

A research on the continuity of the original settlements: A case study on Kemaliye/Erzincan


Figure 17, 18, 19. Ground floor plan, east elevation, section, Efeoğlu House, 2009 (Atölye Kolektif Archive).<br />

<br />

Street, which could mostly maintain its<br />

originality. In the architectural layout<br />

<br />

and the trend to opt for scenery played<br />

an effective role as the main determinants<br />

of the regional architecture. It is<br />

evations<br />

to the house, which is settled<br />

on the topography with different layers.<br />

The main entrance of the house is<br />

at the yard section, called “hayat”. “Hayat”<br />

has a systematic layout of its own<br />

and is also used at the outdoor space of<br />

the house. These sections, covering the<br />

boiler, fountain, cooling and seating<br />

functions play an important role in the<br />

layouts of houses. Consisting of living<br />

and service functions, these locations<br />

also act as social places for women.<br />

On this floor, where living quarters are<br />

<br />

inant<br />

positions for scenery. “Selamlık<br />

room”, opening to the yard, and the<br />

“bride room” downstairs are examples<br />

of the reflections of the social structure<br />

on architecture. Both locations can be<br />

accessed from outside without using<br />

indoor areas. These traditional houses<br />

make the walls facing Karasu Valley<br />

special with various protrusion and<br />

spacing arrangements. Increase of wall<br />

spaces on this direction and high windows<br />

are the indicators of this effect in<br />

<br />

covered with hipped roof, as in most<br />

Kemaliye houses.<br />

5. Assessment of Kemaliye in the<br />

context of continuity<br />

Preserving its original character to<br />

a great extent until recently, Kemaliye<br />

now faces developments that threaten<br />

its urban memory and regional identity.<br />

In the first field studies performed<br />

<br />

settlement pattern greatly preserved<br />

its original identity but at the same<br />

time, was exposed to some negative<br />

interventions. These findings were<br />

discussed with local authorities and<br />

residents on a common platform to develop<br />

solutions. However, since then,<br />

no developments for solution has been<br />

achieved, and this caused more serious<br />

problems today.<br />

tion<br />

processes, trying to solve the current<br />

requirements of the settlement<br />

with an attitude that does not consider<br />

type zoning plans and local context is<br />

Figure 20, 21. Board, stressing unplanned development (“Don’t let Green Eğin turn gray) 2002, TOKI Housing<br />

2009 (Atölye Kolektif Archive).


the main factor to create the problem<br />

at hand. The new settlement process,<br />

beginning particularly after the mar-<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

which do not conform with the settlement<br />

pattern and adhere to general<br />

planning and city-planning principles,<br />

and which are unacceptable in terms<br />

of zoning laws, settlement cultures and<br />

awareness of preservation; the settlement<br />

pattern is being destroyed rapidly.<br />

If such applications continue, the<br />

regional identity, defined as original,<br />

will disappear in near future and “the<br />

green”, which used to dominate the<br />

settlement, will surrender to the “the<br />

gray”.<br />

Another factor that triggers the situation<br />

is the problem of preserving the<br />

traditional houses. Due to changing social<br />

structures, lack of comfort conditions,<br />

migration, inheritance problems<br />

and economical hardships, most houses<br />

are empty and without maintenance.<br />

Some of these houses, which could not<br />

stand against the impacts of time, are<br />

destroyed, and the rest will also be lost<br />

if necessary precautions are not taken.<br />

Interventions to meet current needs,<br />

or keep the buildings standing, often<br />

result in destructive impacts, far from<br />

modern preservation approaches. The<br />

problem of quality of the restoration<br />

practices, which were expected to solve<br />

this issue and which gradually increase<br />

in recent years, unfortunately causes<br />

irreparable errors. Unconscious use of<br />

industrial construction materials, loss<br />

of traditional production techniques<br />

due to the popularity of such materials,<br />

and their not being transferred to next<br />

generations are the main reasons of the<br />

problem. In most of the applications,<br />

historical traces are destroyed and the<br />

buildings are given a brand-new look.<br />

This reduces everyday the number<br />

of traditional houses, which preserve<br />

their originality, and creates a negative<br />

impact on the pattern integrity. Ignoring<br />

the individual losses in traditional<br />

structures causes a deterioration of the<br />

component-entirety relationship in the<br />

settlement, and consequently weakens<br />

the regional identity by time.<br />

Change in the settlement within<br />

<br />

<br />

Street. This assessment was performed<br />

by overlapping the data in the doctorate<br />

thesis of Prof. Dr. Berrin Alper<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

street that connects the market center<br />

trict,<br />

cutting the slope perpendicularly.<br />

In this street, activities of important<br />

businesses such as forging, textile<br />

and customs used to be gathered, and<br />

there were many blacksmiths, carpenter<br />

shops, textile cooperatives and related<br />

textile-painting workshops and<br />

customs stores. Approximate length of<br />

<br />

difference in elevation. The traditional<br />

<br />

floors; bottom floor, ground floor, yard<br />

floor and terrace floor, and they preserve<br />

their original plan schemes. The<br />

houses, whose originality are damaged<br />

because of poor add-ons and sloppy<br />

repairs, still reflect the character of the<br />

settlement when assessed as a whole.<br />

In all houses on this street, it is possible<br />

to find the metal sheet wall coatings<br />

and hipped roof practices, developed<br />

to preserve the traditional houses all<br />

over the settlement.<br />

Alper, in her study, found that<br />

<br />

original pattern character. However;<br />

we see that, by time, the street faced<br />

negative interventions. It is detected<br />

that the pressure of concrete buildings<br />

on the original street character increases<br />

gradually, and so, the “street scale”<br />

is being lost, particularly in the areas<br />

where dormitory buildings are located.<br />

Other than these irreparable destructive<br />

interventions; it was understood<br />

that the unqualified add-ons on traditional<br />

houses deteriorate the massand-wall<br />

ratios of houses and create<br />

negative impacts on the street again,<br />

but with necessary precautions such effects<br />

can be removed. Fully consisting<br />

of stone steps due to rough topographic<br />

conditions, this street is covered with<br />

locked parquet stones to provide vehicles<br />

traffic today. The canal systems,<br />

acting as natural landscape equipment;<br />

has been interrupted at certain points<br />

due to low-quality repairs. However,<br />

A research on the continuity of the original settlements: A case study on Kemaliye/Erzincan


Figure 22. Gençağa Street layout plan, 1990 (Alper, 1990).<br />

Figure 23. Gençağa Street layout plan, 2009 (Atölye Kolektif Archive).<br />

Kemaliye houses can be a part of the<br />

street, through the continuity of stone<br />

and water used in yards and internal<br />

locations. The flow and transition from<br />

the street to the house in the settlement<br />

layout were interrupted with these new<br />

practices and now, there are borders<br />

between the houses and the street.<br />

<br />

hipped-roof carpet and painting ateliers<br />

on the street, built with masonry<br />

system. These ateliers were production<br />

lished<br />

in line with the carpet industry,<br />

flecting<br />

the period they were built in,<br />

the ateliers were distinguished with<br />

their architectural styles from traditional<br />

architecture, but at the same<br />

time, they were extremely in harmony<br />

with the original settlement pattern.<br />

<br />

<br />

potential locations for meeting the requirements<br />

of the settlement, and giv-<br />

craft<br />

center” and “youth center”. With<br />

the suggestions developed based on<br />

“industrial archeology” concept, these<br />

production buildings were considered<br />

as important elements of the urban<br />

memory.<br />

<br />

demolished and dormitories were constructed,<br />

neglecting the street scale and<br />

pattern. Dormitories, a major requirement<br />

of the settlement because of the<br />

increasing student population, were<br />

positioned on this street although there<br />

were more suitable areas, and the ateliers,<br />

one of the indicators of the urban<br />

memory, are unfortunately destroyed.<br />

These “new” buildings, which can be<br />

<br />

“adjusted similarity”, are replicas that<br />

are distant from the context, built by<br />

Figure 24, 25. Textile and painting ateliers demolished in 2004 (Atölye Kolektif Archive).


emulating “the old”.<br />

-<br />

<br />

6. Conclusion<br />

The product of a holistic structure<br />

of ideas, continuing for centuries, Kemaliye,<br />

is today in the middle of a cultural<br />

breakdown process. The analyses<br />

performed under the study revealed<br />

that recent developments threaten the<br />

urban memory and regional identity of<br />

Figure 26, 27. Boys’ and girls’ dormitories (Atölye Kolektif Archive).<br />

the settlement. According to De Carlo,<br />

urban memory is a source to use for<br />

maintaining the continuity of settlements,<br />

as an element that carries our<br />

cultural and historical values and provides<br />

urban awareness. It is essential to<br />

protect the urban memory for understanding<br />

the present of a settlement,<br />

detect its needs and plan its future. If<br />

we consider the problem over De Car-<br />

<br />

will conclude that, in order to provide<br />

the continuity of original settlements,<br />

it is necessary to approach current<br />

architecture practices with a point of<br />

view that is based on centuries ago and<br />

aimed at the future, without yielding to<br />

<br />

understanding, new designs must be<br />

approached with a point of view that<br />

is internally explored, not externally<br />

imposed. In line with this idea, it can<br />

inquire the recommendations of architects,<br />

societies and their habitats more<br />

extensively, trying to explore their lifestyles,<br />

thought systems and traditions,<br />

and make positive contributions in the<br />

<br />

end, architecture must be ethically and<br />

culturally more responsible than ever<br />

now.<br />

In light of these opinions, some<br />

strategies can be suggested to contribute<br />

to preserving and maintaining the<br />

original settlement pattern, while Kemaliye<br />

is in a process of development.<br />

Rediscovering the Spaces<br />

ment<br />

that realizes its own evolution,<br />

first of all, its values must be reconsidered<br />

and deeply analyzed. Rediscovering<br />

the rational idea underlying<br />

the regional architecture may show<br />

the way in new practices in the future.<br />

This rediscovery process must be for<br />

understanding the relation between<br />

people and site organization, taking<br />

into account the natural environment<br />

and socio-cultural bonds. If the solutions<br />

in the original settlement pattern,<br />

developed with a modest approach,<br />

can be transformed in line with modern<br />

principles and used as a source of<br />

information, said cultural breakdown<br />

can be prevented. For example; principles<br />

of gradual usage of topography<br />

and opting for the scenery are dominant<br />

elements in the creation of the<br />

urban location and architecture layout.<br />

tional<br />

architecture can create solutions<br />

unique to the settlement when recon-<br />

<br />

Although rediscovering the locations<br />

mean discovering the thought<br />

structure that created the original<br />

character for creating new designs; at<br />

the same time, it means the assessing<br />

and converting the existing structures<br />

in line with modern requirements.<br />

If non-functional locations are given<br />

functions again, unlike the demolished<br />

textile-painting ateliers mentioned in<br />

study, the urban memory would be<br />

preserved. In this context, ways to turn<br />

traditional houses that are deserted<br />

for the reason that they cannot meet<br />

<br />

tions<br />

that can be inhabited and used.<br />

These houses, built with great sensitivity,<br />

are places that transcend time, still<br />

remain in harmony with the environment,<br />

and are able to meet the requirements<br />

of users. The most urgent need<br />

for traditional houses is the rearrangement<br />

of kitchen and bathroom hardware,<br />

and heating systems according to<br />

modern conditions. For this, designing<br />

a modular system that can be applied<br />

in all houses may be a practical solution.<br />

These new hardware can be used<br />

indoors or as modern outdoor add-ons<br />

in yards. With these simple interventions,<br />

the houses will be revived.<br />

The need for accommodation, a major<br />

problem in settlements, can be met<br />

by converting unused houses to hostels<br />

or dormitories. This way, a continuous<br />

A research on the continuity of the original settlements: A case study on Kemaliye/Erzincan


usage can be achieved in summer and<br />

winter to contribute both economically<br />

and socio-culturally.<br />

Establishment of the Regional Research<br />

Laboratory<br />

Kemaliye stands out as a settlement<br />

with the potential of becoming the<br />

cultural center of Upper Euphrates<br />

Basin, when the region is considered<br />

as a whole. Because of this, a multidisciplinary<br />

research laboratory must be<br />

established to understand and maintain<br />

the natural and cultural structure,<br />

which forms the essence of the regional<br />

identity, particularly the settlement<br />

center and its almost intact villages.<br />

This laboratory can evaluate the changes<br />

in architectural, cultural, social, geological<br />

and geographical areas, and ensure<br />

that the relation between the past<br />

and the future can be established in a<br />

reconciliatory way. For this, the main<br />

purposes must be planning national<br />

and international scientific, art and cultural<br />

researches and events; carrying<br />

out inventory studies to preserve and<br />

maintain the cultural and artistic assets<br />

of Kemaliye, and thus, help preserve<br />

the urban memory and contribute to<br />

the development process of the settlement.<br />

This suggestion can be improved<br />

by using the methodologies of The International<br />

Laboratory of Architecture<br />

<br />

<br />

can be exemplified as similar establishments.<br />

The research laboratory must<br />

be established as a platform based on<br />

participation, where meet local administrations,<br />

universities, independent<br />

tection<br />

board authorities and residents<br />

meet.<br />

The research laboratory can also<br />

act as a production and consultation<br />

center to improve the quality of restoration<br />

practices. Workshops can be established,<br />

where experienced stone and<br />

wood masters transfer their knowledge<br />

to the new generation, and traditional<br />

construction techniques can be continued.<br />

These workshops will allow the<br />

settlement pattern to be reused within<br />

a common architecture language,<br />

bringing together house owners and<br />

construction craftsmen under an organization<br />

where necessary materials<br />

are manufactured, and where the settlement<br />

pattern will be perceived to be<br />

built by a single hand.<br />

Above strategies can prevent the<br />

cultural breakdown process and help<br />

Kemaliye continue its existence as<br />

an original settlement equipped with<br />

modern values. This way, Kemaliye<br />

would evolve its regional identity,<br />

which it brought from the past, and<br />

carry it on to the future.<br />

References<br />

<br />

Dokusu ve Evleri Üzerine Bir Araştırma<br />

(A Research on Kemaliye Settle-<br />

-<br />

<br />

<br />

dernity,<br />

Iletisim Publishing, Istanbul.<br />

<br />

Architecture: A Critical Theory,<br />

<br />

storing<br />

Identity to the Regional Land-<br />

en,<br />

Connecticut, USA.<br />

-<br />

<br />

Urbino is an inventive reworking of old<br />

and new, in which interventions grow<br />

of weaving the existing with modern<br />

<br />

-<br />

<br />

Elsevier, Burlington, USA.<br />

-<br />

key.<br />

<br />

Carlo: Layered Places, Edition Axel<br />

<br />

<br />

Search of a Utopia of The Present, Rotterdam.<br />

sessing<br />

the Landscape As Cultural and<br />

Historical Heritage, Landscape Re-<br />

<br />

<br />

Grid and The Pathway in Architecture<br />

<br />

URL1 Available online, http://www.<br />

pinterest.com/herrerohurtado/arquiclick-aldo-van-eyck/,<br />

Accessed 19 Sep-


Extending Kevin Lynch’s concept<br />

of imageability in third space<br />

reading; case study of Kampungs,<br />

Surabaya–Indonesia<br />

Rully DAMAYANTI 1 , Florian KOSSAK 2<br />

1<br />

<br />

and Planning, Petra Christian University, Surabaya, Indonesia<br />

2<br />

<br />

Sheffield, United Kingdom<br />

Final Acceptance: January <strong>2016</strong><br />

doi: 10.5505/itujfa.<strong>2016</strong>.36349<br />

Abstract<br />

The aim of this article is to extend Kevin Lynch’s theory in the ‘Image of the<br />

City’ (1960) by adding ‘meaning’ to the urban spaces observation because Lynch<br />

focused on the legibility factor only. The ‘meaning’ observation in this article is<br />

through the reading of space as ‘third space’ creation given by Lefebvre, Soja and<br />

Bhabha. The understanding of ‘third space’ (include the first-second spaces) gives<br />

a deeper understanding of the urban areas especially for urban areas that bear<br />

specific social condition of cultural hybridization. The understanding does not<br />

only read the physical layer, but also cultural and historical layers. This article is<br />

based on a study in kampungs (urban village) in Surabaya, Indonesia, with specific<br />

respondents of young adults aged 20-25 years old. This study shows that by<br />

adding ‘meaning’ to the urban elements identification of Lynch’s especially in the<br />

view of third space reading, the result shows that elements related to the social<br />

construction within the place is the most crucial elements rather than elements<br />

with strong in legibility.<br />

Keywords<br />

Imageability, Kampung, Place-meaning, Third space.


58<br />

1. Introduction<br />

The theory of Imageability from Kevin<br />

Lynch (1960) is still discussed and<br />

applied because it widened the scope<br />

of urban design and planning practice<br />

by considering qualities of main<br />

urban elements that are paths, nodes,<br />

edges, landmarks and districts. This article<br />

aims to extend Lynch’s theory of<br />

imageability that put emphasis on the<br />

component of ‘identity’ and ‘structure’<br />

of the urban elements as two important<br />

factors in affecting environmental<br />

image, before ‘meaning’. Lynch put less<br />

emphasis on the factor of ‘meaning’ because<br />

it bears an un-fixed and relatively<br />

definitions based on the reader’s categorization<br />

in society and culture.<br />

The ‘meaning’ observation in this<br />

article is through the reading of space<br />

as ‘third space’ creation. Third space is<br />

a symbolic space that represents a crisis<br />

in identity triggered by social discrimination<br />

issues. The case study of<br />

kampungs is affected by the issue of<br />

unjust situation of the social and physical<br />

stratification of the city. The main<br />

argument in highlighting ‘meaning’ is<br />

on the perspective that human’s social<br />

life in a place is the main factor of urban<br />

space quality that develops meaning<br />

of place and urban elements. It is<br />

especially for urban setting that experience<br />

dynamic changing in terms of<br />

space, time and society or is read as<br />

‘third space’, and has low in legibility/<br />

visibility factor.<br />

The article is based on a study in<br />

kampungs (urban village) in Surabaya,<br />

Indonesia, with specific respondents<br />

of young adults aged 20-25 years old.<br />

The study explores the urban elements<br />

that are perceived and conceived by the<br />

respondents through Lynch’s method<br />

and a supplementary approach of socio-anthropological<br />

views (to explore<br />

meaning). The applied techniques are:<br />

mental map making, interviews, and<br />

an archival study.<br />

2. Kevin Lynch’s theory<br />

of imageability<br />

Lynch’s theory of imageability is discussing<br />

the quality of cities according<br />

to the legibility factor of the elements<br />

that are perceived by the observers.<br />

The term ‘visible’, which he calls as<br />

‘legible’, is a visual quality that can be<br />

understood through studying mental<br />

images as a result of people’s memories<br />

and meanings (Lynch 1960). The urban<br />

elements are read or analyzed into<br />

three categories: identity, structure,<br />

and meaning. His study focuses on the<br />

two most communicable dimension<br />

of the conversation of observer and<br />

environment, which are identity and<br />

structure. Identity means a distinction<br />

from other objects; structure means a<br />

relationship to larger pattern of other<br />

elements, and meaning means a practical<br />

and emotional value for the observer.<br />

It requires first the identification of<br />

the elements from others, second the<br />

relationship to others, and the last is its<br />

meaning. The first and second are the<br />

most legible/visible of the physical elements<br />

in cities, while the third is very<br />

relative in cultures.<br />

Lynch highlights the five major elements<br />

in cities that enhance the imageability,<br />

which are paths, edges, districts,<br />

nodes, and landmarks (Lynch 1960).<br />

Paths; it is the most legible element<br />

in the city image. The observer walks<br />

along the linear form, such as streets,<br />

walkways, canals or railroads. Observers<br />

experience the city while moving<br />

through it. The path element creates<br />

a relation arrangement and relation<br />

<br />

create a boundary between two or<br />

more close regions or districts, linear<br />

breaks in continuity. It could be shores,<br />

railroad cuts, and walls. The element is<br />

not as strong as paths, but for observers<br />

it is an important character in or-<br />

<br />

of urban landscapes that have a similar<br />

or common character, which observers<br />

could mentally experience ‘inside of ’.<br />

The observer always identifies from the<br />

inside with exterior reference from the<br />

<br />

an intersections or junctions between<br />

paths where observers can enter the<br />

points, for example an enclosed square.<br />

It is a break of movement transportation.<br />

Landmarks are points of reference<br />

that simply defined a physical<br />

object: signs, buildings, mountains, or<br />

shops. Some elements can be seen at a<br />

distance, but some are very simple objects<br />

that are familiar to the observers.<br />

These elements must be patterned<br />

together as nets of paths, clusters of


1<br />

This book is<br />

translated to<br />

English from its<br />

original French<br />

language entitled<br />

‘La Production de<br />

l’espace’ in 1974,<br />

as part of the book<br />

‘The Survival of<br />

Capitalism’. His<br />

writings until today<br />

has been affected<br />

many authors such<br />

as David Harvey,<br />

Edward Soja,<br />

Homi Bhabha and<br />

Dolores Hayden.<br />

2<br />

Edward Soja is<br />

an urban planner<br />

with point of<br />

view from postmodern<br />

geography.<br />

His concept is<br />

particularly<br />

connecting spatial<br />

theory and<br />

cultural geography,<br />

reflecting in his<br />

three books from<br />

1989, 1996, and<br />

2001 entitled:<br />

‘Postmodern<br />

Geographies’,<br />

‘Third Space’, and<br />

‘Post Metropolis’.<br />

3<br />

Regarding term<br />

‘third space’ or<br />

‘lived space’, there<br />

are difference in<br />

these three views:<br />

Bhabha’s own ‘third<br />

space’ in cultural<br />

marginality,<br />

Soja’s concern<br />

‘lived space’<br />

under the newcultural<br />

politics of<br />

identity locate in<br />

third space; and<br />

Lefebvre’s lived<br />

space require a<br />

contradictory realm<br />

of alienation and<br />

liberation.<br />

landmarks, or mosaics of districts with<br />

sometimes overlapped and interrelated<br />

<br />

material of a city form. In the urban<br />

context, all elements operate together.<br />

Images may differ from time to time,<br />

season-to-season and day-to-day.<br />

Lynch’s theory is based on his re-<br />

-<br />

<br />

area of approximately 1.5 by 2.5 miles<br />

was studied in each case. He chose<br />

Boston because of its vivid form, Jersey<br />

because of its formlessness, and<br />

<br />

grid pattern. Lynch’s methods included<br />

cognitive mapping, in-depth oral interviews,<br />

travel maps, direct observations,<br />

field reconnaissance walks, random<br />

pedestrian interviews, aerial and<br />

ground-level photography and syn-<br />

<br />

diverse methods, Lynch succeeded in<br />

identifying internal consistency from a<br />

relatively small sample of interviewees<br />

-<br />

<br />

Instead of the robust character of his<br />

theory in imageability that is still discussed<br />

until today, Lynch on his later<br />

study and writings reflects his self-critique<br />

to his own theory particularly in<br />

meaning development that is culturally<br />

based. Generally, Lynch’s main focus<br />

of all his study and writings are to argue<br />

the importance of sense of place<br />

in people’s live; and to highlight that<br />

urban design is not just about physical<br />

arrangements to satisfy today’s<br />

needs, but also as a fundamental human<br />

values and rights such as justice,<br />

freedom, control, and creativity (Lynch<br />

1990). He defines ‘meaning’ on his later<br />

books. Summary of Lynch’s works after<br />

the ‘Image of the City’ explains as<br />

follow, especially in defining meaning:<br />

meaning of place is related to time (history)<br />

and the observers’ background<br />

in terms of social class and spatial be-<br />

veloped<br />

by people’s sense of legibility,<br />

experience and place; the development<br />

of meaning of place/urban elements<br />

is affected by factors that is embedded<br />

within them such as accessibility,<br />

diversity, adaptability and comfort<br />

(Lynch 1981); and the last one is that<br />

meaning is related to people’s psychological<br />

feelings to their environment<br />

such as attachment, warmth, relaxation<br />

and interest (Lynch 1990).<br />

3. Third space reading<br />

3.1. The first-second-third spaces<br />

The ‘meaning’ observation in this<br />

article is through the reading of space<br />

as ‘third space’ creation. The third<br />

space concept is adopted from the view<br />

of space as social production that was<br />

firstly introduced by Henri Lefebvre<br />

in his book ‘The Production of Space’ 1<br />

ward<br />

Soja especially in the social production<br />

of space 2 . Parallel with these<br />

concepts, is a ‘Third Space’ concept by<br />

sizes<br />

on the socio-cultural effects of the<br />

crisis in identity triggered by the multiple<br />

elements in society. Lefebvre’s,<br />

Soja’s and Bhabha’s theories are used in<br />

this research especially to explore spaces<br />

with lower in visibility quality than<br />

social quality such as in kampungs.<br />

Lefebvre’s and Soja’s concepts extend<br />

the understanding of space instead of<br />

its physical characteristics, is by con-<br />

<br />

Lefebvre ‘space as fundamentally bound<br />

up with social reality, space does not exist<br />

in itself, it is produced’ (Schmid 2008,<br />

p.28). Soja introduced the ‘Trialectics<br />

of Space’ concept that observes spatiality<br />

through the investigation of three<br />

types of space: the first space (perceived<br />

space), the second space (conceived<br />

space), and the third space (lived space)<br />

(Soja 1996). The relationship of these<br />

three types of spaces is transformed<br />

into place meaning. The meaning is<br />

studied through quality of spaces, people’s<br />

activities, particular histories, and<br />

people’s perceptions/conceptions to<br />

<br />

has a different weight of focus in developing<br />

meaning, but each of these spaces<br />

always connects to time and social<br />

factors in a network of space, power<br />

and knowledge.<br />

Homi Bhabha highlights the idea of<br />

the cultural condition with a sense of<br />

nandez<br />

2010). The interaction of society<br />

in spaces over time creates a new<br />

hybrid-culture or/and a combination<br />

culture of previous ones. Bhabha calls<br />

this condition as a process of ‘third<br />

59<br />

Extending Kevin Lynch’s concept of imageability in third space reading; case study of Kampungs,<br />

Surabaya –Indonesia


60<br />

space’ creation (in urban spaces) .<br />

‘Third space’ is a term reflecting an intermediate<br />

condition or space, a state<br />

of in-between, neither one nor the<br />

other, neither here nor there (Bhabha<br />

<br />

the difference of spaces in colonial and<br />

post-colonial cities in terms of hybridization<br />

in society and culture. He argues<br />

that because of colonization, there<br />

is an unequal distribution of power between<br />

the colonized and the colonizer,<br />

which is superior to other. This condition<br />

brings a hierarchical system to the<br />

meaning development of the specific<br />

places.<br />

The understanding of the third<br />

space should be in regards the other<br />

two types of spaces. The main point of<br />

differentiation within these three spaces<br />

relates to: space, power, and knowl-<br />

<br />

weight of focus in the relationship of<br />

developing meaning, but each space<br />

always connects to time and social factors<br />

in a network of space, power and<br />

knowledge. It is important that these<br />

spaces are understood together and<br />

not in a rigid categorization, since they<br />

are interconnected, inseparable and in-<br />

<br />

to Soja himself, each space could be<br />

collapsed entirely into other spaces, because<br />

this is the fundamental relationship<br />

between time and social factors,<br />

or historicality and sociality.<br />

Soja regards the first space as perceived<br />

space, and what Lefebvre calls<br />

space practice. It is a human physical<br />

space, or space that could be understood<br />

through a human’s senses of<br />

seeing, hearing, smelling, tasting and<br />

touching (Schmid 2008). Perceived<br />

space has various names, such as physical<br />

space, natural space, and space practice.<br />

This type of space is a real space<br />

that relates to everyday life, for example<br />

workplace locations, routes and<br />

spatial sets. In contrast to this physical<br />

space, Soja regards the second space as<br />

conceived space, which is needed to<br />

conceptualize space. Conceived space<br />

is commonly known as mental space,<br />

which Lefebvre names it as representation<br />

of space. This space occurs in relation<br />

to the observers’ perceptions of<br />

their perceived space; hence it is also<br />

called a metaphor of space. It is also<br />

including spaces that are expressed by<br />

people with specific knowledge such as<br />

architects, planners, artists, urbanists,<br />

and geographers (Soja 1996).<br />

The third space is lived space, which<br />

is a type of space that connects perceived<br />

space and/or conceived space.<br />

Lived space is a representational space<br />

as Lefebvre calls it. It is a symbolic space<br />

that can be understood through an exploration<br />

of interactions and networks<br />

resulting from politics, economic system<br />

and ideology, such as conditions of<br />

racism, patriarchy, and capitalism. The<br />

space is structured by an exploitative<br />

and discrimination of class and social<br />

relations, which are usually effected by<br />

issues of racism and unjust situations.<br />

Hence, this type of space creates a potentially<br />

insightful subjectivity, because<br />

it connects between the real space and<br />

imagined space. The view of lived<br />

space often leads to a discussion of crisis<br />

in identity. Specifically, Soja gives a<br />

special attention to lived space as space<br />

in the marginality in the discussion of<br />

the margins and those who are marginalized<br />

(Soja 1996).<br />

ic<br />

journal is to publish good-quality<br />

technical manuscripts. Therefore, authors<br />

are encouraged to follow these<br />

guidelines conscientiously; in particular,<br />

unnecessary formatting of the<br />

manuscript or the files containing the<br />

articles should be avoided. The emphasis<br />

should be placed on the content; its<br />

packaging should not be distracting.<br />

Consequently, the best layout is nearly<br />

invisible because no formal formatting<br />

is used that would disrupt the reader’s<br />

ability to concentrate on the content<br />

presented in the text.<br />

3.2. Third space understanding in<br />

meaning observation<br />

In the ‘Image of the City’, Lynch was<br />

too early to say that legibility is the main<br />

factor in designing ideal cities; therefore<br />

the misconception of this theory<br />

has been grown. Lynch’s idea regarding<br />

the meaning development that is after<br />

the process of elements’ physical identification<br />

and connection to other elements<br />

in a broader scale (identity and<br />

structure) is arguable. The contra argument<br />

comes from cities or urban areas<br />

with low imageability because they are


61<br />

Figure 1. The case study: Keputran Pasar Kecil gang 1 to gang 4, and kampung of Kedondong Kidul gang-1.<br />

4<br />

In Lynch’s book<br />

‘The Image of The<br />

City’ 1960, Lynch<br />

mentioned that ”As<br />

an artificial world,<br />

the city should<br />

be so in the best<br />

sense: made by art,<br />

shaped for human<br />

purposes” (p.95)<br />

lack of elements with high quality in<br />

legibility; does it mean that this type of<br />

areas have low meaning for the citizens<br />

as well as the legibility? The main argument<br />

in highlighting ‘meaning’ is on<br />

the perspective that human’s social life<br />

in a place is the main factor of urban<br />

space quality that develops meaning of<br />

place and urban elements. In this case,<br />

Lynch’s explanation about the legibility<br />

factors that leads to the people’s orientation<br />

and emotional security is debatable.<br />

People living in low imageability<br />

or low legibility places has his/her own<br />

ways to navigate themselves in the environments<br />

that is (perhaps) not driven<br />

by the legibility as the main factors<br />

in orientation and emotional security.<br />

Through the third space understanding,<br />

the meaning observation<br />

of urban elements is a process to understand,<br />

analyze and evaluate urban<br />

spaces, which are through not only the<br />

navigational elements, but also people’s<br />

social experiences (activities and particular<br />

histories). People navigational<br />

ability does not represent their true<br />

environmental experiences in urban<br />

areas, which cover physical, cultural,<br />

and historical layer of space (Koseoglu<br />

and Onder 2011). The analysis of<br />

urban spaces should cover all of these<br />

layers. The observation of meaning<br />

through the third space is important<br />

especially for the future planning strategy.<br />

In third space understanding, the<br />

creation of meaningful cities is more<br />

important than that of beautiful cities .<br />

In discussing Indonesian cities,<br />

particularly the part of them that are<br />

kampungs, the consideration of third<br />

space creation is crucial. It is because<br />

the modernization process in the city<br />

has occurred in uneven situation. The<br />

process is concentrating only on areas<br />

with high economic value and accessibility.<br />

On contrast, most kampungs in<br />

Indonesia today are located in left over<br />

areas of the city and face a complicated<br />

social and political problem. Spatial<br />

and economics discrimination are<br />

triggered by urbanization and industrialization<br />

process within cities (Lefebvre<br />

1996); while political changes and<br />

economics segregation of a city creates<br />

marginalization of kampungs (Kusno<br />

2000). The focus of third space understanding<br />

is on the development of cultural<br />

hybridization through a process<br />

of discrimination and exploitation of<br />

class, gender and ethnicity. This is the<br />

process of third space creation in contemporary<br />

cities, especially for Indonesian<br />

cities. The meaning of place could<br />

be understood through the third space<br />

exploration.<br />

4. The case study of Kampungs<br />

The observation of meaning through<br />

the third space understanding is ex-<br />

Extending Kevin Lynch’s concept of imageability in third space reading; case study of Kampungs,<br />

Surabaya –Indonesia


62<br />

Figure 2. The pedestrian way of the main street (pedestrian, becaks, motorbikes, hawkers, trees etc).<br />

plored in the case study of kampungs<br />

in Surabaya in Keputran. The kampungs<br />

are: Keputran Pasar Kecil gang 1<br />

gang=aisle/alley), and kampung<br />

of Kedondong Kidul gang-1. The<br />

main access entering these kampungs<br />

is from Urip Sumohardjo Street, except<br />

for Kedondong Kidul gang 1 kampung.<br />

It is the main street of the city and creating<br />

a spine of the city street structure.<br />

Keputran Pasar Kecil gang 1 is located<br />

directly in juxtaposition with the<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

destrian<br />

of the main street is physically<br />

separated the kampungs’ entrances<br />

with the main street. It also connects<br />

the kampungs with the shops and kampungs<br />

areas opposite them through the<br />

pedestrian-bridge over the main street.<br />

Shops, banks and other commercial<br />

facilities are grown along this pedes-<br />

<br />

working hour), many food/beverages<br />

hawkers occupy the pavement. It is also<br />

functioned as parking areas for motorbikes<br />

and becaks (becak=pedicab) to<br />

ride and park.<br />

The kampungs are placed side by<br />

side with a high rise building of BRI<br />

Tower with modern style and beautiful<br />

garden in the Basuki Rahmat area. The<br />

two are separated by a long permanent<br />

wall belongs to the modern building,<br />

and the spaces inside the wall are used<br />

as parking or service areas. Contrary,<br />

another side of the wall is a living<br />

space for kampungs’ dwellers, which is<br />

characterized by one-storey buildings,<br />

semi-permanent, and organic pattern<br />

of housing layout and street with organic<br />

infrastructure provision. The<br />

area inside the wall is for commercial<br />

use and was planned and designed professionally,<br />

while behind the wall is for<br />

human who live by surviving on a day<br />

to day basis.<br />

5. The Kampungs reading<br />

5.1. The first and second space<br />

In order to understand the conceived<br />

space of the kampungs, the exploration<br />

of the individual mental maps and the<br />

map compilation show that the spatial<br />

and elemental preferences of the young<br />

adults are focused on the path structure,<br />

especially the main alley of his/<br />

her kampung and smaller alleys as its<br />

branches. The way they drew the paths<br />

is also the way he understood the path.<br />

Figure 3. The commercial district and the kampungs.


Figure 4. The mental maps.<br />

They recognize the main street in terms<br />

of transportation and speed; there is no<br />

direct connection with houses/ buildings<br />

that face the street. On the other<br />

hand, the alley has a strong connection<br />

with the houses/warungs, the alley<br />

comes after the houses development,<br />

and therefore the path that is formed<br />

follows the space left after the houses<br />

development. In addition, the social<br />

connection between houses and the<br />

alley is strong, the houses are private<br />

space and the alley is the semi-private<br />

space.<br />

The kampungs’ alleys are memorized<br />

in two conditions: the structure<br />

and the order dimension related<br />

<br />

They imagined the kampungs’ structure<br />

in three degree of importance: the<br />

most important is the alley where his/<br />

her house is located, alleys that connect<br />

their neighbourhood to the main<br />

street, the types of connecting alleys,<br />

and the last is the dead-end alleys. In<br />

the individual maps, they know most<br />

all of the kampung details along his/<br />

her alley: the number of houses, colour<br />

of the benches, members of groups that<br />

hanging out in specific areas, any trees<br />

and greenery. The closer the elements<br />

to his/her kampungs’ alley and alleys<br />

connecting to the main street, clearer<br />

and more detail elements memorized<br />

by them. The focus of their mental map<br />

drawing is not on the location of individual<br />

houses (as commonly done), but<br />

on the alley of his/her kampung as the<br />

main location of social activities.<br />

They did not indicate all public facilities<br />

in those kampungs; only some<br />

that were related to his activity; such<br />

<br />

booths, public toilets, the cyber café,<br />

the warung, and the barbershop. They<br />

are relatively small facilities, but signif-<br />

<br />

areas are also memorized, such as the<br />

<br />

and a vacant land nears the bamboo<br />

trees. Since greenery is lacking in these<br />

kampungs, the availability of big trees<br />

is also noticed as an important element<br />

based on interviews and kampung’s<br />

map identification. There are four big<br />

belimbing trees (belimbing = star fruit)<br />

located inside the front yard of some-<br />

<br />

near the entrance of Keputran Pas-<br />

<br />

landmark. The kampungs’ dwellers<br />

(mostly from Keputran Pasar Kecil<br />

<br />

believe that these graves belong to<br />

<br />

inaccessible for the public (only open<br />

for the kampung leaders), the young<br />

adults respect this grave because of its<br />

historic sacredness.<br />

The young adults have strong preferences<br />

along the main alley especially<br />

spots for social meeting or hanging<br />

Extending Kevin Lynch’s concept of imageability in third space reading; case study of Kampungs,<br />

Surabaya –Indonesia


Figure 5. The dynamic evolution of the city from 1678 to 2005.<br />

ic<br />

group occupies a specific spot at a<br />

specific time in a day. In the day-time,<br />

groups of children and women occupy<br />

spaces near the open space (the Bull’s<br />

ground), while at night-time men from<br />

the kampung and outside do their so-<br />

<br />

has their specific territory at a particular<br />

time in the alleys and open spaces.<br />

This explicit agreement is understood<br />

and agreed by the kampungs dwellers,<br />

they never occupy any other groups.<br />

The kampung’s territory is seen by<br />

the young adults within the boundary<br />

of BRI Tower, parking area of BRI, the<br />

main street (and the pavement), Kepu-<br />

<br />

also other kampungs. Other kampungs<br />

that are attached to the two kampungs,<br />

namely kampung Kejambon, Panjunan<br />

ements<br />

to bound their territory. These<br />

kampungs border their kampungs, and<br />

they said that these kampungs are unsafe,<br />

ugly and too quiet. The gutter is<br />

an important element of navigation;<br />

despite its poor visibility being covered<br />

by dense houses on both sides. Kepu-<br />

<br />

terms of the working place for most<br />

kampungs’ dwellers and for the feeling<br />

of danger because people from<br />

the market like to get drunk and have<br />

brawls in the kampungs.<br />

In conceptualized their kampungs<br />

through maps, the focus of their map<br />

is not on the location of their houses,<br />

but on the alley of his/her kampung as<br />

the main location of social activities. In<br />

memorizing the alley, it differs based<br />

on the social spots: closer to the spot,<br />

more detail the elements been mem-<br />

<br />

public facilities elements are also related<br />

to the social activity in the alleys,<br />

besides its factor of visibility and vitality.<br />

In terms of sacredness, the elements<br />

of the ancestor’s graves are important;<br />

this is the only element that is absent<br />

from the young adults’ experiences fac-<br />

<br />

the social activity relationship and/<br />

or related to negative social meaning<br />

are elements that bordered the kampungs’<br />

territory, such as the gutter, the<br />

flat, the market, and the tower. These<br />

observations are based on a qualitative<br />

approach; however quantitatively,<br />

the two most mentioned are the cyber<br />

café and the areas around the warung<br />

of pak Tris.<br />

5.2. The third space<br />

In exploring the third space of the<br />

kampungs, this research observes the<br />

historical background of Keputran<br />

Kampungs before and after Independence<br />

in order to understand the current<br />

physical condition and social characters<br />

of the dwellers that are inherited<br />

from the past; and the exploration of<br />

the daily the rhythm of the kampungs’<br />

daily life.<br />

The kampungs of Keputran is older<br />

than the city itself or the same old with<br />

the Soerabaja Kingdom. Based on the<br />

<br />

Keputran had been appeared. Before<br />

the Independence, the kampung often<br />

has conflict with the landlords because<br />

the regulation of tax payment. In approaching<br />

the Independence, the kampung<br />

has significant role especially in<br />

protecting the city (or the nation) from<br />

the British troops. The kampungs’<br />

dwellers are commonly known as their<br />

‘arek’ spirit in defending the city with<br />

traditional weapons of bamboo runcing<br />

(bamboo runcing = sharp bamboo


65<br />

Figure 6. The kampungs’ alleys.<br />

branch). The spirit or personal character<br />

of ‘arek’ is embedded with the Surabayan<br />

young people especially from<br />

kampungs until today.<br />

pungs<br />

in the city are the place for immigrants<br />

from outside the city who<br />

occupy provided permanent houses<br />

or built non-permanent houses (slumming).<br />

Under the Kampung Improvement<br />

Programmes (KIP), the physical<br />

condition of kampungs in Surabaya<br />

was improved especially in providing<br />

concrete slabs for the alleys, public toilets,<br />

water supply and drainage. Instead<br />

of better living condition of kampung,<br />

the kampungs’ dwellers have been offered<br />

compensation from an office<br />

rental management to sell their land<br />

for the project of the extension of the<br />

business district. It was only some of<br />

the dwellers agreed with the compensation,<br />

but mostly not. Therefore, the<br />

negotiation between the management<br />

and the dwellers are continued until<br />

today.<br />

In today daily rhythm, the use of the<br />

kampungs’s space is varied based on<br />

the dimension of time, social activity<br />

and group of people. In the morning,<br />

mothers, children, and workers make<br />

use of the spaces especially the alley for<br />

their way of circulation to school and<br />

work place. In the afternoon, mothers,<br />

the hawkers and the money lenders<br />

are occupying the space in terms of<br />

transaction of things, money, news and<br />

<br />

Figure 7. The use of space in Banteng Ground.<br />

Extending Kevin Lynch’s concept of imageability in third space reading; case study of Kampungs,<br />

Surabaya –Indonesia


66<br />

the space is for young men and men to<br />

hang out, and sometimes got drunk,<br />

play gamble, and have brawls. The locational<br />

preferences of them are relatively<br />

similar, such as near warungs, gates,<br />

public facilities, or in alleys’ junction/<br />

intersection; the availability of furniture<br />

is also important. Specifically, the<br />

daily activities of the young adults are<br />

focus on their kampungs - work places,<br />

and their social space in the alley –<br />

home in a smaller scale.<br />

The observation of lived space as<br />

above shows that in historical perspective,<br />

the character of ‘arek’ that is<br />

now being represented by the ‘Bonek’<br />

character is embedded with their personal<br />

character of being free. ‘Bonek’ is<br />

a name for the fanatic fans of Surabaya<br />

football club. In current condition,<br />

‘Bonek’ is known through its reluctance<br />

character when there is a football<br />

match. The issue of eviction is giving<br />

them an uncertainty feeling of living in<br />

the kampungs. Instead of the KIP programmes,<br />

the dwellers feel ignorance<br />

from the local government, because<br />

the continuation of slumming process<br />

and the changing use of domestic to<br />

commercial uses. In terms of space usage,<br />

the alley is a meeting point of the<br />

community according to time, social<br />

activity and social group. It offers a<br />

multifunction usage and social structure<br />

that is merged and overlapped between<br />

private and public, and business<br />

and leisure needs.<br />

6. Discussion of the theory extension<br />

Through the exploration of the<br />

first-second space and the third space<br />

as above, it could be summarized that<br />

in understanding urban spaces, meaning<br />

is more important than legibility<br />

of urban elements. Kevin Lynch’s theory<br />

put emphasis on the legibility as<br />

the most important factor in evaluating<br />

and designing high quality urban<br />

spaces. In urban areas such as the kampungs<br />

when the physical and social<br />

conditions are in contrast with the city<br />

around them (identity crisis), the social<br />

life observation is more beneficial than<br />

legibility observation especially for the<br />

purpose of planning/design strategy.<br />

It is because the kampung is naturally<br />

built by the original people of the city<br />

for their life survival, which with less<br />

consideration from the local government<br />

at each stage of development.<br />

The understanding through the<br />

third space observation (include the<br />

first-second space) of the kampungs,<br />

gives a deeper understanding of this<br />

specific urban areas. The understanding<br />

is not only read the physical layer,<br />

but also cultural and historical layers.<br />

The first and second space exploration<br />

is inseparable, since the comparison<br />

of the real space (perceived or<br />

the first space) and conceptual space<br />

(conceived or the second space) is to<br />

study the observers’ physical and cultural<br />

layers of urban areas. The mental<br />

maps and interviews show not only the<br />

observers’ navigational ability in spatial<br />

knowledge, but also the elements’<br />

meanings. The spatial/elements preferences<br />

in their mental maps are developed<br />

through the meaning of each element<br />

related to their social life rather<br />

than only its physical characteristics.<br />

The third space observation explores<br />

the cultural layers through the daily<br />

rhythm observation, and also historical<br />

layers of the kampungs.<br />

The three types of spaces observations<br />

identify the most important urban<br />

elements according to the observers,<br />

which is the spots for their social<br />

activities. The spots are important for<br />

them, which are located along the main<br />

alley and represent their group identity.<br />

These spots are areas to do their favourite<br />

activities triggered by the contrast<br />

modernization. These activities<br />

are expressing their life as a result of<br />

cultural hybridization of modern and<br />

traditional way of life. The activity of<br />

‘cukrik’ party, Bonek gathering, gambling,<br />

gaming, and hanging out at night<br />

belong to them only; represent their<br />

identity of living in the kampungs. The<br />

areas around the warung and the cyber<br />

café have been mentioned in each techniques<br />

of data gathering used in this<br />

research. These two elements represent<br />

the group’ identity of specific young<br />

adults in the kampungs.<br />

In extending Lynch’ theory especially<br />

in terms of adding meaning, a<br />

combination of Lefebvre’s, Soja’s and<br />

Bhabha’s theories are used in order to<br />

highlight the view of space as social<br />

production through the third space<br />

creation. Lefebvre’s and Soja’s theories


are applied because of their approach<br />

in exploring space as social production<br />

in three different types of spaces. The<br />

theory of Trialectics of Spaces from<br />

Soja is applied to observe meaning<br />

in empirical level of this research by<br />

studying the perceived, conceived and<br />

lived spaces. Bhabha’s theory is applied<br />

in terms of his view in third space creation<br />

in cultural hybridization terms.<br />

The Lynch’s theory in evaluating and<br />

studying urban elements through their<br />

quality in legibility should be followed<br />

by an exploration of meaning. The legibility<br />

quality is studied through the<br />

first and second space exploration. The<br />

meaning exploration is studied by the<br />

third space exploration. The application<br />

of this extension is specifically for<br />

urban areas that bear specific social<br />

condition of cultural hybridization.<br />

Acknowledgement<br />

This article is based on an empirical<br />

work carried out in Surabaya in 2012,<br />

as part of doctoral study in School of<br />

field,<br />

UK. The study is sponsored by<br />

-<br />

tion<br />

of Petra Christian University Surabaya-<br />

Indonesia.<br />

References<br />

Bhabha for<br />

Architects <br />

London: Routledge.<br />

<br />

<br />

of Spatial Legibility. Procedia-Social<br />

and Behavioral Sciences, Elsevier, 30,<br />

1191–1195.<br />

Behind the Postcolonial;<br />

architecture, urban space and<br />

political culture in Indonesia. London:<br />

Routledge.<br />

Lefebvre, H. (1996). Writings on Cities.<br />

Cambridge: Blackwell Publishers.<br />

Lynch, K. (1960). The Image Of The<br />

City<br />

What Time Is This<br />

Place?<br />

Lynch, K. (1981). Theory of Good<br />

City Form<br />

Lynch, K. (1990). City Sense and City<br />

Design: writings and projects of Kevin<br />

Lynch<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

The Urban Design<br />

Reader 2nd edition ledge.<br />

Schmid, C. (2008). Henri Lefevbre’s<br />

Theory of The Production of Space:<br />

towards a three-dimensional dialectic.<br />

-<br />

Space, Difference,<br />

Everyday Life; Reading Henri<br />

Lefebvre<br />

Thirdspace;<br />

Journeys to Los Angeles and Other Real-and-Imagined<br />

Places. Oxford: Blackwell<br />

Publisher.<br />

Extending Kevin Lynch’s concept of imageability in third space reading; case study of Kampungs,<br />

Surabaya –Indonesia


A relative study of microclimate<br />

responsive design approaches to<br />

buildings in Cypriot settlements<br />

Timothy O. IYENDO 1 , Ebunoluwa Y. AKINGBASO 2 , Halil Z. ALİBABA 3 ,<br />

Mesut B. ÖZDENİZ 4<br />

1<br />

<br />

Eastern Mediterranean University, Famagusta, North Cyprus, Turkey<br />

2<br />

<br />

<br />

Turkey<br />

3<br />

<br />

<br />

Turkey<br />

4<br />

<br />

European University of Lefke, Lefke, North Cyprus, Turkey<br />

Final Acceptance: January <strong>2016</strong><br />

doi: 10.5505/itujfa.<strong>2016</strong>.51423<br />

Abstract<br />

This study describe the microclimates, its effects on building design, and how<br />

it depends on the specific climate of a place. The aim of this study is to examine<br />

the microclimate responsive design approaches to buildings in the Cypriot settlement<br />

through different basic elements of bioclimatic design for human comfort.<br />

The study focuses on selected buildings in Famagusta and Lefkosa district<br />

of North Cyprus, to understand the effect of microclimate design approaches on<br />

the vernacular and contemporary edifices. In line with climate characteristics;<br />

site planning, building form and orientation, vegetation, indoor ventilation, and<br />

building material was considered in this study. The research techniques applied,<br />

includes related frameworks, on-site observation, and interview with building<br />

dwellers. The findings suggested that the vernacular buildings and its environment<br />

are more sustainable when matched to contemporary buildings. Moreover,<br />

the study inference suggests that contemporary buildings should incorporate vernacular<br />

buildings responsive design approaches to maximise human comfort. The<br />

implication of the study serves as a guide for further investigation on designing<br />

microclimate responsive buildings.<br />

Keywords<br />

Microclimate, Bioclimatic design, Vernacular housing, Cypriot settlements,<br />

Human comfort.


1. Introduction<br />

<br />

the local climate is not a new concept as<br />

such. Tracing back from history, beside<br />

food, shelter is one of the essentials of<br />

human life on earth. The first humans<br />

built shelters and lived in caves to protect<br />

themselves from harsh climatic<br />

conditions, such as rain, precipitation,<br />

<br />

From the beginning of time, around the<br />

fourth century BC, the Greeks knew<br />

the importance of incorporating buildings<br />

with climatic conditions. Likewise,<br />

they are knowledgeable about<br />

the sun’s path and the need of placing<br />

windows on the southern orientation<br />

to capture adequate needed heat for<br />

thermal comfort. Much progress was<br />

<br />

when interest in architectural design<br />

with climate was first documented by<br />

one of the great philosopher, Vitruvius.<br />

Vitruvius argued that we must take<br />

note at the outset of the countries and<br />

climate in which buildings are built<br />

<br />

For instance, in the old capital city of<br />

Italy in Rome, builders were aware of<br />

the importance of mitigating tempera-<br />

<br />

walls with stone and their shadows.<br />

These walls were made of stucco bricks<br />

and were typically twelve to twenty<br />

feet wide, which allowed an extended<br />

area to be captured in the shadows of<br />

the walls keeping the city cool during<br />

the midday hours. The stuccoed walls<br />

serve as climate-responsive architecture<br />

or constructed to make use of the<br />

surrounding climate and its natural<br />

effects. In support of this, one study<br />

has shown that in most ancient Roman<br />

cities colonnades were built along<br />

both sides of their major streets to hinder<br />

climatic elements on pedestrians<br />

<br />

example, windows are kept to a minimum<br />

to prevent the sun from entering<br />

<br />

<br />

finishes are used to reflect light to keep<br />

the bright environment.<br />

From this context, it is obvious that<br />

local climate varies significantly within<br />

a small area due to changes in altitude<br />

and rainfall. Building techniques of local<br />

climatic have been developed over<br />

a long history of construction, and<br />

these have advanced to promote passive<br />

climatic conditioning to protect<br />

inhabitants from their harsh environments.<br />

Those ideas and techniques of<br />

city planning, building form, and construction<br />

methods offer great insight<br />

<br />

climate simulates needs for shelter and<br />

influence local culture, including local<br />

building materials. Similarly, studies<br />

have studied demonstrated climatic<br />

issues, which include both vernacular<br />

and modern buildings. This can<br />

be seen in Vitruvius, Koppen Geiger,<br />

<br />

provides useful data about climates<br />

and each of these studies unfolds the<br />

classification of selected climatic zone<br />

<br />

individuals design with a specific local<br />

environmental characteristics in mind.<br />

This creates an avenue to manipulate<br />

the relationship between the climates,<br />

(a)<br />

Figure 1. (a) Archetypal surviving (1st century A.D.) exterior stucco rendering on stone-faced<br />

concrete walls at Ercolano; (b) an exterior stucco rendering in the Middle East (Bronski, 2010).<br />

<br />

(b)


71<br />

the site, and the building, which in<br />

turn generates a local environment or<br />

microclimate around the building. The<br />

“mini climate” that is created around<br />

the building can decrease the apparent<br />

severity of the climate, that is, the work<br />

the building must do to make for a<br />

comfortable interior and exterior environment<br />

around the building. There is<br />

that tendency, if badly handled or designed<br />

can increase the severity of the<br />

local climate of the building (Moore,<br />

<br />

2. Links between the microclimate,<br />

site and buildings<br />

<br />

or macroclimate of a particular geographical<br />

location, the design should<br />

take into account the relationship between<br />

the climate, site, and occupants,<br />

as well as the building itself in order to<br />

have a building base on the local microclimate<br />

of the environment under<br />

consideration. This supports the notion<br />

that human thermal comfort in building<br />

design is achieved by understating<br />

the basic principles of bioclimatic design,<br />

which deals with maintaining of<br />

thermal comfort within the building.<br />

Thus, thermal comfort is achieved<br />

when there is a heat balance between<br />

human beings and the surrounding in<br />

-<br />

signing<br />

a climate responsive building<br />

require proficiency in the aspect of<br />

the climatic analysis of the area under<br />

consideration as whole, thereby providing<br />

design strategies which favour<br />

the use of renewable energy, effective<br />

site analysis, proper choice of building<br />

materials, construction techniques,<br />

building forms, orientations, as well as<br />

effective use of vegetation. However,<br />

these design strategies depend on the<br />

microclimate of an area, that is to say<br />

that bioclimatic architecture happens<br />

to be a concept of architecture which<br />

design helps conserve resources while<br />

facilitating the use of the local climate<br />

around a dwelling to construct a green<br />

home or building that is passively sus-<br />

<br />

2.1. Major factors manipulating<br />

human comfort<br />

-<br />

<br />

factors affecting human comfort as,<br />

temperature, humidity, in the form of<br />

vapour and precipitation, wind and air<br />

sure<br />

to radiant heat sources (solar radi-<br />

<br />

<br />

to mention that the air temperature<br />

and mean radiant temperature of a<br />

homogeneous environment affect the<br />

“dry” heat exchange of the body by<br />

convection and radiation. However,<br />

the rate of this heat exchange depends<br />

on the air velocity and on the clothing.<br />

Under constant conditions of air velocity<br />

and vapour pressure, a rise in the<br />

air temperature is responded to by an<br />

increase of skin temperature and sweat<br />

rate. Moreover, this rate also depends<br />

on the air velocity and humidity levels<br />

<br />

humidity of the air on the other hand,<br />

indirectly affects the thermal comfort<br />

of the body and determines the evaporative<br />

capacity of the air and hence the<br />

cooling efficiency of sweating.<br />

It is generally accepted that the internal<br />

temperature of the human body<br />

should for all time be reserved contained<br />

by the narrow limits at around<br />

37°C, any variation of this value is an<br />

indication of sickness, and an increase<br />

<br />

may lead to serious health problem or<br />

even death. Likewise, air movement is<br />

another factor that affects the thermal<br />

comfort by both the evaporative capacity<br />

of the air and the convective heat<br />

exchange of the body. The effect of air<br />

velocity on the evaporative capacity is<br />

interrelated with the effect of humidity,<br />

as well as the effect of air velocity<br />

and air temperature and the collective<br />

heat exchange are interrelated (Gut &<br />

cated<br />

that when the air temperature is<br />

below skin temperature these two effects<br />

work in the same direction. While<br />

on the other hand, if the air temperature<br />

is above the skin temperature<br />

these two effects operate opposite way<br />

<br />

comfortable environment for occupants<br />

or intended users, significant<br />

aspect needed to be considered which<br />

includes site condition and orientation,<br />

plan configuration, construction<br />

A relative study of microclimate responsive design approaches to buildings in Cypriot settlements


72<br />

methods and materials, ventilation and<br />

shading properties, thermal mass, and<br />

landscape of the building surroundings.<br />

Furthermore, when all these elements<br />

combine, indeed, relaxed temperatures<br />

and high indoor air quality<br />

are attained. However, other personal<br />

variables that add to the human comfort<br />

ability includes activity, clothing,<br />

<br />

major factors needed to be considered<br />

when designing a climate responsive<br />

building includes the following:<br />

2.1.1. Building orientation and form<br />

It is important to consider the local<br />

climate during the first stage of building<br />

design. That is, an energy conscious<br />

design, which results in an energy efficient<br />

building, has to be based on the<br />

<br />

that in any building, the shape and the<br />

orientation of the building should be<br />

first defined considering the climate of<br />

the area, the wind, the temperature and<br />

the solar radiation. On the other hand,<br />

<br />

the most important design parameters<br />

affecting indoor thermal comfort and<br />

energy conservation on the building<br />

scale are orientation, building form,<br />

optical and thermo physical properties<br />

of the building envelope. These<br />

factors are of major concern in order<br />

to achieve the reduction and control of<br />

solar radiation as well as provision of<br />

natural ventilation and natural cooling<br />

of the external building surfaces by<br />

<br />

2.1.2. Building envelope and<br />

materials<br />

Building as a whole need to provide<br />

comfort for the occupant keeping the<br />

internal environment thermally balanced<br />

so that the occupants can perform<br />

their duties and the structures<br />

serve its function as a shelter (İpekoğ-<br />

<br />

construct a building that is thermally<br />

balanced, heat gain from outside of the<br />

building should be controlled and heat<br />

loss from the internal environment<br />

should be minimised via the building<br />

envelop. Contemporary methods of<br />

controlling heat loss and heat gain from<br />

a building suggests double skin facade<br />

as an effective means to balance the interior<br />

and exterior part of the building<br />

<br />

reliable material has an impact on the<br />

occupant depending on the climate,<br />

properties of materials such as ease of<br />

cleaning, roughness, emission of heat<br />

absorption of heat as well as its envi-<br />

<br />

2.1.3. Integration of renewable<br />

energies<br />

The global world today faces the<br />

challenge of averting the excess car-<br />

ly.<br />

It could be argued that over half of<br />

emitted energy lead to the accumulation<br />

of greenhouse gasses and ozone<br />

depleting gasses. Indeed, the overuse of<br />

the available resources has reached unacceptable<br />

limits, for example, regions<br />

like Europe has come up with measures<br />

of producing low energy consumption<br />

buildings with the aid of the European<br />

<br />

ed<br />

that renewable energy tends to have<br />

a high initial cost, but yields a prudent<br />

result at a later stage. Interestingly, the<br />

Eco friendly alternative has yielded<br />

subsentail benefit that promotes sustainable<br />

environments (Indraganti,<br />

<br />

2.1.4. Water bodies<br />

Water bodies are useful elements in a<br />

particular building environment which<br />

provides an alternative in designing a<br />

climate responsive building or environmentally<br />

conscious architecture<br />

through an intelligent use of water that<br />

proves to be effective in the enhancement<br />

of occupant comfort (Chmutina,<br />

<br />

<br />

and urban designers should work collectively<br />

toward implementation of this<br />

useful strategy, however, this need initial<br />

design consideration of individual<br />

buildings or units of the building. This<br />

strategy can be feasible when rain or<br />

storm water are collected and used in<br />

different ways in building surroundings,<br />

such as creating fountains, pools<br />

as well as pond, especially in summer<br />

times to enhance thermal comfort bal-


73<br />

2.1.5. Daylight Strategies<br />

Indeed, daylight has a positive and<br />

negative effect on the activities of<br />

buildings and their occupants, despite<br />

this, climate responsive buildings, energy<br />

conscious design, explore the potentials<br />

of natural ventilation, natural<br />

lighting and passive design to provide<br />

a comfortable environment (Susie,<br />

<br />

provision of day lighting strategy in<br />

buildings is to provide adequate illumination<br />

for the interior using the environment<br />

and architectural elements<br />

so that energy consumption can be<br />

reduced and visual comfort enhanced.<br />

It is of significance to note that daylight<br />

strategy is considered at the initial<br />

design stage in order to minimise<br />

the over reliance on electricity through<br />

transparent insulation, roof light, atriums,<br />

light duct and proper shading to<br />

avoid visibility glare from direct sun-<br />

<br />

2.1.6. Site vegetation/landscape<br />

Vegetation or landscape is an important<br />

aspect of design with climate<br />

and environmental conscious design.<br />

For example, vegetation such as trees<br />

can be used to protect the building<br />

from unwanted wind. It also provides a<br />

favourable atmosphere to buildings in<br />

sunny days, especially during summer<br />

as well as outdoor seating with some<br />

design architectural elements of outdoor<br />

spaces. In some places like India,<br />

they use deciduous trees on the south<br />

and eastern sides for shading, the occupied<br />

space during the summer and<br />

allowing solar penetration during the<br />

winter season (Kanagaraj & Mahalin-<br />

<br />

2.1.7. System participation in<br />

building design<br />

There are general system parameters<br />

to be considered when designing<br />

and building an ecological building or<br />

a climate responsive building, these include<br />

influencing parameters, design<br />

interface, and efficient mechanism.<br />

The Influencing parameters take into<br />

consideration factors that will an have<br />

effect on the proposed building and<br />

occupants upon completion, such as<br />

macro parameters, outdoor parameters,<br />

desired indoor parameters and<br />

human comfort parameters. In the<br />

design interface, this deal with factors<br />

that can be incorporated at the design<br />

stage to provide the desired comfort<br />

and function through analysis and effective<br />

use of macro climate, microclimate<br />

of the site, building design as well<br />

as human body and both factors work<br />

together to provide intelligent building.<br />

Similarly, the aspect of the efficient<br />

mechanism devoted to the macro and<br />

microclimate modification by addition<br />

or reduction of climatic factors using<br />

architectural elements and much more.<br />

Integration of passive and mechanical<br />

systems in building to work together<br />

in order to conserve energy as well as<br />

human regulatory and behavioural adaptation,<br />

which have a direct effect on<br />

human behaviour and their activities<br />

within the building (Kanagaraj & Ma-<br />

<br />

3. Microclimatic factors and human<br />

comfort in North Cyprus settlements<br />

From architecturally point of view,<br />

there are three focal considerations<br />

guiding tropical design, which includes<br />

the people and their needs, climate and<br />

its attendant ills and the materials and<br />

the means of building. This implies<br />

that, climate, sun, and humidity act as<br />

the main liabilities, whereas wind is an<br />

asset. In this view, Tzikopoulos, Karat-<br />

<br />

that, to attain comfort in hot and humid<br />

regions, bioclimatic factors must<br />

be taken into account in building construction,<br />

which includes topography,<br />

<br />

and movement of the sun and its impact<br />

during the year (i.e. Solar altitude<br />

<br />

suggests other climatic conditions such<br />

as prevailing wind patterns, incoming<br />

solar radiation, temperature, air moisture;<br />

environmental conditions such<br />

as daylight and shading of the construction<br />

site; mass, volume and size of<br />

building; local architectural standards,<br />

and availability of local building materials.<br />

In addition, the utilisation of vegetative<br />

cover or non-reflective flooring<br />

materials also helps in preventing reflected<br />

radiation and glare, as well as<br />

flattening day and night temperature<br />

swings within the interiors. Moreover,<br />

it has also been suggested that the cre-<br />

A relative study of microclimate responsive design approaches to buildings in Cypriot settlements


74<br />

Figure 2. (a) Location of the three basic cities in North Cyprus map (Modified by author); (b) temperature data<br />

for Northern Cyprus (Dinçyürek, Mallick, & Numan, 2003).<br />

ation of the open arcaded hall situated<br />

on the south and proportioned in such<br />

a way to keep away the high summer<br />

sun, while letting in the low winter can<br />

increase comfort in hot humid regions<br />

<br />

In line with the Mediterranean climate,<br />

North Cyprus is the third largest<br />

island situated in the north – eastern<br />

<br />

-<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

2a, North Cyprus climatic features can<br />

be scrutinised from four main regions;<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

northern coast, and Guzelyurt on the<br />

western coast. However, these regions<br />

are characterized in the same climatic<br />

zone called the semi-arid Mediterranean<br />

climatic zone and are in close<br />

proximity to each other. These regions<br />

can be categorised under three distinct<br />

climatic conditions, such as hot–arid,<br />

hot–humid, and composite climates.<br />

This is due to the geographical qualities<br />

such as topographical values and prox-<br />

<br />

Climatically, North Cyprus Island<br />

has an intense Mediterranean climate<br />

that comprises of typical seasons, long<br />

hot dry summer from (June – Septem-<br />

<br />

cloud cover or changeable rainy days<br />

ed<br />

by a short autumn and spring sea-<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

2b, the average coldest daytime temperature<br />

in winter (January – Febru-<br />

<br />

the average maximum temperature in<br />

coastal regions is 32 oC. The maximum<br />

<br />

son<br />

extends from November to March,<br />

<br />

-<br />

<br />

4. North Cyprus climate responsive<br />

design approaches<br />

In hot and cold climate, climate responsive<br />

architecture uses special techniques<br />

and designs to help get the most<br />

benefit out of the natural environment.<br />

This is done by taking advantage of<br />

the surrounding environment and the<br />

average climate conditions of the re-<br />

<br />

known examples of buildings and settlements<br />

that employ such designs. To<br />

overcome variations in climatic conditions,<br />

North Cyprus buildings, implements<br />

several aspects of climate responsive<br />

design. However, the impact<br />

of climate on the architectural designs<br />

in rural areas can be seen more often in<br />

crowded villages.<br />

4.1. Compacted settlements/housing<br />

In the Vernacular Cypriot settlements,<br />

houses in towns and villages<br />

are characterized by optimal protection<br />

against solar radiation by mutual<br />

shading, which leads to compact<br />

settlements, narrow streets and small<br />

squares. The discerning factors of<br />

these buildings lie in the array of the<br />

dwellings, around social centre and<br />

especially in the narrow streets. These<br />

narrow streets that meet at the centre<br />

leave space open for westerly and<br />

more infrequently easterly winds and<br />

are designed in a way to shed shad-


Figure 3. (a) Map portrays a traditional quarter in Famagusta (Oktay, 2002); (b) a narrow<br />

Street in the traditional quarter of Arabahmet, Lefkosa (Authors archives, 20<strong>13</strong>).<br />

ows to lessen the impact of acute heat<br />

<br />

demonstrated in Figure 3a & b, the<br />

narrow streets permit breeze flows and<br />

which, also facilitate passive cooling.<br />

Buildings are closely joined (Oktay,<br />

<br />

aly<br />

cluster their houses close together<br />

facing the south in order to minimize<br />

<br />

in North Cyprus settlement, compacted<br />

streets make it walking easier,<br />

due to the shade it casts on the streets<br />

and allows the occupants, particularly<br />

the women to sit in the street (Oktay,<br />

<br />

4.2. The use of vegetation<br />

ban<br />

environment are of functional, in<br />

landscaping and aesthetic as well as<br />

the climatic importance of its radiation<br />

absorbent surface and its evaporative<br />

and shade-giving properties. The<br />

vegetation in and around houses also<br />

has definite effects on air movement.<br />

Landscaping or vegetation around<br />

buildings improves the microclimate<br />

outdoors and indoors. It checks hot<br />

and dusty winds. Planting trees around<br />

building help in leaves transpiration<br />

and reduces temperature around the<br />

surrounding. Shade of plants or trees<br />

lowers daytime temperatures and heat<br />

emission at night, thus resulting in<br />

appropriate balanced temperatures<br />

for the occupant comfort. It balances<br />

the humidity in the building environ-<br />

<br />

much of the free water is absorbed and<br />

during dry periods, water is evaporated<br />

through vegetation. Figure 4 shows<br />

a typical example of how vegetation is<br />

used in Cypriot houses.<br />

4.3. Utilisation of the cooling<br />

effect of water<br />

<br />

region within North Cyprus, for example,<br />

in the Kyrenia area, water bodies<br />

are integrated close to buildings, which<br />

evaporate and therefore reduces the<br />

surrounding temperature, as well as for<br />

thermal balance of the building occupants<br />

in most cases.<br />

4.4. Usage of arcades, bay windows<br />

(cumba) cantilevered roofs<br />

<br />

<br />

pitch roof structures and their overhangs<br />

are all the expression of the cli-<br />

<br />

Figure 4. Describes the use of vegetation in Boyunca Street in Lefkosa (Authors archives,<br />

20<strong>13</strong>).<br />

A relative study of microclimate responsive design approaches to buildings in Cypriot settlements


Figure 5. A typical building in the Kyrenia<br />

area, portraying water boding around the<br />

building for cooling effect (Source: Authors<br />

archives, 20<strong>13</strong>).<br />

In Cypriot settlements, arcades, porches,<br />

colonnades, cantilevered roof or<br />

components, and membranes serve<br />

as traditional responses to the climate<br />

in the villages and urban settings;<br />

this gives an inward looking and provides<br />

a transition from indoor to outdoor<br />

light. The most prominent climate-modifying<br />

element in some of<br />

these houses is the arcaded hall, which<br />

is located on the south without exception.<br />

The porch, which is positioned<br />

in the southern part of the dwelling,<br />

is of great worth to Cyprus traditional<br />

dwelling and consists of a semi-open<br />

and arcaded space. It is more conducive<br />

in winter period due to the passage<br />

area, which is located in between<br />

the closed and open areas. It allows<br />

penetration of sunrays in winter and<br />

<br />

summer period, it provides an ideal<br />

space and allows for the cool flow of<br />

<br />

<br />

represented in Figure 7, it also serves as<br />

shading elements for most of the day’s<br />

especial sunny periods, and for heavy<br />

rainfall<br />

Figure 6. Portraying bay windows (Cumba)<br />

in a street- walled city of Lefkosa (Authors<br />

archives, 20<strong>13</strong>).<br />

4.5. Using of small enclosed<br />

courtyards in Cypriot houses<br />

Most of the Cypriot houses have<br />

courtyards due to the weather in the<br />

summer period, and are almost similar<br />

in shape, which is either rectangular<br />

or square in nature. The courtyard<br />

is where most of the daily activities<br />

are carried out and is used for various<br />

activities, which includes social gathering<br />

and entertainment (such as play-<br />

<br />

and eating of food, domestic works are<br />

done there during spring and summer<br />

periods, washed cloths are dried in the<br />

<br />

<br />

flowers and trees are grown to provide<br />

a fascinating eye-bird appearance of<br />

nature. In addition, vegetation in the<br />

courtyard act as evaporative agent and<br />

coolants in the courtyard. They also<br />

serve the purpose of air filters; such<br />

as dust in the atmosphere within the<br />

courtyard. Furthermore, the courtyards<br />

also serve as accommodation<br />

for the household pets, and traditional<br />

oven is used for baking bread for<br />

the household or visitor in the court-<br />

<br />

Figure 7. Cases of porch in a single storey Cyprus traditional dwelling (Günçe, Ertürk, &<br />

Ertürk, 2008).


77<br />

Figure 8. (a) A typical old traditional village Cypriot courtyard (Pulhan, 2008); (b) an<br />

archetypal courtyard Cypriot dwelling from the 1960s (Ozay, 2005).<br />

Moreover, the courtyards serve as<br />

wind protected exterior spaces in winter<br />

and cooling effect or cool air pools<br />

that occur in courtyards in summer to<br />

satisfy effective comfort of the occupants.<br />

It minimises the solar radiation<br />

impact on the outside walls and provides<br />

a cool area within the building,<br />

which is surrounded by rooms. Other<br />

requirements such as safety defence,<br />

privacy, and lifestyle are also attained<br />

in the Cypriot rural traditional dwelling<br />

courtyard. However, a centrally<br />

situated courtyard may not be suitable<br />

for houses in North Cyprus, due to the<br />

severe summer heat and sometimes<br />

compromises this intended purpose,<br />

because of inadequate cross ventilation<br />

within the courtyard (Pulhan & Nu-<br />

<br />

Figure 9. A dwelling with an effective<br />

terrace along salamis road in Famagusta<br />

(Authors archives, 20<strong>13</strong>).<br />

4.6. Using balconies, terrace and<br />

canopies<br />

<br />

architecture, “courtyard styles” may be<br />

relevant for any type of building, be it<br />

residential, commercial, institutional<br />

or industrial. “Special places that are<br />

outside yet almost inside, open to the<br />

sky, usually in contact with the earth,<br />

but surrounded by rooms” (Blaser,<br />

troduced<br />

over their building windows<br />

to direct the airflow upwards and to<br />

serve as shading elements as well. Balconies<br />

above the ground floor are usually<br />

used as outdoor sitting area during<br />

the summer time when the sun intensity<br />

is much in order to have comfortable<br />

living spaces. The canopies also<br />

provide a sitting environment with a<br />

nourishing vista usually around pools,<br />

<br />

<br />

Cypriot dwellings or houses serve the<br />

purpose of food drying and clothes<br />

drying in some occasions. Construction<br />

provision of the balconies must<br />

ensure discontinuity of their extended,<br />

exposed structure to the air, which is liable<br />

to act as a thermal bridge to the internal<br />

slab. Unfortunately, most houses<br />

in North Cyprus are poorly designed in<br />

terms of balconies. The balcony is always<br />

narrowly constructed, especially<br />

in apartment buildings, and this undermines<br />

the intended purpose.<br />

4.7. The use of shading devices<br />

In Cyprus, shading devices are used<br />

in both residential and public buildings,<br />

but feature prominently in some<br />

public buildings. The need arises because<br />

of radiation experienced in the<br />

form of increased air temperature, radiant<br />

heat and glare mostly in the summer<br />

time, when there is much intense<br />

heating and need to keep the internal<br />

environment cool to control warm air<br />

or direct sunlight effect on the occu-<br />

equate<br />

shading reduces these effects<br />

considerably, and which call for both<br />

vertical and horizontal shading used in<br />

North Cyprus buildings.<br />

A relative study of microclimate responsive design approaches to buildings in Cypriot settlements


Figure 10. (a) A mix-use apartment block with combined shading devices - horizontal<br />

shading devices (Authors archives, 20<strong>13</strong>); (b) apartment block with horizontal shading<br />

devices (Ozay, 2005).<br />

4.8. The use of bright colours<br />

<br />

buildings in Cypriot settlements are<br />

carefully painted with bright colours,<br />

this is due to the climatic condition of<br />

the area, and most of the colours that<br />

are used in their buildings are light or<br />

bright colours. Bright colours are applied<br />

in Cypriot building facades to<br />

reduce reflection of sun into buildings,<br />

since the reflection of sunlight increas-<br />

plication<br />

of bright colours in Cypriot<br />

building immensely facilitates in the<br />

reduction of heat penetration to the indoor<br />

environment, thereby providing a<br />

conducive surroundings for occupants,<br />

as well as reducing the defects of sunlight<br />

on the exterior walls.<br />

4.9. The use of building materials<br />

In line with climatic characteristics,<br />

building material was carefully selected<br />

in the rural areas of Cypriot settlements.<br />

For example, in the Traditional<br />

building material like ‘adobe’ is commonly<br />

used in the village settings, as<br />

it is locally available materials, which<br />

provides Its energy efficiency and can<br />

<br />

stone infill structures were mostly<br />

used instead of wood. Marble is used<br />

as flooring covering materials with<br />

respect to the climatic conditions. In<br />

some cases, yellow limestone and adobe<br />

are also used. However, in the rural<br />

area building materials and techniques<br />

are chosen based on topography and<br />

resources of the local environment. For<br />

example, in Mesaorian regions, adobe<br />

is the most substantial building materials<br />

in use. Stone is commonly used in<br />

the mountainous region, with respect<br />

to climatic and topographic conditions.<br />

Consequently, to attain climatic<br />

comfort for dwellers using the natural<br />

<br />

5. Conclusion<br />

The study indicates that designing<br />

with climate in North Cyprus is of two<br />

fold, the vernacular and contemporary<br />

buildings. The vernacular buildings<br />

and its environment are more sustainable<br />

compare to the modern ones. The<br />

organisation in the city and villages<br />

differs from each other, this account<br />

for more appropriate in the climate accommodation.<br />

Climatic condition and<br />

social aspect differences have driven<br />

specific acclimatization of the people<br />

through the buildings. In Famagusta<br />

Figure 11. Portraying the use of bright<br />

colour in Cypriot vernacular dwellings<br />

(Authors archives, 20<strong>13</strong>).<br />

Figure 12. A building depicting availability<br />

of local building material (stone and adobe),<br />

in Arabahmet, Lefkosa (Authors archives,<br />

20<strong>13</strong>).


Table 1. Classification of the vernacular and contemporary settlements in terms of sustainable and non-sustainable.<br />

Sustainable Unsustainable Sustainable Unsustainable<br />

1 Figure ground 2 Use of water bodies<br />

The narrowness of the streets<br />

While on the other hand,<br />

and arrangement of buildings<br />

scattered buildings create<br />

simply defines the surrounding<br />

irrelevant space and disqualifies<br />

space for alternate uses and users.<br />

the orientation and use of spaces<br />

Compacted streets and buildings<br />

created within.<br />

makes walking easier.<br />

<br />

water bodies (such as pond, wtaer<br />

<br />

wetland, stream e.t.c as a cooling<br />

device makes living comfortable<br />

for both human and animal species<br />

within immediate environment.<br />

On the other hand, absence<br />

of any water body and at<br />

the same time, absence of<br />

vegetation around buildings<br />

may insure more ventilation<br />

cost on the inhabitation.<br />

3 Street layout 4 Use of windows<br />

Narrowed street pattern was<br />

a delibrate climate adaptive<br />

mechanism that enables<br />

shadow casting which cools the<br />

frontages for sitting and walking<br />

comfortability<br />

Some newly developed parcel<br />

area divisioning does nt give<br />

cognisance to this potential and<br />

therefore creates some wider<br />

streets along parcel blocks.<br />

Large or small size of window frame<br />

also has respective roles in creation<br />

of comfort in a house. Likewise,<br />

the wooden or aluminium frame<br />

materials utilized determines the<br />

degree of heat absorption or air<br />

penetration into the building.<br />

Recent designed buildings<br />

are with larger window sizes<br />

in smaller numbers, which<br />

makes the assumed volume<br />

of air not to be properly cross<br />

ventilated.<br />

Use of Vegetation Roof utilisation<br />

To provide favourable<br />

atmosphere in sunny days,<br />

certain species or combination<br />

of many plant are used<br />

to support outdoor sitting<br />

elements. While same tree is<br />

use as wind blockage in the cold<br />

winter wind.<br />

<br />

environment increases the<br />

tendency of adverse discomfort,<br />

increase spread of diseases,<br />

high cost of housing renovation<br />

resulting from harshness of the<br />

heating and cooling of building<br />

walls.<br />

<br />

comfort in a house is through the<br />

adoption of cantilevered roofs and<br />

porches to help maximize the air and<br />

solar energy in either season which is<br />

used in the vernacular settings.<br />

While inexistence of alternate<br />

energy control methods<br />

would result in the adoption<br />

of mechanism that are more<br />

cost consuming.<br />

7 Use of Courtyard 8 Building material<br />

Beyond a space, the courtyard<br />

was for building and streets<br />

linkages, social, domestic and<br />

ventilation derivation<br />

Contemporary building designs<br />

assumes the role of courtyard<br />

as waste and irrelevant thereby<br />

deprived of such connections.<br />

<br />

timber and yellow stone materials<br />

were practically meant to moderate<br />

climatic temperatures.<br />

Metal, concrete, cement<br />

is most unique to the<br />

unsustainable contemporary<br />

houses.<br />

A relative study of microclimate responsive design approaches to buildings in Cypriot settlements


and Lefkosa regions, several aspects<br />

of design with climate and sustainable<br />

architecture can be found easily, especially<br />

in term of acclimatization to the<br />

nature. However, this is a great im-<br />

<br />

some buildings, the concept of climate<br />

design and sustainability are totally<br />

neglected, especially in the apartment<br />

buildings within these regions. The<br />

newer developments, just similar to<br />

other cities in the world are neglecting<br />

the natural-local aspect, culture, and<br />

tradition of the users. The older material<br />

such as stone and earth has higher<br />

thermal lag than new constructed contemporary<br />

buildings. Wooden opening<br />

materials were effectively used-no glass<br />

house effect in the older houses. In addition,<br />

the new housing developments<br />

undermine the used of balconies,<br />

which is one of the ways to respond to<br />

the climatic condition for human comfort.<br />

When a building is designed with<br />

energy maximisation in mind, comfortable<br />

environment is achieved at a<br />

lesser cost. Resources used efficiently<br />

to judiciously manage waste and recycle<br />

as much as possible makes a living<br />

more sustainable. In the vernacular<br />

buildings, many of these features are<br />

considered greatly, while construction<br />

process is carried out, whereas, many<br />

of the contemporary buildings neglect<br />

the simple and basic facts that one can<br />

benefit from nature. Building in the<br />

newly developed quarters of Famagusta<br />

is seen to lack many of these basic<br />

natural mechanisms for a more conducive<br />

habitation, which does not only<br />

have an effect on man but also on the<br />

biological species available to the ecosystem.<br />

Just as a bird would inhabit on<br />

the trees that provides shade for man<br />

during a hot weather, the chances for<br />

such species of plant is likewise narrowed.<br />

Responding to climate through<br />

many of the above listed techniques<br />

creates a symbiotic relationship between<br />

man and nature through building<br />

design and construction. In this<br />

view, this study suggests incorporating<br />

the vernacular buildings responsive<br />

design approaches and its physical,<br />

environmental characteristic into the<br />

contemporary edifices for adequate habitants’<br />

comfort.<br />

References<br />

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of Mass Housing in North Cyprus.<br />

ENHR/SBI housing research con-<br />

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Atrium: Five Thousand<br />

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Romans, Part 2 – Protecting Concrete<br />

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concrete-for-durability-by-the-ancient-<br />

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from-the-weather/.<br />

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Consumption and its Regulations in China.<br />

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values in the arcaded Mesaorian<br />

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A relative study of microclimate responsive design approaches to buildings in Cypriot settlements


Lessons from ‘archaeotecture’:<br />

Analysing variations in vernacular<br />

architecture using methods from<br />

archaeology<br />

Warebi Gabriel BRISIBE<br />

<br />

Faculty of Environmental Sciences, Rivers State University of Science and<br />

Technology, Port-Harcourt, Nigeria<br />

Final Acceptance: January <strong>2016</strong><br />

doi: 10.5505/itujfa.<strong>2016</strong>.22931<br />

Abstract<br />

With the architecture of prehistoric sites and ancient civilizations constantly requiring<br />

new methodologies and forms of analysis, a new field of research the Archaeology<br />

of Architecture or ‘Archaeotecture’ has been designed to merge theory<br />

and method for that purpose. It combines aspects of ethnography, anthropology,<br />

archaeology and architecture to understand the material context of human social<br />

relations, culture and production as seen via architecture through time. Similarities<br />

have been drawn between prehistoric architecture and contemporary vernacular<br />

architecture of hunter-gatherer societies. This paper takes advantage of these<br />

similarities by employing methods used in ‘archaeotecture’ to ascertain cross-spatial<br />

and cross-temporal variations in the vernacular architecture of Ijo migrant<br />

fishermen in Nigeria. The Principal Co-ordinate Analysis which is a quantitative<br />

technique adopted from archaeology was applied in the analysis of architectural<br />

data to ascertain variations in vernacular built forms. The results indicated the<br />

existence of variations as well as the cultural transmission mechanisms that may<br />

have influenced these variations. The paper concludes by discussing and recommending<br />

the use of interdisciplinary cross-pollination of methods in examining<br />

variations in both vernacular and contemporary architectural studies.<br />

Keywords<br />

Variations, Archaeotecture, Vernacular architecture, Archaeology, Cultural<br />

transmission.


1. Introduction<br />

Variation involves a level of change,<br />

shift or deviation from a pre-established<br />

norm or standard. It comes<br />

about where alterations, additions or<br />

subtractions have been made to an<br />

existing model or standard over time.<br />

Variations in architecture may entail<br />

making slight and sometimes unnoticeable<br />

changes to building designs<br />

or materials used, or could involve a<br />

complete change of architecture with<br />

little or no notable semblance to the<br />

previous dwelling type (Steadman,<br />

<br />

<br />

This paper examines architectural<br />

variations across space and over time<br />

in the dwelling types of Ijo migrant<br />

fishermen in Nigeria. Ijo fishermen<br />

are aquatic hunter-gatherers who are<br />

known to migrate seasonally mainly<br />

following fish movement. Over time,<br />

daughter colonies of Ijo migrant fishing<br />

settlements have been formed in<br />

other countries along the West African<br />

coastline other than their ancestral<br />

<br />

result of transnational migration.<br />

The study from which this paper is<br />

derived examined variations in the base<br />

camp designs of Ijo migrant fishermen<br />

si<br />

Peninsula, Cameroon. Statistical<br />

data and analyses from that study has<br />

been obtained and used in this paper<br />

<br />

categorized as aquatic hunter-gatherers<br />

based on their nomadic lifestyle<br />

and reliance on aquatic resources<br />

<br />

in the material analogues, structure<br />

and activities of prehistoric and hunter-gatherer<br />

societies as discussed in the<br />

middle-range theory, some scholars<br />

propose that human societies could be<br />

studied in the present to discern material<br />

analogues with which to understand<br />

societies in the past and vice ver-<br />

<br />

<br />

the importance of “Ethnoarchaeology”<br />

in the study of artefacts and culture of<br />

current societies to make comparisons<br />

or parallels with past ones. Jarzombek<br />

<br />

the architecture of first societies looks<br />

at how indigenous societies build today<br />

in order to help inform the past.<br />

This paper also considers that “Archeotecture”<br />

as stated earlier, combines<br />

aspects of ethnography, anthropology,<br />

archaeology and architecture to understand<br />

the material context of human<br />

social relations, culture, production<br />

and spatial organisation through architecture,<br />

over time. Over the years<br />

quantitative techniques have been<br />

developed in archaeology to analyse<br />

cross-cultural and cross-temporal<br />

variations in material culture between<br />

prehistoric sites. As such, borrowing a<br />

methodology from archaeology to ascertain<br />

architectural variations in the<br />

vernacular built form of migrant fishermen<br />

is worth exploring.<br />

2. “Archaeotecture” -The archaeology<br />

of architecture<br />

<br />

rise of heritage as a national resource<br />

and means of establishing social and<br />

cultural inclusion, archaeologists<br />

whose primary analytical context is<br />

architectural, find themselves actively<br />

producing the object of such claims for<br />

heritage through their constitution of<br />

archaeological records and in particular<br />

the architectural objects of that record:<br />

buildings have had to move from<br />

being just dwellings to functional and<br />

<br />

As such, with the study of architecture<br />

being seen as an integral part of<br />

the field of archaeology, particularly<br />

settlement archaeology, Ayan Vila et al<br />

<br />

and multi-dimensional approach that<br />

views architecture as an active, living<br />

entity. They termed this study of architecture<br />

in archaeology as “archaeotecture”.<br />

Archaeology is traditionally concerned<br />

with the remains of all forms<br />

of material culture but archaeotecture<br />

focuses on the ‘monumental’ and ‘material’<br />

remains of built forms. It seeks to<br />

decipher what prehistoric built forms<br />

and settlements looked like using monumental<br />

and material remains.<br />

Investigating domestic architecture<br />

from an ‘archaeotectural’ perspective<br />

involves an integration of methods and<br />

theories from several disciplines. In<br />

fields such as art history and history,<br />

the study of artefacts focuses on identification<br />

and systemization of features


and their variations which is change<br />

<br />

that studying a house as with any other<br />

artefact requires description and classification<br />

so as to understand typology,<br />

patterns and sequence. Steadman<br />

<br />

archaeology is in itself inspiring new<br />

methodologies with which to study<br />

built forms.<br />

3. Reviewing methodologies in<br />

assessing architectural variations<br />

in archaeology<br />

The concept of variation suggests<br />

that a model had existed before a<br />

change was made. This has led to studies<br />

on how standardization can be<br />

assessed and differentiated from variations<br />

in most material cultures includ-<br />

tified<br />

continuity and standardization<br />

of dwellings as one of six approaches<br />

to the study of prehistoric built space.<br />

He emphasized that architectural continuity<br />

and standardization was used<br />

to identify aspects of socio-economic<br />

change over time, and standardization<br />

could be measured by studying repetitive<br />

design patterns within sites (Cut-<br />

<br />

Other researchers who looked at<br />

variations in vernacular architecture<br />

over time and the methods they used<br />

<br />

-<br />

<br />

in surface architecture. He used So-<br />

<br />

assumes that artefact similarities are<br />

mainly a product of cultural transmission<br />

of information within a popula-<br />

tion<br />

technique that is, the presence or<br />

absence of a combination of variables<br />

which generate classes of the building<br />

type. The spatial distribution of the<br />

building types should then represent<br />

the spatial structure of transmission<br />

according to shared ideas of building<br />

type design among groups.<br />

<br />

<br />

in studying variability or variations<br />

in Thule Inuit architecture. Romanou<br />

<br />

of studying spatial distribution patterns.<br />

She compared spaces in terms of<br />

their integration values and architectural<br />

attributes to ascertain the functions<br />

they were used for. These functions<br />

were then compared between and<br />

within dwellings of different phases<br />

to observe similarities or differences<br />

which are indicative of change or variation<br />

over time.<br />

tive<br />

approach by examining architectural<br />

continuity or change over time<br />

using the layering technique. This<br />

method involved placing plans for one<br />

horizon or phase over those of another<br />

phase and recording similarities based<br />

<br />

of the walls in the preceding house<br />

aligned with those of the succeeding<br />

house, then the succeeding house was<br />

<br />

If on the other hand there was less than<br />

ing<br />

house, the house was termed un-<br />

<br />

also employed this method to ascertain<br />

social and household organisation on<br />

the basis of change in internal building<br />

configuration in the prehistoric<br />

<br />

Continuity was also observed over<br />

<br />

northern Iraq, by layering or super-im-<br />

<br />

<br />

of four different Neolithic phases in the<br />

<br />

Showing how people divided the space<br />

around and between them following<br />

rules that changed to cope with evolving<br />

social and livelihood conditions<br />

<br />

4. What constitutes vernacular<br />

architecture?<br />

Although the use of the term ‘vernacular’<br />

has been popularly subscribed<br />

to by most scholars, there is no commonly<br />

accepted definition. Oliver<br />

<br />

many meanings as the cultures and<br />

<br />

is of the opinion that “the definition<br />

of vernacular is infinitely variable”<br />

<br />

<br />

vernacular architecture as architecture<br />

that,<br />

Lessons from ‘archaeotecture’: Analysing variations in vernacular architecture using methods from<br />

archaeology


Comprises the dwellings and all<br />

other buildings of the people, related<br />

to their environmental contexts and<br />

available resources, they are customary<br />

or community built, utilizing traditional<br />

technology. All forms of vernacular<br />

architecture are built to meet specific<br />

needs, accommodating the values,<br />

economies and ways of living of the<br />

<br />

In a study on vernacular architecture<br />

compiled two decades ago, vernacular<br />

architecture was viewed as a product,<br />

a process and as knowledge. As a<br />

product he examines the information<br />

<br />

as a process it focuses on the relation<br />

of complex man-environment interac-<br />

<br />

natural and built environment (Turan,<br />

<br />

scholars began focusing more on categorisation<br />

than on a single definition.<br />

Aysan, focused primarily on three<br />

<br />

process by which definitions of the<br />

<br />

process by which methodologies for<br />

<br />

and thirdly, the criteria by which buildings<br />

were considered to be vernacular<br />

<br />

<br />

that actually looked at the definition<br />

of vernacular design in detail. His definition<br />

is not based on a single charac-<br />

terization<br />

that fits between extremes<br />

of a continuum but tending towards<br />

an ideal type. Within this continuum<br />

is a wide range of attributes of which,<br />

a dwelling type may possess some but<br />

not necessarily all of these attributes.<br />

He sub-divides these attributes into<br />

process and product characteristics.<br />

Product in this case describes the nature<br />

and qualities of the environment,<br />

while process looks at how the environment<br />

is formed and the various factors<br />

that combine to bring it to be.<br />

Seventeen attributes make up the<br />

process characteristics, while twenty<br />

attributes make up the product characteristics.<br />

The product characteristics<br />

include the relationship between<br />

culture, environment, climate, natural<br />

resources within the geographical location<br />

and the eventual architectural<br />

product. It highlights the role all these<br />

aspects play in the realisation of the<br />

product. The process is obtaining and<br />

harnessing the intuitive know-how required<br />

in blending these different facets<br />

into achieving a built form. Within<br />

these process/product characteristics<br />

is the aspect of variations of the built<br />

model, the existence of which adds to<br />

the characterisation of vernacular architecture.<br />

<br />

<br />

characteristics have been italicised and<br />

highlighted as these focus on variation.<br />

nacular<br />

designs often emanate from<br />

single models that undergo changes,<br />

which result in variations over time.<br />

This is the product but the process<br />

<br />

one of the characteristics of a vernacular<br />

dwelling is the degree or extent of<br />

change from the original model when<br />

variation occurs, as well as the rate or<br />

speed with which this change occurs.<br />

However rate or degree of change is<br />

not considered in isolation but often<br />

linked to factors that influence them.<br />

This study is therefore not just about<br />

vernacular dwellings of a particular<br />

culture but about the aspects of being<br />

vernacular. In one way it tests a certain<br />

aspect of the vernacularism of a dwelling<br />

type – variation or the tendency of<br />

dwellings to either evolve or change.<br />

<br />

attributes providing a range or continuum<br />

within which the vernacular exists<br />

in its barest form to its most ideal<br />

form, what ultimately distinguishes<br />

vernacular designs from other forms<br />

of architectural designs is the relationship<br />

to culture. Rapoport emphasizes<br />

this when discussing the importance<br />

of culture for house form (Rapoport,<br />

<br />

and in the later volume he offers an<br />

explanation of the concept of culture.<br />

However, I believe a deconstruction of<br />

this concept will be more justified from<br />

an anthropological and sociological<br />

perspective, as studies in culture and<br />

cultural theory have been pioneered<br />

and spearheaded by scholars from<br />

these two disciplines.


Table 1. Polythetic classification of vernacular design attributes (Adapted from Rapoport<br />

1990).<br />

S/No PROCESS CHARACTERISTICS PRODUCT CHARACTERISTICS<br />

Identity of designers <br />

<br />

Specific model, plan forms, morphology,<br />

shapes, transitions<br />

<br />

Nature of relationship among Elements and<br />

the nature of underlying rules<br />

Reliance on a model with Variations Presence of specific formal qualities<br />

<br />

Presence of a single model or many<br />

models<br />

Use of specific materials, textures, colours, etc<br />

Extent of sharing of model<br />

Nature of relation to landscape, Site,<br />

geomorphology, etc<br />

<br />

Nature of schemata underlying the<br />

model<br />

Effectiveness of response to climate<br />

<br />

Consistency of use of a single<br />

<br />

Efficiency in use of resources<br />

Of the house-settlement system<br />

<br />

Types of relationships among models In Complexity at largest scale due to place<br />

different types of environments<br />

specificity<br />

Specifics of choice model of design<br />

Complexity at other scales due to use of a<br />

Single model with variations<br />

<br />

Congruence of choice model and its<br />

Choice criteria with shared ideals of<br />

users<br />

Clarity, legibility and comprehensibility of the<br />

environment due to the order expressed by<br />

the model used<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

the relation between environment and<br />

Culture/lifestyle<br />

Use of implicit/unwritten vs. Explicit/<br />

Legalistic design criteria<br />

<br />

Consciousness of the design process<br />

Degree of constancy/invariance vs.<br />

change/originality (and speed of change<br />

over time) of the basic method<br />

Form of temporal change<br />

Extent of sharing of knowledge about<br />

design and construction<br />

Open-endedness allowing additive,<br />

subtractive and other changes<br />

Presence of ‘stable equilibrium’ (vs. the<br />

<br />

Complexity due to variations over time<br />

(changes to model not of model)<br />

Open-endedness regarding activities<br />

<br />

environment (large range of non-visual<br />

<br />

<br />

Effectiveness of environment as a setting for<br />

Lifestyle and activity systems and other<br />

aspects of culture<br />

Ability of settings to communicate<br />

Effectively to users<br />

Relative importance of fixed-feature element<br />

Vs. semi-fixed feature element<br />

4.1. Ascertaining variations in<br />

vernacular architecture<br />

With the preceding argument made<br />

by Rapoport, we can say that change<br />

in itself is one of the characteristics of<br />

being vernacular or vernacular archi-<br />

<br />

that change is one of the main issues<br />

dominating the vernacular architecture<br />

discourse, with questions regarding<br />

the staticity, evolutionary changing<br />

patterns or purposeful dynamism<br />

of vernacular built forms resurfacing<br />

<br />

suggests that in approaching housing<br />

studies in general, lessons can be<br />

learned from the vernacular in the recording<br />

and documentation of building<br />

traditions and typological changes<br />

with time and in assessing changing<br />

Lessons from ‘archaeotecture’: Analysing variations in vernacular architecture using methods from<br />

archaeology


needs of its occupants through time.<br />

As such, they suggest that in order to<br />

understand variations resulting from<br />

change in architecture over time lessons<br />

ought to be borrowed from the<br />

vernacular.<br />

However, this paper goes a step<br />

further to suggest that in the study of<br />

change and variation in dwellings, vernacular<br />

architecture has derived and<br />

can derive more lessons from ‘archeotecture’<br />

and so can housing studies.<br />

For variation or change over time to be<br />

fully understood, especially as it relates<br />

<br />

that architecture ought to be studied<br />

gested<br />

that vernacular architecture be<br />

studied as a product and an artefact.<br />

This is because most of the techniques<br />

for assessing standardization and variations<br />

have been developed mainly in<br />

the field of archaeology for studying<br />

variations in artefacts of material culture.<br />

However, these techniques have<br />

been applied not only to artefacts, but<br />

to architecture as well (Jordan and<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

4.2. Variations and the theories of<br />

cultural transmission<br />

Three main avenues by which<br />

change or variations can be introduced<br />

into architecture over time will<br />

be discussed when examining various<br />

theories on cultural transmission. The<br />

concept was originally referred to as<br />

diffusionism and was popular among<br />

<br />

now commonly referred to as cultural<br />

transmission with several theories developed<br />

around this concept. The main<br />

difference being that while diffusionists<br />

focused only on change, transmissionists<br />

expanded their research into rates<br />

of change, rates of error, conditions<br />

that affect the varying rates of change<br />

and different transmission mecha-<br />

<br />

Expressions of culture such as craft,<br />

music, folklore, language and art<br />

are traditions that are handed-down<br />

through generations. In some cultures,<br />

patterns of production are careful-<br />

<br />

but even in such cultures, where there<br />

are standardized forms of production<br />

processes, cultural evolution brings<br />

about certain changes in the transmission<br />

process or product through<br />

ined<br />

how variations in material culture<br />

evolve over generations through<br />

cultural transmission. Although time<br />

has been accredited as the main vehicle<br />

of change, time in itself does not<br />

necessarily effect change on material<br />

culture. Other factors often acting in<br />

conjunction with time have been identified<br />

as the main agents of change. The<br />

authors suggest that there are two main<br />

mechanisms by which variation is produced<br />

in material culture: variations<br />

generated unintentionally as a result<br />

of copying errors or borrowing other<br />

<br />

and variations produced intentionally<br />

by cognitive mechanisms. Either way,<br />

such inaccuracies or deliberate changes<br />

could occur during production and<br />

an accumulation of these could result<br />

in significant variations.<br />

Cognitive mechanisms are deliberate<br />

or intentional modifications made<br />

to an original pattern that brings about<br />

variations. They can also be innovations<br />

necessitated by production of<br />

material culture in a different context<br />

or through changing “worldviews” of<br />

<br />

<br />

come about as a response to new challenges<br />

posed by a different climate or<br />

location. Several studies carried out<br />

in this area have all attempted to answer<br />

questions relating to variation or<br />

change. Such as, how much change can<br />

be attributed to copying errors when<br />

reproducing material culture? (Eerkens<br />

<br />

be attributed to cognitive mechanisms<br />

effected by the expansion or splitting<br />

of a society into daughter populations,<br />

with each introducing modifications<br />

into what was originally the cultural<br />

norms? This is also known as phylogenesis<br />

or ‘branching’ (Collard and<br />

<br />

ly,<br />

how much change can be attributed<br />

to lateral borrowing of other cultural<br />

traits from adjacent groups through<br />

inter-community contacts? This concept<br />

is referred to as ethnogenesis or


field of archaeology, cultural anthropology,<br />

linguistics and evolutionary biology<br />

have examined these issues using<br />

mainly quantitative methods adopted<br />

from evolutionary biological studies.<br />

Although the forces or mechanisms<br />

that bring about variations have been<br />

identified, the question of which areas<br />

or at what point in the cultural transmission<br />

process, these forces tend to<br />

act still remains. This information is vital<br />

to this study as it helps to ascertain<br />

the points where variations are most<br />

likely to occur during the transmission<br />

of cultural information.<br />

In relation to migration, this paper<br />

examines how much change can be<br />

attributed to cognitive mechanisms<br />

brought about by the expansion or<br />

splitting of a society into daughter populations<br />

during migration. Also, how<br />

much change can be attributed to lateral<br />

borrowing of other cultural traits<br />

from other groups encountered during<br />

migration? The former is known as<br />

phylogenesis or ‘branching’ (Collard<br />

<br />

<br />

while the latter is referred to as eth-<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

This paper shows how quantitative<br />

methods borrowed from archaeology<br />

are employed to test the influence of<br />

immanent forces such as ‘phylogenesis<br />

or branching’ and/or externalistic forces<br />

such as ‘ethnogenesis or blending’<br />

in architectural variation. The aim is<br />

to ascertain the effect of migration on<br />

the migrant fisher base camp dwellings<br />

<br />

<br />

4.3. Identifying causes of architectural<br />

variations quantitatively<br />

The study was initiated, based on<br />

the supposition that issues relating<br />

to migration, could result in changes<br />

that constitute significant variations<br />

between the dwelling models. These<br />

changes may either be developed from<br />

within the society itself or brought<br />

about by external influence from other<br />

neighbouring groups. In this research<br />

four of the neighbouring fishing<br />

<br />

Ilajes and Urhobos were selected for<br />

comparative study. Also, these groups<br />

practice migrant fishing and build base<br />

camp dwellings. Only architectural<br />

data involving external features of the<br />

base camp dwellings which were collected<br />

have been used. These external<br />

features or traits are required to produce<br />

the dichotomous or binary data<br />

used in the analysis.<br />

In addition to the architectural data<br />

obtained from the neighbouring ethnic<br />

groups, corresponding data from the<br />

<br />

state was also included. Firstly, to serve<br />

as a basis for comparison between the<br />

<br />

<br />

control to indicate if any of the other<br />

ethnic groups have any form of relatedness<br />

to the parent Ijo ethnic group<br />

<br />

sibilities<br />

between them. A list of all exterior<br />

features of base camp dwellings<br />

<br />

dichotomous data below.<br />

4.4. Dichotomous/binary data<br />

The main architectural traits in the<br />

<br />

<br />

as well. These sub-traits are known<br />

as multistate variables and have been<br />

<br />

records that a trait is present amongst<br />

<br />

records traits that are absent. The use<br />

<br />

this form of data is being referred to as<br />

<br />

corded<br />

include: construction elements,<br />

house components or other associated<br />

features.<br />

4.5. Measuring similarity:<br />

Coefficients and dichotomous data<br />

To represent the data in dichoto-<br />

ternal<br />

architectural features or traits<br />

were first identified. These traits are<br />

a compilation of the external features<br />

si<br />

peninsula common to all the five<br />

groups being compared, including the<br />

Lessons from ‘archaeotecture’: Analysing variations in vernacular architecture using methods from<br />

archaeology


Table 2. Presence/Absence (dichotomous) data showing external architectural traits of each ethnic group (adapted<br />

from Brisibe 2011).<br />

Trait External Features Migrant Ethic Neighbours in Bakassi<br />

Trait<br />

No.<br />

<br />

Trait description<br />

Ibibio Andoni Ilaje Urhobo<br />

1 Main entry and other openings<br />

I<br />

<br />

of house<br />

<br />

Ii Use of doors <br />

Iii Use of smoke exits <br />

2 Shape<br />

Rectangular <br />

3 Roof<br />

I <br />

Ii <br />

4 Roof overhang<br />

I Extended <br />

Ii Reduced <br />

5 Roof Materials<br />

I<br />

Woven raffia palm<br />

<br />

<br />

Ii Zinc sheets <br />

6 Wall CladdingMaterial<br />

I Planks: Horizontal <br />

Ii <br />

Iii Thatch: Vertical <br />

Iv<br />

Whole palm fronds:<br />

Horizontal<br />

<br />

V<br />

Palm frond stems:<br />

Vertical<br />

<br />

7 Bathing facility<br />

I Separate unit <br />

Ii<br />

Unit connected to main<br />

building<br />

<br />

Iii No bathing facility <br />

8 Verandah<br />

I Large and spacious <br />

Ii Small <br />

Iii No verandah space <br />

9 Hearth space<br />

I<br />

Connected to main<br />

building<br />

<br />

Ii<br />

Separated from main<br />

building<br />

<br />

10 Communal building<br />

I Religious purposes <br />

Ii Social purposes <br />

11 Roof material for religious hall<br />

I Zinc sheets <br />

Ii Thatch <br />

12 Connecting walkways<br />

I <br />

Ii <br />

<strong>13</strong> Mini Jetty <br />

14 Embankments<br />

I Horizontal logs <br />

Ii Vertical timber stakes


Ijos. The technique which used in analysing<br />

dichotomous data to ascertain<br />

similarity between the groups is the<br />

ined<br />

the use of coefficients for the purpose<br />

of measuring similarity. However,<br />

in this study Coefficients were used<br />

simply to derive the matrix for the<br />

Principal Coordinates Analysis, which<br />

is the quantitative method employed to<br />

analyse the data. The Coefficients used<br />

<br />

the Jaccard Coefficient and the Alternative<br />

to the Jaccard Coefficient.<br />

An average of the three coefficients<br />

of the matrices was taken and the re-<br />

<br />

<br />

could be interpreted such that, half the<br />

attributes of the external architectural<br />

features of one group are present in<br />

another group. These matrices were<br />

then used in the Principal Coordinates<br />

Analysis to ascertain similarities between<br />

groups and ultimately the source<br />

of the variations.<br />

4.6. Interpreting principal co-ordinate<br />

analysis: Similarities between ethnic<br />

groups<br />

To analyse the data matrix and derive<br />

two dimensional scatter diagrams<br />

that indicate similarities between the<br />

<br />

Table 3. Average of all three coefficients<br />

(Source: Brisibe, 2011).<br />

Zs Zj Za <br />

0.73<br />

0.41<br />

0.62<br />

0.55<br />

0.51<br />

0.41<br />

0.68<br />

0.48<br />

0.71<br />

0.58<br />

0.48<br />

0.50<br />

0.67<br />

0.78<br />

<br />

was used. Three different matrix data<br />

were used in this analysis and these are<br />

<br />

Coefficient, the Jaccard Coefficient and<br />

the alternative to the Jaccard Coefficient.<br />

The three different matrices were<br />

analysed separately to see if the results<br />

of the various scattergrams they generate<br />

would be similar.<br />

The scatter diagram or scattergram<br />

is a simple two-dimensional representation<br />

of the results with the ethnic<br />

groups indicated as points in the space.<br />

The distance between these points on<br />

the scatter diagram represents the similarity<br />

between the ethnic groups.<br />

4.7. Discussion on matrix of<br />

coefficients and principal co-ordinate<br />

analysis<br />

The interpretation of the results obtained<br />

from the matrix of coefficient<br />

<br />

<br />

bears less than half the attributes of<br />

the other group, it suggests that there<br />

are fewer similarities between both<br />

-<br />

<br />

strong similarities between the two<br />

groups. This result does not indicate if<br />

the two groups share a common ances-<br />

-<br />

<br />

if the similarities are due to ‘blending’<br />

or ‘branching’, the Principal Co-ordi-<br />

<br />

result represented in two-dimensional<br />

scatter diagrams or scattergrams.<br />

4.8. Interpretation of scatter diagram<br />

generated from all three coefficient<br />

matrices<br />

ficient<br />

where negative matches are con-<br />

<br />

<br />

groups with the strongest similarities<br />

in terms of external architectural<br />

features in their base camp buildings.<br />

This is supported by the clustering of<br />

the points within the bottom-right<br />

quadrant in the scattergram. This only<br />

partly supports the results of the simple<br />

matching coefficient by indicating<br />

-<br />

<br />

between these two points is the short-<br />

Lessons from ‘archaeotecture’: Analysing variations in vernacular architecture using methods from<br />

archaeology


est. However, the fact that negative<br />

matches have been considered in the<br />

build up to this scatter diagram has to<br />

be considered.<br />

The scatter diagram derived from<br />

the alternative to Jaccard Coefficient<br />

<br />

bares strong similarities to both Ijos<br />

<br />

the initial findings that phylogenetic or<br />

branching forces exist between Ijos in<br />

ic<br />

or blending forces exist between Ijos<br />

<br />

further show that the strongest simi-<br />

<br />

and their Urhobo neighbours. Similarities<br />

between the Ijo and the Urhobos<br />

tions<br />

between the Ijos and their parent<br />

<br />

5. Discussions and conclusions<br />

The PCA analysis therefore reveals<br />

that one of the causes of variations between<br />

the Ijo base camp dwellings in<br />

<br />

<br />

from the Urhobos, whom they had<br />

more contact with during migration.<br />

However, it is important to note that<br />

the traits borrowed from their neighbouring<br />

group relates more to building<br />

components and external architectural<br />

<br />

spatial configuration.<br />

<br />

shows that the use of connecting walkways<br />

to indicate kinship ties and the<br />

use of living areas was used only by Ijos<br />

<br />

the architectural traits were not borrowed<br />

but cognitively developed. This<br />

means that in addition to lateral borrowing<br />

of traits, variations in Ijo base<br />

ed<br />

from cognitive modifications made<br />

by successive generations of fishermen<br />

over the years. Hence, the causes of<br />

variations in Ijo migrant fisher architecture<br />

can be traced to two sources or<br />

factors: lateral borrowing of traits from<br />

neighbouring groups as well as cognitive<br />

modifications made by the Ijos in<br />

<br />

Another important link made in<br />

this study is that between culture and<br />

change. This link is an attestation of<br />

Figure 1. Scattergram showing the similarity of the groups from<br />

simple matching coefficient (Source: Brisibe, 2011).<br />

Figure 2. Scattergram of group similarity generated from Jaccard<br />

Coefficient Matrix (Source: Brisibe, 2011).<br />

Figure 3. Scattergram of group similarity generated from<br />

Alternative to Jaccard Coefficient Matrix (Source: Brisibe, 2011).


the advantage of interdisciplinary research,<br />

combining sociological and<br />

anthropological theories in the more<br />

practical fields of architecture and archaeology.<br />

Social and cultural change<br />

can be regarded as the ‘domino effect’<br />

of cultural transmission, following<br />

the theories of cultural transmission<br />

<br />

evidently the biggest contribution by<br />

archaeologists in this interdisciplinary<br />

union is the development of methodologies<br />

to facilitate the understanding<br />

of cultural transmission and variations<br />

in material culture. With current studies<br />

on architectural variation over time<br />

mostly involving longitudinal spatial<br />

classification methods, these are methodological<br />

and theoretical contributions<br />

that both vernacular and contemporary<br />

architectural studies could<br />

learn from, in ascertaining effects and<br />

causes of variations in dwelling.<br />

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and Art Criticism. <br />

<br />

Quantifying Archaeology,<br />

Edinburgh University Press<br />

<br />

<br />

Economic and Social Organization,<br />

Journal of Archaeological Research.<br />

<br />

<br />

home: The Architecture of Family and<br />

Society in Early Sedentary Communities<br />

on the Anatolian Plateau, Journal<br />

of Anthropological Research<br />

<br />

search<br />

in the Archaeology of Architec-


Journal<br />

of Archaeological Research<br />

<br />

tree, history as entangled bank: constructing<br />

images and interpretations of<br />

prehistory in south Pacific, Antiquity<br />

<br />

Archaeology,<br />

Language and History: Essays on Culture<br />

and Ethnicity<br />

Westport, Connecticut.<br />

<br />

<br />

‘Vernacular Architecture:<br />

Paradigms of Environmental Response<br />

Vol. 4pany<br />

England.<br />

The Origins of the<br />

Household in North Mesopotamia<br />

Houses and Households<br />

in Ancient Mesopotamia, Istanbul,<br />

Nederlands Historisch-Archaeologisch<br />

Instituut te Instanbul.<br />

-<br />

Archaeotecture: seeking<br />

a new archaeological vision of Architecture<br />

Archaeotecture:<br />

Archaeology of Architecture, Archaeopress:<br />

England.<br />

tecture<br />

and the Economics of Household<br />

Formation in the Prehistoric<br />

American Southwest. Human Ecology,<br />

<br />

Lessons from ‘archaeotecture’: Analysing variations in vernacular architecture using methods from<br />

archaeology


Structural transformations of<br />

traditional architecture from<br />

Hittites to Ottomans in Bogazkoy<br />

Selin KÜÇÜK<br />

<br />

Istanbul Technical University, Istanbul, Turkey<br />

Final Acceptance: January <strong>2016</strong><br />

doi: 10.5505/itujfa.<strong>2016</strong>.39974<br />

Abstract<br />

In this study, a regular and temporal transformation of construction techniques<br />

between Hittite Traditional Architecture and Ottoman Traditional Architecture<br />

has been examined. Traditional houses, as a production of a manuscript culture,<br />

reflect an economic growth by their scale and advanced construction techniques.<br />

Hattusha, as a capital city of Hittites in Bronze Age and Bogazkoy as a region that<br />

wealthy immigrants (Dulkadirogullari) settled in Ottoman Age had been developing<br />

cities of different cultures.<br />

One fictional Hittite house and an existing Ottoman House (Özelevi) are the<br />

archetypes. These two archetypes in the southern part of Çorum had emerged<br />

with same materials in the same region and had proposed almost same structural<br />

solutions to environmental conditions in spite of approximately three thousands<br />

of years between them.<br />

Mud brick, natural stone and timber were the only construction materials used<br />

in buildings in Anatolia, quite different from the materials of the modern world.<br />

Accordingly, culture may define planning characteristics, yet local properties<br />

qualify construction techniques. Many studies show that the local construction<br />

materials and technologies used in the past are more sustainable than the ones<br />

used today. Consequently, transformations and adaptations of architecture, which<br />

generates awareness of sustainability, explored in those regions may help develop<br />

a good understanding of how the local traditional architecture can still help the<br />

construction of sustainable settlements.<br />

A secondary study will also examine how energy efficient buildings were built<br />

in Turkey in the hope that these building types could offer lessons to resist against<br />

newly emerging concrete giants.<br />

Keywords<br />

Hittite housing, Ottoman housing, Transformation, Traditional architecture,<br />

Energy efficiency.


1. Introduction<br />

Mesopotamia and Asia Minor nicknamed<br />

‘Motherland of Civilizations’<br />

sheltered some of the wealthiest civilizations<br />

and cultures of the world<br />

through the ages. However, technical<br />

and technological improvements<br />

caused economic reforms which eventually<br />

suppressed the growth of local<br />

architecture have forced people to live<br />

in densely-built mega structures in<br />

developing and industrialized cities of<br />

Turkey during last century. Thus villages<br />

and village houses have often been<br />

deserted or abandoned. Transformations<br />

from local architecture to concrete<br />

multi-storey apartments show the<br />

chaos that emerged in architecture.<br />

‘Deconstruction’ of the key phrases<br />

and terms employed in this paper<br />

would help the readers to get through<br />

to the thesis being presented. ‘Transformations<br />

of Traditional Architecture’<br />

was preferred instead of ‘Evolution of<br />

ment<br />

of Local Architecture’ for the title.<br />

<br />

architecture’ is used in the meaning of<br />

architecture that constituted of local<br />

natural properties as local materials,<br />

local climate and local landscape. Traditional<br />

architecture integrates local<br />

properties with anthropological properties<br />

like experimentation of local<br />

construction techniques, cultural adaptations<br />

and occupant’s requirements.<br />

Either transformation, development or<br />

evolution describe a ‘change’ during the<br />

time. However the difference is if they<br />

define a positive, negative or neutral<br />

change. Due to the change observed<br />

in traditional architecture, both in the<br />

negative and positive, ‘transformation’<br />

as a term was employed to define the<br />

change. There is an architectural wealth<br />

from each social group either civic, traditional<br />

or monumental buildings in<br />

Hattusha. Accordingly, since vernacular<br />

architecture identifies domestic architecture<br />

rather than traditional and<br />

monumental buildings, the term ‘traditional<br />

architecture’ which involves<br />

both domestic and monumental references,<br />

has been preferred.<br />

Despite having similar materials and<br />

invariable environmental conditions,<br />

construction techniques improve cumulatively<br />

in a local environment.<br />

Thus every building and any specified<br />

time through ages has its own identity,<br />

like humans. In this sense, identity<br />

of buildings are not changing because<br />

their identities are different. The varying<br />

things are ‘local techniques’ according<br />

to the experiential factor and<br />

‘traditional characteristics’ according<br />

to societies settled in. In addition to<br />

this, architectural imitations such as<br />

certain hotels in Hattusha were emulated<br />

to Hittite, Ottoman or Ancient<br />

Greek buildings which do not have<br />

identity, are apart from the matters examined<br />

in this research. These kind of<br />

imitations with their fake facades do<br />

not even symbolize any adaptations.<br />

Traditional houses were the most<br />

developed house building types constructed<br />

with local techniques apart<br />

from monumental buildings in pre-industrial<br />

term. Target behind traditional<br />

type’s enlarged dimensions in accordance<br />

with vernacular’s minimum<br />

space are satisfying nonessential human<br />

needs in addition to functionality<br />

and supplementing cultural properties<br />

on plan.<br />

The Hittite Capital City Hattusha<br />

<br />

lia<br />

are situated on the slopes of a high<br />

rocky topography. There are the Elmalı<br />

Mountains in the northwest side and<br />

Zincirli Mountains in the southern<br />

side on which the highest point Kam-<br />

<br />

level is Budaközü Stream which passes<br />

through the Boğazköy settlement<br />

plain, draws in Hattusha and reaches<br />

<br />

<br />

In Hattusha, a previous modest<br />

village had existed which has then<br />

<br />

<br />

years, different civilizations with miscellaneous<br />

beliefs, traditions and technologies<br />

have come to be established<br />

and settled in this location (Asurian,<br />

Hittite, Phrygrian, Hellenistic, Otto-<br />

ings<br />

from these cultures either underground<br />

or on earth are now struggling<br />

to survive with the modern world.<br />

Some of them are still being used by<br />

villagers although they would like to<br />

live in better conditions.<br />

<br />

1<br />

The reference<br />

‘Küçük, S. &<br />

Şahin, M. (2014).<br />

Archaeoacoustics:<br />

The Archaeology<br />

of Sound. Linda<br />

C. Eneix (ed.), The<br />

OTSF Foundation:<br />

Florida’ involves<br />

interactive sections<br />

of Hattusha which<br />

varies by ages.


Figure 1. Borders of Çorum which contains<br />

Boğazköy in southern part (Source: author).<br />

This study aims to generate a background<br />

for prospective energy efficiency<br />

comparison of Hittite Housing and<br />

a specific Ottoman House which were<br />

built in Hattusha. Because of having little<br />

evidence about Hittite construction,<br />

prospective efficiency results would be<br />

taken from an idealized reconstruction<br />

model of a fictional Hittite house.<br />

However, the Ottoman house which<br />

still stands and partially in use would<br />

give nearly correct results with respect<br />

to its exact three-dimensional model.<br />

Two and three-dimensional drawings<br />

and energy calculations would be done<br />

both manually and by utilizing computer-based<br />

programs.<br />

It is essential to explain how and<br />

with whose aid the fictional Hittite<br />

House’s prospective model was reconstructed.<br />

Initially, the extant local<br />

Figure 4. Section of Hattusha (Source: Selin Küçük, Echopolis,<br />

20<strong>13</strong>).<br />

Figure 2. Boğazköy village and Hattusha<br />

(Seeher, 2011).<br />

buildings were photographed and their<br />

<br />

<br />

for unobtainable information of construction<br />

techniques and building elements<br />

such as chimneys and openings<br />

within the walls. The study specially<br />

benefitted from Jürgen and Ayşe Seeher’s<br />

experimental archaeology stud-<br />

-<br />

<br />

interpretations on Hittite construction.<br />

2. Transformations of traditional<br />

architecture in Hattusha<br />

The cumulative experience of building<br />

materials’ behavior and structural<br />

solutions have improved over thousands<br />

of years. Structural solutions<br />

developed according to sensory observations<br />

until modern science accessed<br />

the technology to get climatic data.<br />

There is evidence that shows early<br />

small and scattered settlements<br />

from Chalcolithic Period in Hattusha<br />

around Büyükkaya Region. The Lower<br />

City and Büyükkale Regions were the<br />

settlements that had been used especially<br />

by Assurian Trade Colonies and<br />

<br />

Buildings were generally unsymmetrically<br />

planned, even though they had<br />

similar planning organizations with<br />

Hittite Houses.<br />

ments<br />

in Hattusha, fire places, chimneys,<br />

openings, roofs and water management<br />

systems of houses have been<br />

transformed. However, building materials<br />

and construction technics are al-<br />

istent<br />

prop structure of solid walls in<br />

Hittite architecture were presented later<br />

on just as in the case of Özelevi.<br />

Instinctive treatments and further<br />

methods of rural area construction<br />

Structural transformations of traditional architecture from Hittites to Ottomans in Bogazkoy


have emerged, because people had<br />

reached this region coming from many<br />

cities. In fact, Özelevi has acquired<br />

slightly different characteristics compared<br />

to the village houses. It has larger<br />

windows instead of small windows,<br />

hipped roofs instead of plain roofs and<br />

are of enormous size instead of the<br />

modest size of the rural counterpart.<br />

In other words, Özelevi doesn’t reflect<br />

the ordinary characteristics of most<br />

of Boğazköy local houses for having<br />

registered design anxiety of an Ottoman<br />

house. However, it is an adaptation<br />

attempt of an Ottoman House to<br />

<br />

Boğazköy Houses that are still partially<br />

in use reflect the in-between period of<br />

time from Hittites to Ottoman Age.<br />

Both traditional houses from Hittite<br />

and Ottoman periods have geometrically<br />

straight and smoothly divided<br />

spaces and level differences of grounds<br />

observed in separated spaces. Both<br />

have unitary planning characteristic.<br />

Figure 5. A house in Büyükkale from Karum<br />

Age (Source: Naumann, 1991).<br />

2.1. Fireplaces and chimneys<br />

Chimney construction has proceeded<br />

by stages until modern intra-wall,<br />

intra-pavement or extra-tubular systems<br />

using varying materials. Comparisons<br />

between ovens of any Hittite<br />

House and Ottoman House indicates<br />

that the smoke occurred by the oven<br />

removed from interiors through different<br />

systems. Hittite probably ejected<br />

smoke via holes in housetops in Hittite<br />

age. The two ovens in the central<br />

rooms of Gal Mesedi House, which are<br />

not attached to the walls, support this<br />

an<br />

houses description in Koyuncuk as<br />

an example. In the description, there<br />

are circular planned domed houses<br />

described with a hole in the centre of<br />

<br />

oven in the centre of the living area and<br />

smoke emitted via an opening on the<br />

top. Dome’s function is to gather smoke<br />

before emitting. There are no circular<br />

planned buildings except a Turkish<br />

Bath (hamam) and Byzantine Church<br />

in Hattusha. Since most of the examples,<br />

even a high status person’s or a<br />

villager’s, are quadri-laterally planned,<br />

and there may be an inter-relation<br />

for chimney systems. Thus, there was<br />

probably a hood uptake raised from<br />

<br />

Additionally, there should be a wooden<br />

cover which was accessible with a<br />

deck ladder to shut the opening. However,<br />

double roomed simple-planned<br />

houses have been found in Büyükkaya<br />

Figure 6. Koyuncuk Houses (Source: Baytin,<br />

1951).<br />

Figure 7. Fireplace and chimney of a Hittite house (Source:<br />

author).


Figure 8. Filled fireplace of Özelevi (Source: author).<br />

from Early Hittite Age, where there is<br />

an inner wall façade attached next to a<br />

fireplace. This informs us about an unusual<br />

application for ejecting smoke.<br />

Here, there is a clay pipe system which<br />

extends from the fireplace upwards by<br />

<br />

<br />

It is known from Hattusha ruins that<br />

Hittite fireplaces had a simple structure;<br />

semi-circular or rectangular in<br />

shape, which is made of compacted<br />

<br />

2.2. Openings<br />

Openings affect human life owing<br />

to their shape, material and aesthetic<br />

appearance. These significant parts<br />

of buildings have been transformed<br />

through the ages. However the previous<br />

applications have significant contribution<br />

to the current implementations.<br />

Figure 9. Various interior and exterior windows and doors from<br />

Özelevi (Source: author).<br />

Dark caves and underground spaces<br />

which have no openings except an<br />

entrance were the initial shelters that<br />

people hid and protected themselves<br />

from strenuous environmental conditions.<br />

Caves became insufficient<br />

shelters since people needed to connect<br />

with natural light. Therefore, by<br />

constructing their own roofs and wall<br />

covered spaces with a hole at the top,<br />

they let the light come in. Immediately<br />

afterwards, more openings have been<br />

created on the wall in order to establish<br />

connections with nature biologically<br />

and psychologically. There are such important<br />

innovations as the transition<br />

from circular plans to rectangular floor<br />

plans and the use of different materials<br />

to build walls which directly affected<br />

the door and window constructions.<br />

It is known that openings placed<br />

within exterior walls or roofs were<br />

formerly closed with covers made of<br />

wooden, cotton and similar materials<br />

<br />

utilized same techniques to close small<br />

openings within the exterior walls of<br />

their houses.<br />

By the invention of glass and various<br />

shading and fencing systems in<br />

conjunction with their joint details and<br />

insulation solutions, openings evolved<br />

through time. Even though Hittite<br />

housing lacked this technology, massive<br />

mud-brick walls should supply a<br />

significant comfort level for interior<br />

spaces. Integration of these technologies<br />

would increase this level.<br />

Chimney holes within the plain<br />

roof, as long as their covers are open,<br />

provide daylight.<br />

2.3. Roofs<br />

Previous flat or dome shaped roofs<br />

that are made of the same materials<br />

with the walls and are generally<br />

constructed contiguous of the walls<br />

evolved into integrated exceptional<br />

systems having their own structure by<br />

using roof tiles or cladding materials.<br />

Disadvantage or weakness of clay material<br />

against humidity and raining activity<br />

has been removed by utilizing these<br />

water-resistant materials and systems.<br />

On the contrary, eaves and hipped roof<br />

are used in traditional Turkish House<br />

as it can be seen in Özelevi.<br />

Structural transformations of traditional architecture from Hittites to Ottomans in Bogazkoy


2.4. Water management/sanitary<br />

installation<br />

Several Hittite Dams in Anatolia<br />

show their advanced knowledge and<br />

technology in water management sys-<br />

<br />

very close to Hattuşa, in Alacahöyük.<br />

In Hattusha, in Hittite Age, drainage<br />

systems diffused various houses on the<br />

narrow streets. This supports the idea<br />

of the presence of water management<br />

systems that were supplying water<br />

mostly from the local water sources.<br />

<br />

Organization and a permanent consideration<br />

of waterworks were facilitated<br />

by the foundation of the General<br />

Directorate of Civil Works (Bayındırlık<br />

<br />

Turkey. Moreover, drinking water had<br />

been supplied to Ankara the capital<br />

city of Turkey and the closest big city<br />

to Boğazköy by opening of the Çubuk-<br />

<br />

does not have sanitary installations,<br />

and even though its construction date<br />

is still not identified, it is believed to<br />

have been constructed earlier than<br />

the times mentioned above. However,<br />

there is a hole within the entrance hall<br />

floor, drawing off interior water via<br />

clay pipes, streaming north-west direction<br />

and reaching the retaining wall of<br />

<br />

2.5. Prop structure<br />

Despite being solid walls, prop<br />

structure has been used in addition to<br />

lacing courses (horizontal elements)<br />

in many local buildings in Boğazköy<br />

in the last few centuries. However, ac-<br />

<br />

and drawings, there were no vertical<br />

diagonal structural elements (props) in<br />

a solid wall even in another regions in<br />

ancient Anatolia. Yet all the supporting<br />

structural elements were vertical and<br />

horizontal.<br />

3. Proposal for a comparison<br />

of energy efficiency between<br />

Hittite and Ottoman housing<br />

Energy efficiency and renewable energy<br />

became very important subjects<br />

<br />

<br />

efficient building technology improved<br />

and many new systems have been de-<br />

Figure 10. Prospective reconstruction of a Hittite House<br />

(Source:author).<br />

Figure 11. Reconstruction of a Hittite house in Lower City by U.<br />

Betin (Source: Seeher, 2011).<br />

Figure 12. Local Boğazköy houses, sketches by Naumann in 1952<br />

(Source: Naumann, 1991).<br />

Figure <strong>13</strong>. Özelevi North-west façade (Source: author).


Figure 14. Plan of Gal Mesedi House<br />

(Schachner, 2015) (Source: Selin Küçük @<br />

DAI).<br />

signed. However, it should be noted<br />

that Hattusha village houses have been<br />

constructed for thousands of years in<br />

energy efficient ways without any sophisticated<br />

technologies. In addition<br />

to this, integration of the new efficient<br />

technologies to these village houses<br />

would yield much better efficiency results.<br />

In Turkey, since immigration of<br />

villagers to big cities and lack of builders,<br />

there is no more implementation<br />

possibility of them except reconstruction<br />

of specific buildings to construct<br />

such village houses.<br />

Climatic data from the building’s region,<br />

orientation of building and interior<br />

spaces, dimensions of rooms and<br />

openings, heating sources and types<br />

are significant parts of information<br />

necessary to consider energy efficiency<br />

<br />

Climatic conditions are immediately<br />

effective on local architecture. Highest<br />

comfort conditions for the users can be<br />

provided by consuming lowest energy<br />

Figure 15. Plan of Özelevi (Source: author).<br />

in conjunction with local climate based<br />

<br />

Heat transmission values of building<br />

components would be determined ac-<br />

<br />

<br />

transmission values for opaque and<br />

transparent components should be<br />

used for calculations. Prevailing wind<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

to obtain passive ventilation through<br />

openings.<br />

Exterior design temperature value<br />

for Çorum which is higher than aver-<br />

<br />

°C principally in order to determine<br />

the heating load. Maximum raining<br />

activity, which has been showed in the<br />

table below, is in May.<br />

Since relative humidity is remarkably<br />

low in Central Anatolia and Çorum<br />

is within a cold dry climatic zone,<br />

building adaptations such as small<br />

windows in order to keep warm air in-<br />

Figure 16. Wall ruins in Büyükkale A: infill and vertical wooden lacing course; B: mudbrick<br />

wall; C: horizontal wooden lacing course D: stone foundation (Naumann, 1991).<br />

Structural transformations of traditional architecture from Hittites to Ottomans in Bogazkoy


side in winters and cool air in summers<br />

and thick walls as high heat insulation<br />

elements have appeared subsequently.<br />

People constructed living spaces<br />

for themselves and their animals according<br />

to their observations without<br />

scientific climatic data for thousands<br />

of years. Present scientific data would<br />

probably show how comfortable spaces<br />

they generated by using common<br />

sense.<br />

4. Conclusion<br />

Archaeological regions that are still<br />

in use or had been used for thousands<br />

of years demonstrate temporal transformation<br />

of architecture. Turkey has a<br />

great fortune of having research on that<br />

sort of places. Especially, ancient sites<br />

surrounded within thick walls, which<br />

symbolize influential civilizations,<br />

are relatively preserved. Additionally,<br />

modern villages have more interaction<br />

with previous local architecture. Ancient<br />

Ankara Castle and the settlement<br />

surrounding by its walls, Old City of<br />

Gaziantep and further examples are<br />

available.<br />

Excavating living areas and collecting<br />

information of occupants and<br />

construction techniques was the initial<br />

activity of this study. Observations of<br />

local architecture through time shows<br />

that people learnt from previous experiences<br />

and improved construction<br />

techniques cumulatively over thousands<br />

of years.<br />

It is understood that every place has<br />

its own history and background as well<br />

as unique characteristics. However,<br />

this study can be seen as a prototype<br />

for studies to be conducted in other<br />

regions in Turkey to investigate history<br />

of Hattusha region according to its<br />

variable occupants and construction<br />

techniques.<br />

Figure 17. Reconstruction of the walls in<br />

Great Temple, 1: foundation and socle stone<br />

blocks; 2: timber framework; 3:fill of earth<br />

and stones; 4: mudbricks; 5: wall plaster;<br />

6: lime-plastered floor on a layer of packed<br />

earth (Source: Seeher, 2011).<br />

Figure 18. Prop Structure of Özelevi<br />

(Source: author).<br />

Figure 19. Sketches from Boğazköy houses (Source: author).<br />

Figure 20. Average weather data of Çorum (Source: www.corum.climatemps.com, 2014).


Figure 21. Natural lighting and ventilation draft scheme of Özelevi (Source: author).<br />

Figure 22. Natural lighting draft scheme of Özelevi that executed manually (Source: author)<br />

1<br />

The reference<br />

‘Küçük, S. &<br />

Şahin, M. (2014).<br />

Archaeoacoustics:<br />

The Archaeology<br />

of Sound. Linda<br />

C. Eneix (ed.), The<br />

OTSF Foundation:<br />

Florida’ involves<br />

interactive sections<br />

of Hattusha which<br />

varies by ages.<br />

Proliferation of modern industrial<br />

cities may not change, yet rural areas<br />

are still mainly preserved especially<br />

in Central Anatolia. There are clever<br />

buildings designed by sensitive people<br />

which are still waiting to be discovered.<br />

However, forgetting local architecture<br />

and using only modern materials<br />

without traditional experiences would<br />

result in the world changing negatively<br />

and would lead to forgetting the lessons<br />

that can be learnt from the histo-<br />

<br />

<br />

movement almost over the world made<br />

a stand against contextually disconnection<br />

of modernism’s built environment<br />

from its natural and cultural environ-<br />

tional<br />

Movement, existing traditional<br />

pattern of Anatolia had been considerably<br />

surveyed and documented (Eyüce,<br />

<br />

The critical point is designing according<br />

to local information and constructing<br />

still ‘local’. Remembering<br />

what ‘local architecture’ means, would<br />

<br />

talks and local architecture makes its<br />

speech understandable.<br />

References<br />

Barınaktan Öte:<br />

Anadolu’da Kır Yapıları, Tepe Mimarlık<br />

Kültür Merkezi, Ankara.<br />

A. Müller-Karpe, E. Rieken, W.<br />

Sommerfeld, Saeculum. Gedenkschrift<br />

für Heinrich Otten anlasslich seines<br />

<br />

<br />

Bacalar tekniği,<br />

yapısı, mimarisi ve Türk yapıcılığında<br />

baca. İstanbul: İstanbul Matbaacılık<br />

Climate, Average Weather of Turkey,<br />

Corum Climate & Temperature, Available<br />

online, http://www.corum.clima-<br />

<br />

Sungurlu, Boğazkale<br />

yöresinin iklim tipleri ve bazı öneriler.<br />

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Structural transformations of traditional architecture from Hittites to Ottomans in Bogazkoy


Hakkımızda: Tarihçe, Available online,<br />

http://dsi.gov.tr/kurumsal-yapi/hak-<br />

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Türk Evi: Osmanlı<br />

Dönemi-I. İstanbul: Türkiye Anıt Çevre<br />

<br />

Geleneksel Yapılar<br />

ve Mekanlar. İstanbul: Birsen Yayınevi<br />

Hausladen G., Saldanha M., Liedl<br />

Climate Design:<br />

Solutions for Buildings that Can<br />

Do More with Less Technology, Basel:<br />

Birkhäuser<br />

Pencere bul:<br />

Yay Yayıncılık<br />

Hittite Walls in<br />

Boğazköy: A reconstruction of audio<br />

buffer zones through time, in: e-Pro-<br />

<br />

<br />

sion,<br />

Selin Küçük.<br />

Eski Anadolu<br />

mimarlığı. Ankara: Türk Tarih Kurumu<br />

Basımevi<br />

Tarihten günümüze<br />

Anadolu’ da konut ve yerleşme (ed. Abbasoğlu,<br />

H., Özdoğan, M., Tanyeli, U. &<br />

Tapan, M.) ‘Hitit Krallığı’ nın başkenti<br />

Hattuşa’ da konut’ (s. 99-115). İstanbul:<br />

<br />

Energy efficiency<br />

and renewables: recent experience on<br />

mainland Europe. Herefordshire: Energy<br />

Advisory Associates<br />

Hattusha guide: a<br />

day in the Hittite capital. Istanbul: Ege<br />

Yayınları<br />

Geleneksel Türk mimarisinde<br />

yapı sistem ve elemanları.<br />

İstanbul: Türkiye Anıt Çevre Turizm<br />

<br />

ları,<br />

Unpublished Master dissertation,<br />

Trakya University, Edirne, TR.<br />

Evaluation of Thermal<br />

Performance of Gypsum Stabilized<br />

Adobe (Alker) for a School Building in<br />

İstanbul. Proceedings for the first international<br />

conference living in earth-<br />

<br />

-


Vernacular architecture as an<br />

alternative design approach with<br />

interpretation of Paul Ricoeur’s<br />

critical theory<br />

Maria I HIDAYATUN 1 , Josef PRIJOTOMO 2 , Murni RACHMAWATI 3<br />

1<br />

<br />

<br />

2<br />

<br />

<br />

3<br />

<br />

<br />

Indonesia<br />

Final Acceptance: January <strong>2016</strong><br />

doi: 10.5505/itujfa.<strong>2016</strong>.65807<br />

Abstract<br />

The aim of this study is to find an alternative design approach that can answer<br />

the challenges of global warming and universalization. By conducting a study<br />

on the possibility of vernacular architecture as one of the alternative design approaches,<br />

to obtain a design that is oriented to the locality but still receive the<br />

latest technology in order to obtain sustainable design.<br />

This study used a descriptive method with rhetoric as analysis techniques, to<br />

explain how the vernacular architecture can be used as a design approach that is<br />

significant at this time. This study is a library research so that the data used is the<br />

data in the form of paper documents and images obtained in the form of personal<br />

documentation and documentation done other researchers, as well as the writings<br />

of experts architecture. To support the analysis in order to get results, then use the<br />

interpretation of Paul Ricoeur’s critical theory as a basis for analysis.<br />

The result of this research is an approach to the design of vernacular architecture<br />

as a method. It is expected that by using this approach can produce a design<br />

that can answer the above challenges and provide identity in its design, so that the<br />

values of the locality and the uniqueness of the design can be raised as a design<br />

force, hopefully.<br />

Keywords<br />

Vernacular architecture, Design approach, Paul Ricoeur.


1. Introduction<br />

lar<br />

architecture becomes interesting<br />

to study materials and even a lot of<br />

research and discussions with both<br />

academics and practitioners. Vernacular<br />

architecture if it is seen as a folk<br />

architecture of the past, then it would<br />

only be a stop discussion on the under-<br />

while,<br />

Global warming and the issue<br />

of universalization and international-<br />

<br />

world forces us to be thinking of a way<br />

or method that can be used as a design<br />

approach that can address the above<br />

challenges. In addition, advances in<br />

technology and materials is also an obstacle<br />

in doing the design, therefore, it<br />

takes a study to find an appropriate design<br />

approach, in order to remedy the<br />

situation.<br />

Vernacular architecture is by Ru-<br />

-<br />

<br />

described as folk architecture. The architecture<br />

is rooted in folk certainly<br />

works that reflect the community and<br />

edge<br />

is contained in the applied technology<br />

and occurring form and tested<br />

by time, as described both by Ozkan<br />

<br />

evolved from within communities and<br />

perfected itself with the test of time in<br />

conformity with societal, and technological<br />

climatic condition, and Law-<br />

<br />

human constructs that result from the<br />

interrelations between ecological, economic,<br />

material, political and social<br />

factors. Thus, vernacular architecture<br />

is expected to be one of the solutions<br />

to the challenges mentioned above by<br />

doing a reinterpretation in order to obtain<br />

optimal results for the survival and<br />

sustainability.<br />

The objective of the research is to<br />

find a method that can be used to perform<br />

design approach that will address<br />

the challenges of globalization, universalization,<br />

and internationalization<br />

which causes loss characteristics and<br />

identity of architectural works. This<br />

method is expected to accommodate<br />

a design that can raise the value and<br />

potential of local, resulting in a work<br />

of architecture that reflects the identity<br />

and characteristics of the environment<br />

in which the building is erected<br />

as such, then its presence is not alien<br />

to the environment and local communities.<br />

<br />

to perform the architectural design approach<br />

is usually referred to as archi-<br />

<br />

of Design can be described in a num-<br />

<br />

creation of a plan or convention for the<br />

construction of an object or a system (as<br />

in architectural blueprints, engineering<br />

drawings, business processes, circuit<br />

-<br />

-<br />

<br />

some cases the direct construction of<br />

an object (as in pottery, engineering,<br />

management, and cowboy coding and<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

specification of an object, manifested<br />

<br />

goals, in a particular environment, using<br />

a set of primitive components, satisfying<br />

a set of requirements, subject to<br />

<br />

a design, in an environment (where<br />

<br />

In addition to these explanations, the<br />

design can also be in the description of<br />

both the process of making things (de-<br />

<br />

<br />

is a user-centered ... problem- solving<br />

<br />

sign<br />

is the craft of visualizing concrete<br />

solutions that serve human needs and<br />

<br />

some of the statements above design is<br />

the focus in this paper is the approach<br />

that will assist in the design.<br />

sary<br />

also be explained about the design<br />

<br />

a design approach is a general philosophy<br />

that may or may not include a<br />

<br />

to guide the overall goal of the design.<br />

Other approaches are to guide the ten-<br />

<br />

of approaches may be used if they do<br />

not conflict.


2. Method and material<br />

This study is part of my dissertation<br />

research and is a qualitative and descriptive<br />

research with Paul Ricoeur<br />

critical theory as a basis for analysis.<br />

<br />

for the techniques, to explain how the<br />

vernacular can be used as one of the<br />

significant design approaches at this<br />

point. The data used is the data in the<br />

form of paper documents and images<br />

obtained in the form of personal documentation<br />

or documentation of other<br />

researchers who have ever done, as well<br />

as the writings of experts’ architecture.<br />

<br />

to explain how the vernacular can be<br />

used as an alternative approach on architectural<br />

design.<br />

Paul Ricoeur’s critical theory (Ka-<br />

tation<br />

of vernacular buildings that can<br />

be analogized as a text that became his<br />

subject. The power of critical theory by<br />

Ricoeur is able to help configure a state<br />

into a narrative that changes the meaning<br />

with describing and evaluate them<br />

<br />

tion,<br />

means it done the reading, understanding,<br />

and explanation of a text, in<br />

this case, is the vernacular buildings.<br />

Ricoeur describes the interpretation<br />

as a movement toward the validity of<br />

the allegations and of explanation towards<br />

comprehension. Interpretation<br />

consists of allegations that are based<br />

on the experiences generated in the<br />

explanations that have to be validated<br />

by others, which ended in comprehension,<br />

which is another name to understanding<br />

informed and enriched with<br />

objective validation process (Kaplan,<br />

configuration<br />

of the narrative expe-<br />

<br />

interpretation of a model consisting of<br />

a description, explanation, argumentation<br />

and inter-subjective validation.<br />

In this interpretation theory, Ricoeur<br />

also takes over Dilthey distinction between<br />

explanation and understanding,<br />

but Ricoeur maintains that attitudes explanations<br />

and conflicting understanding<br />

must be integrated into a general<br />

theory of interpretation. Explanation<br />

and understanding are two moments in<br />

a dialectical unity and is a moment in a<br />

broader interpretation theory (Kaplan,<br />

<br />

<br />

all reach. Reading means interpreting<br />

and interpreting means understanding<br />

<br />

3. Result and discussion<br />

The results of the analysis that has<br />

been done by using narrative and rhetoric<br />

in the discussion, it was found<br />

that vernacular architecture as knowledge<br />

of the past was able to meet the<br />

challenges of globalization, internationalization<br />

and universalization. The<br />

ability to address these challenges has<br />

caused vernacular orientation and contains<br />

the knowledge about the natural<br />

environment and society, technology<br />

and materials, and the values of a local<br />

building.<br />

<br />

Ricoeur as the basis of the analysis, the<br />

knowledge of the past as the potential<br />

and power to understand, explain and<br />

be read as a result of interpretation<br />

which later became a concept to be<br />

expressed in the architectural design.<br />

Thus, the process is an approach to design<br />

that is done through the concept<br />

of vernacular as a method.<br />

Vernacular as a design approach<br />

can be described in the discussion that<br />

raised some examples of contemporary<br />

architectural works based on the<br />

work of the past through reading or<br />

interpretation of the material, shape,<br />

technology, and the natural environment.<br />

The results of the interpretation<br />

are subjective because it is influenced<br />

by background actors, so it is no longer<br />

the result of the design of the com-<br />

<br />

<br />

the language and style of the local<br />

<br />

new form of vernacular or vernacular<br />

contemporary.<br />

3.1. Jean-Marie Tjibaou Cultural<br />

Center<br />

-<br />

<br />

work inspired by local materials, the<br />

basic shape, and technology, but with<br />

new functionality designed carefully.<br />

Piano was reading of the traditional<br />

-<br />

Vernacular architecture as an alternative design approach with interpretation of Paul Ricoeur’s<br />

critical theory


donia through the material, form, and<br />

technology. Piano interpret the whole<br />

building into a concept of the spirit<br />

which is ephemeral life. Here is understood<br />

that nature is ephemeral, therefore,<br />

the material taken from nature<br />

impermanent by nature anyway, so<br />

humans must exercise care to preserve<br />

with the redevelopment of the building<br />

construction, learn the technology and<br />

update the material. It is like that de-<br />

<br />

The spirit of the Pacific is ephemeral:<br />

traditional Kanak buildings are born<br />

in unison with nature and make use of<br />

<br />

the village’s continuity over time is not<br />

bound to the survival of each individual<br />

building, but rather to the preservation<br />

of a specific construction scheme.<br />

Building upon this civilization’s typical<br />

<br />

There are two things to consider in<br />

reinterpretation the traditional Kanak<br />

<br />

first revived construction Kanak capabilities<br />

and second use of new materials<br />

such as glass, aluminum, steel and<br />

the use of advanced technologies in addition<br />

to the natural materials of wood<br />

and stone. This is to keep the impression<br />

of the character of the traditional<br />

Kanak building remains reflected, as<br />

-<br />

<br />

Building upon this civilization’s typical<br />

deep bond with nature, the project<br />

followed two main guidelines: on the<br />

one hand evoking Kanak construction<br />

capabilities, while on the other<br />

hand making use of modern materials,<br />

such as glass, aluminium, steel and<br />

advanced lightweight technologies, in<br />

addition to traditional materials, such<br />

<br />

<br />

Technology related to tectonics in<br />

design approach of the cultural center<br />

building is also becoming an import-<br />

<br />

character and identity building. How<br />

do to interpret the expansion and<br />

re-interpretation of the strength of its<br />

design, it can be observed in a solution<br />

of its tectonic details.<br />

ing<br />

is a dwelling house with one function,<br />

but Piano can be able to develop<br />

a large scale building both in terms of<br />

functionality as well as scale and not<br />

<br />

environment shall be referenced to or-<br />

<br />

<br />

the traditional Kanak concept, as de-<br />

<br />

“The identity of the Kanak is not<br />

only reinforced through the form of<br />

the building but also through its relationship<br />

with the natural landscape…<br />

<br />

exterior spaces which further explore<br />

the relationship of the Kanak culture<br />

<br />

pathway which winds through the<br />

dense natural vegetation, traditional<br />

ceremonial grounds of the Kanak with<br />

traditional huts, an outdoor auditorium,<br />

and residences for visiting artists,<br />

lecturers, scholars and students. These<br />

Figure 1. Photo of the Marie-Jean Tjibaou<br />

Cultural Center and the Traditional Karnak<br />

Building (Source: Golling’s, http://www.<br />

fondazionerenzopiano.org/project/85/jeanmarie-tjibaou-cultural-center/genesis/).<br />

Figure 2. Photo of the Marie-Jean Tjibaou Cultural Center detail<br />

construction (Source: Vasal, http://www.rpbw.com/project/41/<br />

jean-marie-tjibaou-cultural-center/#).


111<br />

spaces, as well as the main building, integrate<br />

themselves and take advantage<br />

of the natural beauty of the site.” (Kari,<br />

<br />

3.2. Sendangsono<br />

-<br />

<br />

<br />

through Javanese architecture as ver-<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

of how to design the architecture, as in<br />

write the following text:<br />

chitecture’<br />

is to speak humanity with<br />

Figure 3. Photo of the Marie-Jean Tjibaou Cultural Center<br />

landscape (Source: Golling’s, http://www.fondazionerenzopiano.<br />

org/project/85/jean-marie-tjibaou-cultural-center/genesis/).<br />

Figure 4. Photo of the public building in Sendangsono pilgrimage<br />

(Source: Erwinthon postcard 1999).<br />

Figure 5. Photo of the detail landscape and architecture (Source:<br />

Erwinthon postcard 1999).<br />

imagery and its essence, such as its materials,<br />

its form and its composition...<br />

The ethos of the ideal architectural language<br />

and its appreciation is not primarily<br />

related with extravagant, luxury<br />

and expensiveness... Thus the introduction<br />

of the eminence of the architectural<br />

language is honesty, decency, integrity<br />

or as advised by philosopher Thomas<br />

<br />

vertatis (the beauty and ellegance ra-<br />

<br />

<br />

gunwijaya<br />

when readings or interpretation<br />

of Javanese buildings put forward<br />

the concept of simplicity, so when<br />

<br />

building, material as basic references<br />

because the material used in Javanese<br />

building is a natural material and sim-<br />

<br />

building, but there is absolutely no<br />

monumental impression tends even<br />

simple, honest and natural. Besides the<br />

material, the technology is also a part<br />

gunwijaya<br />

does this through technology<br />

by conducting re-interpretation and<br />

modify it.<br />

Javanese house cannot be separated<br />

nese<br />

always lies in a wide yard, so that<br />

between the house and yard becomes a<br />

complete unity. When this condition is<br />

cept<br />

of building and nature / environment<br />

becomes the basis for the design<br />

of the whole pilgrimage complex. Ev-<br />

<br />

concern to completion based on the<br />

vernacular Javanese architecture. In<br />

this processing project, landscape, material,<br />

shape, technology and tectonic<br />

has done with Javanese vernacular architecture<br />

design approach.<br />

3.3. St. Mary Puhsarang Kediri<br />

Church<br />

<br />

<br />

church building that is located in Kediri,<br />

East Java, Indonesia, not the middle<br />

of the city but in the countryside, the<br />

slope of the mountain and amid dense<br />

population. Pont was designing this<br />

church with the basic church idea for<br />

the local community and as misipost.<br />

-<br />

Vernacular architecture as an alternative design approach with interpretation of Paul Ricoeur’s<br />

critical theory


112<br />

ty, it is the basis for the design of the<br />

<br />

Pont then read and interpret at once<br />

about the essence Javanese through a<br />

<br />

house form, materials, structure and<br />

construction, scale and environment,<br />

the design was made.<br />

Pont interprets Javanese home forms<br />

in principle similar to as a tent with<br />

arguments that do not really need the<br />

Javanese house wall, which essentially<br />

is a place for shelter, shelter from rain<br />

and the sun, not merely to take refuge<br />

<br />

It is also related to structure and<br />

construction, Pont tried to reinterpret<br />

the heavy Javanese structure becomes<br />

light structure without abandoning<br />

the essence of its structural, as well as<br />

<br />

<br />

the guidelines but are expressed in a<br />

manner and form new ones, resulting<br />

vanese<br />

characteristics.<br />

There is one thing that is interesting<br />

how Pont understands, explain and<br />

then interpreting the construction of<br />

the roof covering, with studied roof<br />

principles construction of the Javanese<br />

building, Pont found that the flexural<br />

properties of wood construction that<br />

can be replaced with a steel cable construction<br />

in the construction of the<br />

roof covering.<br />

<br />

the Javanese house building, Pont understands<br />

that use of the nature material<br />

is the strength of the Javanese architecture,<br />

therefore, Pont maintains the<br />

use of natural materials in the building.<br />

Figure 6. Photo of the transformation process from Javanese<br />

construction to Puhsarang church construction (Source: Maria I<br />

Hidayatun documentation, 2005).<br />

Figure 7. Photo of the detail roof coverings (Source: Maria I<br />

Hidayatun documentation, 2014).<br />

Deeper concern is situated on the<br />

tectonic, uniqueness in interpreting<br />

the details associated with spiritual<br />

<br />

the main guidelines for architectural<br />

completely resolve this church (Hi-<br />

<br />

<br />

that the design approach based on ver-<br />

<br />

Pont becomes a design force that can<br />

show the dynamics, harmony and unity<br />

and perfection of the whole building<br />

and the environment / nature, between<br />

Javanese and the spirituality. In<br />

this building is being demonstrated as<br />

<br />

and universality, that every part is use-<br />

<br />

<br />

clear that the vernacular as a tool can<br />

Figure 8. Photo of the St Marry Puhsarang Kediri Church complex (Source: Maria I<br />

Hidayatun documentation, 2003).


1<strong>13</strong><br />

globalization, as well as the universalization<br />

and internationalization.<br />

other<br />

alternative design approach in<br />

addressing the latest issues.<br />

Figure 9. Diagram of vernacular design approach (Source: Maria<br />

I Hidayatun, 2014).<br />

be used to help make the process of architectural<br />

design in order to answer<br />

about the issue and the phenomenon<br />

of globalization, internationalization<br />

and universalization. Vernacular oriented<br />

local wealth is able to overcome<br />

the symptoms of damage to nature by<br />

returning to the use and appreciation<br />

of local potential / local, with how to<br />

read, understand and explain and then<br />

interpreting back with knowledge and<br />

positive potential at the moment.<br />

4. Conclusion<br />

<br />

velopment<br />

of a global era can not be<br />

avoided, and it becomes a challenge to<br />

be overcome and addressed in order<br />

to minimize the occurrence of global<br />

warming and the loss of identity of a<br />

community is reflected in the architecture.<br />

Design approach with vernacular<br />

as a tool is an answer that can be justified.<br />

Therefore, there are two important<br />

points that must become consider,<br />

<br />

1. Parameter vernacular architecture<br />

als,<br />

nature and the environment, technology<br />

and structure.<br />

2. Interpretation as a basis of analysis.<br />

This theory has the advantage of<br />

doing readings, understanding, and<br />

explanation because interpretation can<br />

accommodate vernacular architecture<br />

parameters in order to get the design<br />

that can meet the challenges of today<br />

although the interpretation is subjective.<br />

Therefore, depending on the background<br />

of her interpreters.<br />

Vernacular as one of the alternative<br />

design approach can be used to answer<br />

the challenges of global warming and<br />

References<br />

Ricoeur’s<br />

Critical Theory<br />

<br />

Design Management,<br />

Managing Design Strategy,<br />

Process, and Implementation <br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

Renzo Piano. http://www.fondazione-<br />

rie-tjibaou-cultural-center/genesis/,<br />

<br />

Belajar<br />

Arsitektur Nusantara dari Gerja Puhsarang,<br />

Kediri, Tinjauan Ke-Bineka Tunggal<br />

Ika-an. <br />

<br />

<br />

-<br />

<br />

<br />

Nilai-Nilai Kesetempatan dan Kesemestaan<br />

dalam Regionalisme Arsitektur di<br />

Indonesia -<br />

<br />

-<br />

<br />

Designing<br />

for the Digital Age: How to Create Human-Centered<br />

Products and Services,<br />

Wiley Publishing, Inc., Indianapolis,<br />

Indiana.<br />

Learning<br />

from the Vernacular, in Lindsay<br />

<br />

-<br />

<br />

-<br />

<br />

Wastu Citra,<br />

PT. Gramedia, Jakarta, Indonesia<br />

<br />

<br />

tural<br />

future, Humanities Research<br />

<br />

Oxford dictionary, http://www. askoxford.<br />

com/concise_oed/design?-<br />

<br />

Traditional-<br />

Vernacular architecture as an alternative design approach with interpretation of Paul Ricoeur’s<br />

critical theory


ism and Vernacular Architecture in<br />

the Twenty-First Century, in Lindsay<br />

<br />

-<br />

<br />

-<br />

<br />

Time and<br />

Narrative, vol II<br />

<br />

Architecture<br />

Without Architects: A Short Introduction<br />

to Non-Pedigreed Architecture,<br />

<br />

<br />

Globalization:<br />

A Critical Introduction, Palgrave<br />

<br />

<br />

http://www.<br />

galinsky.com/buildings/tjibaou/ -<br />

<br />

-<br />

dazion<br />

<br />

jean-marie-tjibaou-cultural-center/<br />

<br />

<br />

Piano Building Workshop, http://www.<br />

-


Vernacular to modern in the search<br />

of sustainable development<br />

Shikha PATIDAR 1 , Brishbhanlali RAGHUWANSHI 2<br />

1<br />

<br />

Architecture, School of Planning and Architecture, Bhopal, India<br />

2<br />

<br />

Architecture, School of Planning and Architecture, Bhopal, India<br />

Final Acceptance: January <strong>2016</strong><br />

doi: 10.5505/itujfa.<strong>2016</strong>.68077<br />

Abstract<br />

India has a rich cultural heritage. Madhya Pradesh is a state located in the Central<br />

India. It is known for its tribal culture and habitat. Each tribe has a unique<br />

settlement due to climate, topography and availability of materials. The culture<br />

and architecture are closely knitted. The paper aims to study the settlement of<br />

‘Saharia’ a primitive tribe from Madhya Pradesh. The objective is to understand its<br />

socio-cultural, ecological, architectural and economic aspects. The methodology<br />

adopted is to document and analyse ‘Saharia’ tribe on these aspects. Globalization<br />

had brought a major change in social and cultural life of people.The result focuses<br />

on the adaptation of appropriate technology using locally available materials and<br />

knowledge. It requires an innovative and creative approach to incorporate the<br />

traditional knowledge in the contemporary design. The work of architects who<br />

worked on similar ideology are studied. The paper concludes by learning lessons<br />

from vernacular architecture and its adaptation in the modern context.<br />

Keywords<br />

Adaptation, Settlement pattern, Sustainable development, Tribe, Vernacular.


Figure 1. Map of India showing differnet states (Source: http://geocurrents.info/ -Map.png).<br />

Figure 2. Map of Madhya Pradesh showing districts (Source: http://www.ndma.gov.in).<br />

Figure 3. Map of India showing tribes population in India (Source: http://tribal.nic.in).<br />

1. Introduction<br />

Madhya Pradesh is a state located<br />

in the Central India. It touches five<br />

states namely Gujarat, Rajasthan, Uttar<br />

Pradesh, Chhattisgarh and Maharashtra.<br />

The state can be divided in four<br />

cultural zones such as Bundelkhand,<br />

<br />

zone has its own cultural identity such<br />

as language, dialects, customs, rituals<br />

and beliefs. The state is famous for<br />

its tribal arts and crafts in bamboo,<br />

wood, metal, metal casting, pottery,<br />

terracotta and textiles. According to<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

of them are Saharia,Gond, Bhil, Baiga<br />

and Korku.<br />

2. Culture and Architecture of<br />

Madhya Pradesh<br />

The state is famous for tribal culture<br />

and folk traditions. It is also known for<br />

its visual and performing arts. These art<br />

forms are closely associated with their<br />

beliefs, customs, religion and values. In<br />

textiles Mahaeshwari, Chanderi sarees<br />

are known for weaving, Bagh and Batik<br />

are known for printing. These designs<br />

are evolved and inspired from the surrounding<br />

environment. The weaving<br />

pattern in Maheshwari sarees ‘Laharia’<br />

is most dominating; inspired from the<br />

<br />

These patterns of textiles are also<br />

refleted in the vernacular architecture.<br />

<br />

daily life. It is a community activity<br />

performed each day after the work.<br />

Therefore, these activities have evolved<br />

the necessity of a community space like<br />

courtyard and chaupal in the settlement<br />

pattern. This resulted in a strong<br />

social binding among the community .<br />

Each tribe has its own way of settlement<br />

pattern on the basis of their culture and<br />

lifestyle like Saharia has circular, Bhil<br />

has scattered and Korku has linear. The<br />

interior walls of houses are depicted<br />

with the figures of birds, animals, trees<br />

and god-goddess through relief work.<br />

<br />

depicted on the walls are Pithora, Sanjha<br />

and on the floors are Mandana, Alpana.<br />

They adorn their roof tiles with<br />

human images and some figure which<br />

have something to do with witch-craft<br />

and evil spirts.<br />

Figure 4. Plan showing circular settlement pattern of Saharia tribe (Source: Author).<br />

Figure 5. Plan showing scattered settlement pattern of Bhil tribe (Source: Author).<br />

Figure 6. Plan showing linear settlement pattern of Korku tribe (Source: Author).


117<br />

Figure 7. The route map till ‘Khariyapura’ village (Source: https://www.google.co.in/maps).<br />

Figure 8. The geology of the near by villages (Source: https://www.google.co.in/maps/search).<br />

Figure 9. The settlement of Saharia tribe (Source: https://www.google.co.in/maps/search/).<br />

3. Objective<br />

The objective of the paper is to understand<br />

the socio-cultural, ecological,<br />

architectural and economic aspects of<br />

‘Saharia’ tribe. Saharia is a primitive<br />

tribe of Madhya Pradesh. They were<br />

formerly the dominant branch of the<br />

<br />

4. Methodology<br />

Morena distric has been chosen for<br />

the study of Saharia tribe, it is located<br />

on the north-west of Madhya Pradesh.<br />

The total population of Morena is<br />

<br />

<br />

ulation.<br />

As per the scheduled castes in<br />

the Constitution of India, Saharias are<br />

<br />

has been documented and analysed on<br />

various aspect of tribal settlement.<br />

5. Documentation of different<br />

aspects of vernacular settlement<br />

(a) Socio-cultural aspect<br />

Saharia word is derived from Persian<br />

word sahra, which means jungle.<br />

Saharias are called so because they live<br />

in jungle, dependent on forest for their<br />

livelihood. The tribe took their name<br />

from their habit of carrying axe in their<br />

hands. They belong to the cultural zone<br />

of Bundelkhand. They are found in<br />

Guna, Gwalior, Shivpuri, Bhind, Morena,<br />

Vidisha, Raisen districts of Madhya<br />

Pradesh. Saharia tribe lives in a closely<br />

knitted community among themselves<br />

but in isolation from the village and<br />

other tribes. The Morena district has<br />

<br />

<br />

As the tribal culture has a long<br />

standing stability in terms of its own<br />

identity. There is a greater unity of expression<br />

between its architecture and<br />

other areas of expression. It reflects in<br />

the way they dress, the way they built<br />

their houses and beautify them and<br />

even greater in the objects of their daily<br />

use. The fairs and festivals are an indispensible<br />

part of their life.<br />

awali,<br />

Tejaji and Assar puja (festival<br />

of rain). The God-Goddess worshiped<br />

are namely Thakur Baba and Beegasan<br />

Mata. The ‘oral tradition’ of stories,<br />

anecdotes, folk tales and puzzles are<br />

very popular among them (Mondhe,<br />

lar<br />

songs are Banna-bannai (blessings)<br />

and Rasiya (romantic songs) on the<br />

occassion of birth and marriages.<br />

Men wear a small dhoti (loincloth),<br />

saloako (shirt) and a safa (turban).<br />

Women wear a long skirt (lugda/ghaghara),<br />

upper garments (angi/coli/<br />

<br />

usually have their own unique designs<br />

of jewelley and ornaments. The popular<br />

motifs are snakes; fish and butterfly<br />

are intricately carved in the jewellery.<br />

They tattoo their bodies elaborately.<br />

They believe that every material thing<br />

is left here in this world but the only<br />

thing which goes with them to God is<br />

Figure 10. The unique forms of animistic ritual (Source: http://bravefestival.pl).<br />

Figure 11. The unique forms of animistic ritual (Source: http://bravefestival.pl).<br />

Figure 12. Tribal dance of Saharia tribe (Source: Shikha Patidar).<br />

Vernacular to modern in the search of sustainable development


their tattoo marks. Tattooing is one of<br />

the traditional art of adorning women<br />

<br />

(b) Ecological aspect<br />

Ecological isolation influenced the<br />

Saharias to remain as cultural isolates<br />

<br />

beliefs associated with trees, most<br />

villages have secret spaces under the<br />

trees. Trees with medicinal values are<br />

<br />

Vachellia nilotica.<br />

As per case study, in Khariyapura<br />

village the settlement is on a plateau<br />

surrounded by the hills, cultivated land<br />

and forest. These type of settlements<br />

are evoloved from the ecological setting<br />

and helps them to keep a vigil and<br />

<br />

plateau, it is not easy for a stranger to<br />

find out a Saharia village. The Sahariyas<br />

maintained ecological equilibrium<br />

with their environment for ages,<br />

despite low level of technology (The<br />

Saharia Tribe: A saga of struggle for<br />

existence).<br />

There is a tradition of Gotra representing<br />

the family they belong. Usually<br />

they are named after plants, trees and<br />

<br />

Salkia- shorea robusta (tree), Phool<br />

Baguliya- stork (bird). The principal<br />

species of trees found in this area are<br />

Acaric arbica, Bassia latifolia. The region<br />

has a large variety of wild animals,<br />

especially in the area covered by forests.<br />

The animals commonly found are<br />

tiger, jungle pig, snakes etc. A variety<br />

of birds are found such as the grey partridge,<br />

pea fowl, peacock.<br />

(c) Architectural aspect<br />

Site selection<br />

Pahargarh is a village surrounded<br />

by the hills, there are few settlements,<br />

whereas ‘Khariyapura’ area is selected<br />

for a case study. There is a river close<br />

to the settlement. The surface is hard<br />

with sandy soil. The vegetation is of dry<br />

and deciduous variety. This is due to<br />

the nature of soil and partly due to the<br />

climatic condition of the region.<br />

Climate, typography and geology<br />

The climate varies with the natural<br />

divisions. The area experiences extremes<br />

of temperature during summers<br />

and winters. The Saharias are mainly<br />

inhabited in the hilly tract and south<br />

and central plateau areas. The hilly<br />

tracts in the western part are made up<br />

of sandstone which offers greater resis-<br />

<br />

The village<br />

A typical Saharia village is set<br />

against the background of hills and<br />

jungles with a stream nearby. They live<br />

in a cluster of huts on a hillock or highlands<br />

which remain green with plants<br />

and other shrubs during the rainy season,<br />

but dry during the summer. They<br />

live in separate hamlets in multi-ethnic<br />

villages. Sometimes, they also have two<br />

or more hamlets in a single village. Saharia<br />

always like to settle nearer to water<br />

source and forests to get sufficient<br />

supply of wild roots, tubers, fruits, veg-<br />

<br />

a crematorium at a distance from the<br />

village; memorials of dead are in the<br />

form of square platform.<br />

Settlement pattern<br />

The settlement is connected by the<br />

pedestrian pathway to the main road.<br />

The houses are oriented towards east,<br />

north and west forming a circular pattern.<br />

The entrance to the settlement<br />

is from the south. The front facade of<br />

all the houses are towards the centre.<br />

They have a tradition of joint family.<br />

The joint families have a bigger cluster<br />

while nuclear have smaller ones.<br />

After marriage, young couple makes<br />

a new house for themselves, adjacent<br />

to the family cluster. There is a place<br />

of worship in the centre of the settlement<br />

and adjacent to it is a community<br />

space called Choupal, where grandparent<br />

look after their children while parents<br />

are working on the fields. It is also<br />

a place where people sit together and<br />

discuss social and religious matters. It<br />

is also used to accommodate the guests<br />

during occassions. The settlement utility<br />

spaces like a well for drinking water,<br />

a small grocery shop for daily needs<br />

and they have to go to weekly market<br />

called ‘haat’ for major shopping.<br />

There is also has a primary school<br />

and a health centre. They sing and<br />

dance during festivals and ceremonies.<br />

The whole settlement pattern is called<br />

“Saharana” in local dialect. A Saharana


Figure <strong>13</strong>. The settlement pattern of Saharia tribe (Source: Mandal, 1998).<br />

Figure 14. The Saharana or a commnity space (Source: Mandal, 1998).<br />

Figure 15. The Saharia settlement in the ecological setting (Source: Author).<br />

means where the Saharia families lives<br />

in a cluster. At the time of marriage<br />

and on festive occasions the people of a<br />

Saharana come forward freely and participate.<br />

Members of a Saharana co-operate<br />

with each other and reciprocate at<br />

<br />

Dwelling<br />

The Saharia dwelling is called Tapra.<br />

The houses are rectangular in shape,<br />

divided into two parts. One part is used<br />

for storage; the other is utilized for<br />

cooking, sleeping and the centre there<br />

is a niche in the wall for worshipping.<br />

A corner of a family courtyard is used<br />

for bathing, though they usually take<br />

bath at tank, well or a streamlet. They<br />

don’t have lavatory in the house; they<br />

have a tradition to go in the open fields<br />

for nature’s call. A small open space<br />

in front of a house is used as courtyard.<br />

It is a multipurpose space used<br />

for cooking, drinking water storage,<br />

and household work. Boundary wall<br />

<br />

border of the house, used as informal<br />

sitting space. Beside this is a platform<br />

<br />

the open. The functions and aesthetics<br />

are closely related to each other. There<br />

is no division between the function<br />

and the aesthetic, the material and use<br />

of it. The walls are painted. Windows<br />

are not found due to extreme climatic<br />

conditions. The absence of plinth keeps<br />

the floor damp. A cattle shed is at the<br />

back of cooking area. They also have<br />

shed for pigs and chickens. In some<br />

other places it is found where locally<br />

available material is stone. Most of<br />

the construction is done by stone only.<br />

They perform their major activities in<br />

open. The main objects of stone craft<br />

in the village areas are idols of locally<br />

worshipped deities. Horses occupy a<br />

significant status as a symbol of power<br />

and force. It is found in different forms<br />

in murals, sculpture and even in the<br />

structural members of the built form.<br />

Construction method and techniques<br />

The materials used for construction<br />

of houses depend on locally available<br />

material. Houses are load bearing<br />

structure of random rubble masonry<br />

and mud mortar. They go for shallow<br />

foundation because of hard strata. The<br />

walls are made up of stones, plastered<br />

with mud; cow-dung is used as a finishing<br />

material. The walls are painted<br />

with lime, minerals and herbal colours.<br />

ity<br />

purposes. In order to prevent clay<br />

surfaces from cracking and crumbling<br />

a fresh coat of clay and cow dung is applied<br />

from time to time.<br />

Pitched roof is a common form of<br />

roof, regarded as the cheapest alternative<br />

for covering a structure. It is<br />

Figure 16. Plan of Saharia dwelling at Kahariya village (Source: Shikha Patidar).<br />

Figure 17. Elevation of the dwelling (Source: Shikha Patidar).<br />

Vernacular to modern in the search of sustainable development


Figure 18. The cooking space in the dwelling (Source: Author).<br />

Figure 19. The bathing space in the dwelling (Source: Author).<br />

Figure 20. The informal sitting space in front of the dwelling (Source: Author).<br />

constructed in wood or stone. Wooden<br />

pitched roof consists of a system of<br />

joists, rafters and purlins arranged in<br />

the form of a triangular shaped truss.<br />

The wooden doors are pivoted, ledged<br />

and battened and paneled. Paneled<br />

doors made of single plank and carved<br />

with the motifs of birds, animals, human<br />

figure and geometry design.<br />

orated<br />

with the relief work. The Saharia<br />

women besmear the main doorframes,<br />

doorsills, courtyard and kitchen with a<br />

paste of yellow clay, chalk and ochre.<br />

They paint auspicious figures with<br />

these materials. This painting is done<br />

not only on special occasions and almost<br />

daily in the kitchen. This shows<br />

their aesthetic sense even in daily routine<br />

activities. It is very difficult for<br />

urbane to appreciate the vision behind<br />

this (Madhya Pradesh Tribal Museum).<br />

The clay figures are prevalent to<br />

mark both auspicious as well as inauspicious<br />

occasions. The construction<br />

method and techniques has evovled<br />

by the process of trail and error for<br />

ages. Stone image concretize a spiritual<br />

longing ensuring the continuance of a<br />

<br />

Aesthetic<br />

The walls are decorated with geometric<br />

patterns, floral and animal<br />

figures. The wall paintings and floor<br />

paintings apart from serving ritualistic<br />

purposes are believed to create a<br />

harmonious atmosphere in the house.<br />

They have stabilised mud flooring<br />

covered with cow dung and decorated<br />

with coloured clay borders defining the<br />

spaces. The clay commonly available is<br />

yellow ochre, white and red. A broad<br />

border painted in the house along its<br />

base lends grandeur to the dwelling.<br />

They are symbols drawn afresh each<br />

time in the courtyard, on the threshold<br />

and in other spaces of the house.<br />

Auspicious symbols drawn on the<br />

floor with rice paste ochre or yellow<br />

earth color is done by women drawn<br />

during festivals or rituals connected<br />

with seasonal changes, sowing of crops,<br />

the onset of rain, harvest or significant<br />

occasion in their family such as birth,<br />

puberty, marriage, pregnancy and<br />

death. The simple decoration of ochre<br />

and mud on the platform for keeping<br />

earthen pots and on sides of niches add<br />

charm to the surroundings. The relief<br />

work is usually done at the entrance<br />

and on the walls during the construction<br />

of the house, when the wall is wet.<br />

The similar relief work appears on the<br />

grain storage bins which is made of<br />

clay and husk.<br />

(d) Economic aspect<br />

Traditionally they are agriculturers,<br />

labourers and collectors of forest products<br />

and sellers of herbal medicines.<br />

Their agricultural income is marginal<br />

but they get substantial additional income<br />

from working in the forests and<br />

Figure 21. The construction of stone wall with mud plaster (Source: Author).<br />

Figure 22. The timber truss with the supporting wooden members (Source: Author).<br />

Figure 23. The stone roof with the supporting stone members (Source: Author).


121<br />

Figure 24. The decoration in the worshipping area (Source: Author).<br />

Figure 25. The floor decorated with yellow ochre (Source: Author).<br />

Figure 26. The ledged and battened door (Source: Author).<br />

Figure 27. The relief work on the granary (Source: Author).<br />

collecting minor forest produce such<br />

as honey, edible gums. They are good<br />

huntsmen. The main business is gathering<br />

and selling of forest wood, gum,<br />

honey, fruits and vegetables. Some of<br />

them are settled cultivators. The people<br />

of ‘Sahariyas’ tribe never bothered<br />

of their future, because they were confident<br />

that forests, which they respect<br />

and protect, would never leave them<br />

hungry. However, the other groups of<br />

society have exploited the forests to tilt,<br />

for meeting their self interests (The Saharia<br />

Tribe: A saga of struggle for existence).<br />

They possess a few cots (khatiya),<br />

some utensils, iron implements,<br />

scanty clothes, light bedding and small<br />

granaries. Bamboo baskets of different<br />

shapes and sizes are found in every<br />

house for daily use. One grinding<br />

stone is an essential item for a Saharia<br />

source<br />

management and respect the<br />

natural resoures like water, land and<br />

forest. They know the appropriate use<br />

the materials and try to use it without<br />

secondary processing. There is minimum<br />

wastage of energy and resources.<br />

Multipurpose uses of space make<br />

the houses small and economical. The<br />

houses are designed with the bare min-<br />

<br />

construction, the main trunk of the<br />

tree with desired diameter and length<br />

is used as the main supports, the smaller<br />

pieces of branches as rafters, purlins,<br />

battens and the leaves, bushes, grass as<br />

the covering material.<br />

6. Integration of vernacular and<br />

modern<br />

Vernacular traditions lead a way<br />

towards the sustainable built environment.<br />

The valuable lessons from<br />

vernacular can be integrated with the<br />

modern to produce sustainable de-<br />

<br />

need understanding of users way of<br />

life, social and cultural values. Aryana<br />

<br />

Charles Correa and Anandgram by<br />

<br />

examples of integration of vernacular<br />

and modern. Architects like Louis<br />

Kahn, Lourie Baker, Shirish Beri, Revathi<br />

and Vasanth Kamath, Satprem<br />

Maini, Anupama Kundoo and Yatin<br />

Pandya have incorporated the principles<br />

of vernacular traditions in their<br />

contemporary buildings.<br />

<br />

selected as an example of resettlement.<br />

-<br />

<br />

and Vasanth Kamath their work is<br />

a creative synthesis of attitudes and<br />

technologies into an aesthetic habitat<br />

and a way of life. They believe in using<br />

natural resources and utilize them<br />

to the most and are on a mission to<br />

Figure 28. The unit after 30 years (Source: http://www.kamathdesign.org/project/anandgram).<br />

Figure 29. The setion of a cluster (Source: http://www.kamathdesign.org/project/anandgram).<br />

Figure 30. The detailed plan of a cluster (Source: http://www.kamathdesign.org/project/anandgram).<br />

Figure 31. The plan of a settlement structure (Source: http://www.kamathdesign.org/project/anandgram).<br />

Vernacular to modern in the search of sustainable development


122<br />

Table 1. Lessons from Vernacular Architecture of Saharia Tribe (Source: Author).<br />

Aspects<br />

Socio-cultural<br />

Ecological<br />

Architectural<br />

Economic<br />

Parameters<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

Community participation<br />

Belief and rituals<br />

Worshipping nature<br />

Gotra (family name or identity)<br />

Building with nature<br />

Association with domestic<br />

animals<br />

Site selection<br />

Climate responsive<br />

Settlement pattern<br />

<br />

Materials<br />

Construction method<br />

Aesthetics<br />

Livelihood<br />

Resource management<br />

Waste management<br />

Particulars<br />

They usually have joint families. When a couple gets married they built a new<br />

house in the same cluster.<br />

<br />

Men wear- shirt, loincloth and turban. Women wear ghangha, choli, sari.They<br />

wear ornaments of gold and silver depicting the nature.<br />

The houses are constructed by themseleves and by community participation.<br />

In the centre of a settlement they have a place of worship. The ornamentation of<br />

the house is assosciated with beliefs and rituals.<br />

They worship some specific trees on special occasion. Some of them have<br />

<br />

<br />

shorea robusta (tree), Phool Baguliya- stork (bird). Therefore they never harm<br />

them.<br />

Houses are built respecting the typography.<br />

Animals are integral part of their family they keep cow, goat, pig, chicken.<br />

The houses are built on plateau surrounded by the hills, site is usually close to the<br />

source of water. The construction is done on non-fertile land.<br />

The house form is evoloved as per the climatic condition. Less openings are<br />

provided due to exterme temperature.<br />

It has circular settlement pattern with the community space at the centre.<br />

<br />

Locally avaliable material like sandstone, laterite, mud, wood and grass.<br />

Shallow foundation, load bearing structure with stone masonry, mud plaster,<br />

wooden trusees, stone slabs and wooden doors.<br />

The walls and doors are decorated with the relief work. The murals depicted on<br />

the walls are Pithora, Sanjha and on the floors are Mandana, Alpana.<br />

<br />

Judicial use of materials.<br />

Recycling of material.<br />

substitute concrete, cement and energy-consuming<br />

systems with sun,<br />

water, wind and soil. Ecology must<br />

be understood to encompass both<br />

nature and culture. The settlement is<br />

designed for traditional community<br />

of performing artists and craftsmen<br />

in their own traditional pattern by intergraing<br />

values, customs, beliefs and<br />

lifestyle. The challange was to provide<br />

the built-fabric to the community in<br />

relation to the urban form. It is one of<br />

the best examples of reflection of culture<br />

in architecture in the contemporary<br />

design. (Revathi Kamath)<br />

(a) Beach house at Deogad,<br />

Maharastra<br />

The design of this beach house stems<br />

from a basic simplicity of lifestyle and<br />

from its symbiotic relationship with<br />

nature. The main entrance to the house<br />

meanders through the portal created<br />

by the two existing Cashurina trees.<br />

The Undal tree with a seating platform<br />

and Tulasi forms the vista through the<br />

car porch. The house is basically one<br />

single unified space under one roof,<br />

with functions differentiated by low<br />

partition walls, curtains, levels etc.<br />

to create a continues uninterrupted<br />

merging with the surrounding nature<br />

gad).


Table 2. Adaptation of Vernacular in Modern Architecture (Source: Author).<br />

Aspects Parameters Particulars<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

Mixed culture therefore celebrate Hoil, Christams, Eid.<br />

Socio-cultural<br />

<br />

Influenced by western culure<br />

Community participation<br />

Less community participation<br />

Ecological<br />

Architectural<br />

Economic<br />

Belief and rituals<br />

Worshipping nature<br />

Gotra (family name/ identity)<br />

Building with nature<br />

Association with domestic<br />

animals<br />

Site selection<br />

Climate responsive<br />

Settlement pattern<br />

<br />

Multi-purpose space<br />

Materials<br />

Construction method<br />

Aesthetics<br />

Lifestyle<br />

Cost effective<br />

Resource management<br />

Waste management<br />

They are not depicted or identified in the dwellings as their identities.<br />

Houses are not built as per the natural setting.<br />

<br />

Most of the buildings are not eco-friendly nor climate responsive.<br />

<br />

<br />

agriculture land is also used for construction.<br />

Less climate responsive, house forms are not as per the climatic condition. They<br />

are depended on mechanical devices.<br />

<br />

‘Saharia’ can be adopted. Ar. Revathi Kamath has adopted principles vernacular<br />

<br />

They are designed as per the economic statues like High income group (HIG),<br />

Middle income group (MIG) and Low income group (LIG).<br />

<br />

principles of vernacular architecture in his modern house.<br />

Market oriented materials are used, locally avaliable materials are neglected.<br />

Ar. Laurie Baker has adopted principles of vernacular architecture with the<br />

adoption of locally material and techniques.<br />

Locally avaliable material can be upgraded with the help of modern technology.<br />

Ar. Satprem Maine has adopted in Mud architecture.<br />

There is no identity of the region. Contemporary art can incorporated in<br />

architecture, Ar. Charles Correa has adopted in Vidhan Sabha, Bhopal.<br />

Globalization had brought a change in social life and cultural identity.<br />

Comparative market, transportation cost is more. When appropriate material is<br />

used, it is cost effective.<br />

<br />

secondary materia should be done.<br />

<br />

done projects using waste materials.<br />

Figure 32. The site plan of the residence (Source: http://architecturenewsplus.com).<br />

Figure 33. The cross- sections of the residence. (Source: http://architecturenewsplus.com/).<br />

Vernacular to modern in the search of sustainable development


124<br />

Figure 34. The building is an eco-friendly structures (Source: http://thehindu.com).<br />

Figure 35. Jaali wall provide light and ventilation. (Source:http://earthbagbuilding.com).<br />

Figure 36. Jaali wall providiving natural light (Source: http://desertmonster.wordpress.com).<br />

(b) Laurie Baker in Kerala<br />

“I dont think Ive ever been inspired<br />

by what other architects have done but<br />

more by what ordinary craftsmen have<br />

created (Laurie Baker). Laurie Baker in<br />

in his designs, asserted the appropriateness<br />

of the traditional construction<br />

to local condition, adapting existing locally<br />

available materials and traditional<br />

methods to contemporary urban structures.<br />

The beautiful use of exposed<br />

bricks in walls, arches, jaali patterns.<br />

He is renowned for his initatives in cost<br />

effective and energy efficient designs.<br />

(c) Satprem Maini in Auroville<br />

Building with earth has a great past,<br />

and also a promising future everywhere<br />

in the world. Proper management<br />

of natural resources is essential<br />

for sustainable development, says Satprem.<br />

Satprem specializes in the use<br />

of raw earth as a building material and<br />

especially compressed stabilised earth<br />

blocks (CSEB). He has also specialised<br />

in the construction of arches, vaults<br />

and domes built with earth, disaster<br />

resistance with CSEB and earthen heritage<br />

conservation. The CSEB, designed<br />

by Satprem, are made by mixing earth<br />

<br />

cement. This mix is then compressed in<br />

a manual press. The blocks are energy<br />

effective as it does not require burning.<br />

It is also cost effective (Maini)<br />

(d) Charles Correa- contemporary<br />

art in architecture<br />

<br />

brilliantly inventive in his deployment<br />

of certain timeless themes in Indian culture<br />

and philosophy – journey, passage,<br />

void and the representation of the cosmos.<br />

He uses them as a means to creating<br />

ambitious new spaces and structures.<br />

His deep understanding of the<br />

implications of climate, demographics,<br />

transport and community life has a universal<br />

quality and has helped structure<br />

the thematic arrangement of the exhibition.”<br />

Rooted both in modernism and<br />

the rich traditions of people, place and<br />

climate. (Charles Correa)<br />

(e) Yatin Pandya – recyling waste<br />

material<br />

Recycling domestic waste as building<br />

components is an environmental,<br />

economic and aesthetic imperative.<br />

“Holistic architecture is experientially<br />

engaging, environmentally sustaining,<br />

socio-culturally responsive and most importantly<br />

contextually appropriate. Context<br />

in terms of culture, climate and construction.<br />

In the context of India history<br />

is alive through lived in traditions. We<br />

are lucky to find repository of traditional<br />

wisdom through its deep long passage of<br />

time. We endeavor to create contextually<br />

relevant contemporary resolutions that<br />

inspire from the rich Indian traditions<br />

and yet aspire for its future dreams.” (Yatin<br />

Pandya).-<br />

Figure 37. The Vikas Community, Auroville, Tamil Nadu, India (Source: http://cseindia.org).<br />

Figure 38. The Vikas Community, Auroville, Tamil Nadu, India (Source: http://cseindia.org).<br />

Figure 39. The training centre of the Auroville Earth Institute (Source: http://earthauroville).


Figure 40. The Vidhan Sabha, Bhopal (Source: http://en.wikiarquitectura.com).<br />

Figure 41. The contemporary art in Vidhan Sabha, Bhopal (Source: http://jangarh-singhshyam.in).<br />

Figure 42. Arts Centre, Jaipur, Jawahar Kala Kendra (Source: http://jawahar-kala-kendra).<br />

7. Conclusion<br />

The key parameter of sustainability<br />

is the social and cultural relevance. The<br />

diversity of the local culture is eloquent<br />

in the way they treat and manage their<br />

environment. The built environment is<br />

shaped by the values and cultural believes<br />

of the community. Globalization<br />

has brought a major change in the lifestyle.<br />

The patterns of evolution, adapting<br />

to the change in traditions, is critical<br />

for the continuity of cultures.<br />

In contemporary architecture, it<br />

is important to identify the need for<br />

human comfort. As the climate is<br />

changing rapidly, the settlement has<br />

to be modified and adapted to fulfill<br />

the changing needs and lifestyles. The<br />

buildings should be climate responsive<br />

and energy efficent. It is not advised to<br />

shun the tradition completely, continuity<br />

with the past is essential for the sustainability<br />

of a community as a whole.<br />

The focus of ecological sustainability is<br />

to create a balance between man and<br />

his environment including both natural<br />

and man-made. The aim is to work<br />

with nature and not against it.<br />

Physical sustainability is one of the<br />

most tangible forms of sustainability.<br />

As the needs and values of the society<br />

changes, the buildings either adapt<br />

themselves to suit the new demands or<br />

neglected or get replaced by the modern<br />

ones. The world is witnessing the<br />

repercussions of globalization.<br />

Consequently, the vernacular form<br />

of architecture is rapidly being replaced<br />

with new industrial materials<br />

such as steel and concrete. It has been<br />

observed that when building fail to<br />

meet the basic requirements of contemporary<br />

standards, conflicts arises<br />

and often leads to overcrowding. To<br />

increase physical sustainability, restore<br />

the buildings, cultural character with<br />

community partnership and their tradition<br />

knowledge. Upgradation and<br />

adaptive use of locally available material<br />

should be encouraged.<br />

Economic sustainability can be<br />

achieved by low cost techniques, environmental<br />

friendly and energy ef-<br />

<br />

multiple use of spaces and judicial use<br />

materials and resources.<br />

“Satisfying the spiritual economic<br />

and material needs of the people is determining<br />

condition for sustainable architecture<br />

and every decision concerning<br />

areas, the design of a building must<br />

be sensitive to the culture, the resources,<br />

and the character of the place. The<br />

risk is global standards global modes of<br />

building and global processes will overwhelm<br />

the local context” (Willianson et<br />

<br />

To achieve sustainability in the living<br />

environment, a balance needs to<br />

be achieved between the available resources<br />

and needs of a contemporary<br />

Figure 43. The filler slabs made from glass and plastic (Source: http://insideoutside.in).<br />

Figure 44. The digital waste, cds used to make doors (Source: manav-sadhna).<br />

Figure 45. Recycled glass, plastic bottles used as partition walls (Source: http://insideoutside.in).<br />

Vernacular to modern in the search of sustainable development


society. The survival of the past will<br />

depend completely on the ability to<br />

adapt to the needs of the future. It can<br />

therefore be concluded that sustainable<br />

development can only be achieved by<br />

learning, understanding and appreciating<br />

the past. The traditional settlements<br />

are eloquent the traditional wisdom in<br />

sustainable development. They are developed<br />

as a sensitive response to climate,<br />

topography culture and natural<br />

resources and therefore sustainable in<br />

social, economical and cultural sense.<br />

Acknowledgments<br />

We are greatly thankful to department<br />

of Culture, Archology, Tribal<br />

Research Institute, Tribal Museum,<br />

State Archological Museum of Madhya<br />

Pradesh.<br />

Glossary<br />

Bhil: one of the main tribes living in<br />

<br />

Byelaws: rules governing the building<br />

construction activities of a place.<br />

Chaupal: denotes a common meeting<br />

place in a village which is owned by<br />

the whole community in Hindu.<br />

Dusharra: festival to commemorate<br />

the victory of Loord Rama over Ravana<br />

the demon-god; also celebrating<br />

Shakti’s killing of the demon Mahishasura.<br />

Dwelling: is the name given to a<br />

house form or for living somewhere.<br />

Gotra: a descent from a common<br />

ancestor/ family name or identity<br />

Haat: weekely market<br />

Jaali: lattices made of bamboo, grass<br />

and clay, used on mud houses in Sarguja,<br />

Raigarh. Made by women, these<br />

lattices are an example of traditional<br />

village architecture.<br />

Pithora: votive wall painting made<br />

by the Bhils, worshipped with sacrifices.<br />

Sahariya: primitive tribe living in<br />

Gwalior, Shivpuri and Morena in the<br />

north-westrn part of Madhya Pradesh.<br />

The people of this tribe consider Sabari<br />

of Ramayana to their first ancestor.<br />

References<br />

<br />

guin<br />

Group<br />

na<br />

Jile ki Saharia Janjati ka Sanskritik<br />

Pralakhan. In: Bhopal: Tribal Research<br />

Institute<br />

-<br />

<br />

org/project/anandgram<br />

Madhya Pradesh Triba Museum.<br />

seum.com/tribes-sahariya.html<br />

re<br />

and Cultural Change in the Saharia<br />

<br />

Ltd<br />

<br />

and Saharia. Bhopal (Madhya Pradesh):<br />

Aadijati Kalyan Vibhaj Madhya<br />

Pradesh Sasan<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

Patidar, S. n.d. Madhy Pradesh ke<br />

<br />

Jansampark<br />

<br />

Crafts of Madhya Pradesh. Ahmedabad:<br />

Mapin Publishing Pvt. Ltd.,<br />

Ahmedabad in association with Vanya<br />

Prakashan, Bhopal<br />

ditions<br />

Contemporary Architecture.<br />

<br />

Institute (TERI). TERI Press<br />

<br />

http://www.slideshare/the-sahariyatribe<br />

<br />

bals_in_Madhya_Pradesh


Re-dignifying vernacular for<br />

constructing national identity:<br />

Elitism, grand traditions and<br />

cultural revival in Bahrain<br />

Ranjith DAYARATNE<br />

<br />

University of Bahrain, Isa Town, Bahrain<br />

Final Acceptance: January <strong>2016</strong><br />

doi: 10.5505/itujfa.<strong>2016</strong>.43534<br />

Abstract<br />

Since the discovery of oil, the decline of the pearl industry and the emergence<br />

of modern architecture, most vernacular buildings in Bahrain had become dilapidated.<br />

Over time, their occupiers had moved onto other modern and luxurious<br />

buildings that are available aplenty now, although often lacking in local identity<br />

and national character. Recently, there is a renewed interest in the historical vernacular,<br />

considered necessary to be rejuvenated for the infusion of national pride<br />

and construction of national identity. The Ministry of Culture as well as reputed<br />

architects have adopted strategies of ‘re-dignifying the historical vernacular’ of<br />

Bahrain with the intention of rekindling the interest in the historical traditions<br />

and re-infusing them to modern life. This paper examines a number of re-dignified<br />

buildings, and re-invented grand traditions of Bahrain and how they are<br />

being re-modeled for the present day consumption. It advances the theory that<br />

architecture and national identity are intertwined through ‘elitism’ and ‘grand traditions’,<br />

and buildings that embody such narratives are considered culturally rich.<br />

It thus re-assesses the reproduction of vernacular being articulated in the present<br />

context of globalization.<br />

Keywords<br />

Bahrain, Grand traditions, National identity, Re-dignifying vernacular.


1. Introduction<br />

The significance of vernacular for<br />

the construction of identity of a nation<br />

is often overlooked and not explicitly<br />

acknowledged, although evidence<br />

abounds in countries where rich vernacular<br />

had existed. Bahrain, an is-<br />

<br />

<br />

country where this link has recently<br />

become explicitly articulated by the<br />

state, aptly supported and acknowledged<br />

by the general public. Undeniably,<br />

Bahrain has been endowed with<br />

rich traditions and vernacular that<br />

claim a significant history of more than<br />

<br />

vernacular is nothing to be surprised<br />

of. Identity however is not something<br />

static and is to be constructed not only<br />

by means of rejuvenating the vernacular.<br />

It is multi-faceted and thus vernacular<br />

provides a veneer of that identity<br />

which is immersed in the past that<br />

can be projected into the future. This<br />

duality of its potential re-deployment<br />

endows it with a complexity and richness<br />

that need to be understood and<br />

grasped with their nuances of existence<br />

and articulation. This paper seeks to<br />

examine a number of recently executed<br />

projects rejuvenating the vernacular<br />

traditions of Bahrain and delves into<br />

the links they exhibit with the ‘forms of<br />

traditions’ and cultural facets, together<br />

with the socio-economic and socio-political<br />

meanings associated with<br />

their makings.<br />

<br />

modernism that was employed often<br />

to generate pride and national identity<br />

in many societies which were in the<br />

process of inventing themselves anew.<br />

Even a country like India with abundance<br />

of rich vernacular recovering<br />

from years of colonization sought not<br />

to return to roots but to seek alternatives<br />

from modern architecture in their<br />

quest for national pride. For example<br />

in commissioning Chandigarh, it has<br />

been said,<br />

“Our basic purpose [in Chandigarh]<br />

is to create a sense of pride in the citizen,<br />

not only in his own city, but in India,<br />

its past and its potential imminent<br />

future …. We are seeking symbols, to<br />

restore or to create pride and confidence<br />

in [the Indian] himself and his<br />

<br />

Post–modernism however brought<br />

to light the value and relevance of traditions<br />

and the vernacular and have<br />

re-infused the sense of culture and<br />

history as a significant component of<br />

identity construction. Geoffery Bawa,<br />

the Sri Lankan architect who spearheaded<br />

critical regionalism indeed<br />

created numerous projects of such<br />

revisionist approaches from the construction<br />

of the holiday resorts to the<br />

national parliament of Sri Lanka. In<br />

fact, when construction of national<br />

identity is the objective of a project, it<br />

has become quite common for many<br />

to return to the vernacular in search<br />

for the roots and the culture core that<br />

nurtures and cherishes the traits that<br />

are to define identity. Perhaps it is for<br />

<br />

later regretted the erasure of all its vernacular<br />

and historical buildings in the<br />

pursuit of a new modernism and fast<br />

<br />

<br />

2. Theorizing national identity,<br />

vernacular culture, and elitism<br />

The concept of a ‘‘nation’’ is the manifestation<br />

of various internalized and<br />

externalized forces and conceptualizations<br />

of a group of people whose existence<br />

situates them in a locality as well<br />

as globally, contributing to a sense of<br />

belonging and attachment to the group<br />

of their own. Identity is a social construct<br />

that emanates from this sense<br />

of belonging which enables people to<br />

distinguish themselves against ‘others’.<br />

tion<br />

of everyday living of people contributes<br />

both directly and indirectly to<br />

this process through material as well as<br />

non-material attributes. Indeed, at the<br />

heart of this lies an inalienable bond<br />

between people and the land upon<br />

which they ‘dwell’. However, it is only<br />

if architecture possesses such possibilities<br />

to inculcate a bond between people<br />

and places, and provide unique symbols<br />

and material artifacts of character<br />

that they will be treated as being able to<br />

represent the nation.<br />

structed<br />

material world concretizes<br />

and expresses the values of a society<br />

and its founding ideologies. McMa-


and asserts that collective identity of<br />

a people is reflected through material<br />

culture and that architecture is one of<br />

its expressive mediums. In fact, it is<br />

well known that architecture creates<br />

meanings, and that architectural elements<br />

produce symbolism, narratives<br />

and ideological connotations (Good-<br />

tional<br />

architecture’ thus reflects the<br />

perceived self of its people through<br />

styles, elements, order and compositional<br />

languages it employs. National<br />

identity however is imagined to exist<br />

without or even before material culture<br />

comes into existence and therefore architecture,<br />

which then it represents. To<br />

the contrary, it is argued that as a tangible<br />

manifestation of a way of thinking<br />

and inhabiting the world concretized<br />

through symbols, architecture by itself<br />

does create national identity rather<br />

than simply reflect it.<br />

Throughout history and across<br />

the world, architecture has produced<br />

unique and intrinsic symbols for articulating<br />

the notions of nations representing<br />

many different people. Classical<br />

architecture accomplished this task<br />

gracefully through the monuments<br />

while the vernacular lent a humble and<br />

<br />

to the construction of identity in two<br />

ways. First, it inculcated an attachment<br />

to the past, glorified it and continued<br />

to make them be present, at any given<br />

time. Secondly, it endowed legitimacy<br />

to those who authored them to<br />

<br />

crats<br />

derived their power through the<br />

<br />

to these were symbolic meanings derived<br />

from myth and mysticism. For<br />

example, classical orientalism couched<br />

in notions of cosmic energies and supernatural<br />

connections brought about<br />

a sense of commonality and belonging<br />

among people who believed in them<br />

which the rulers employed to assert<br />

ture<br />

was thus engaged to authorize<br />

accepted ideologies and to construct<br />

a collective consciousness as a socially<br />

cohesive imagination fostering a strong<br />

sense of attachment to a geo-political<br />

body among a given group of people.<br />

When skillfully crafted, architecture<br />

thus persuades consensus and brings<br />

about a sense of belonging necessary<br />

for constructing the notion of a nation<br />

and help sustain a group of people in<br />

collective unity.<br />

<br />

‘‘have always possessed the emotive<br />

collective qualities’’ that can bring a<br />

nation together, and that architecture<br />

is indeed such a symbol. Symbols as<br />

material representations of people are<br />

impregnated with latent and manifest<br />

-<br />

<br />

culture, symbolism and tradition are<br />

at the base of national identity. In his<br />

seminal book ‘‘the invention of tradition’’,<br />

he explains that traditions are often<br />

constructed and given a semblance<br />

of historical continuity and legitimacy,<br />

when in fact they are mere innovations<br />

of older customs or very novel<br />

and relatively recent creations. Often,<br />

the continuities or meanings claimed<br />

are argued to be misconceptions of the<br />

historic past or myths.<br />

Multiple processes are sought to<br />

construct nationhood, although often<br />

the historical traditions are taken as<br />

one of the most desirable. Historical<br />

traditions embody the imagined continuity<br />

of historical narrative, social<br />

and cultural relevance and the collective<br />

consciousness of the communities<br />

of the past. However, as Colquhoun<br />

argues, ‘‘the use of the past to supply<br />

models [a way of practicing historicism]<br />

for the present depends upon<br />

the ideological distortions of the past’’<br />

<br />

not construct identity per se. Nevertheless,<br />

each collective of people and the<br />

geo-body that provides for anchorage<br />

of their collective identity adopt multiple<br />

techniques and strategies including<br />

the practice of historicism not only to<br />

construct the nation, but also to re-define<br />

and deploy the notions of nation as<br />

an essential component of their being.<br />

Often, among such techniques,<br />

deployment of what is perceived as<br />

‘an authentic character’, generated by<br />

uniqueness of culture has always played<br />

a significant role. In fact, Rapoport<br />

ture<br />

over numerous physical factors<br />

in the making of the domestic form<br />

and its contribution to the generation<br />

Re-dignifying vernacular for constructing national identity elitism, grand traditions and cultural<br />

revival in Bahrain


of character of rural settings. Similar-<br />

<br />

lationships<br />

between culture and architectural<br />

traditions (i.e. folk, vernacu-<br />

<br />

clearly establish that, culture, tradition<br />

and authentic character inherent in the<br />

vernacular are intrinsic manifestations<br />

of the values of a given group of people<br />

and therefore have the potency to<br />

generate symbols for the construction<br />

of national identity. Hobsbawm and<br />

gest<br />

that it is ‘selective traditions’ that<br />

help articulate ‘architectural identity’<br />

that are effectively deployed to narrate<br />

the notions of a nation.<br />

tween<br />

‘grand design traditions’ and<br />

‘folk design traditions’, which can be<br />

associated respectively with ‘high’ and<br />

‘other levels’ of cultures of a given so-<br />

<br />

similar cultural division. Wijetunge<br />

<br />

establishes that in fact, these variations<br />

of traditions possessed and articulated<br />

by elites, sub-elites and peasants need<br />

to be clearly understood in terms of<br />

their potency for establishing national<br />

identity since they play different roles.<br />

<br />

between elites, sub-elites and peasants<br />

articulate veneers of national Identity<br />

through grand and folk traditions. He<br />

points out that as Mosca defines, the<br />

elite are not only raised high above the<br />

rest of society but are in fact, intimately<br />

connected with the masses through<br />

the ‘sub-elites’. This larger group of<br />

sub elites represents for all intents and<br />

purposes ‘the society’, and were also<br />

referred to as the ‘middle-class’ in the<br />

<br />

does not only supply recruits to the<br />

governing elite class, but composes<br />

a vital element in the government of<br />

society. Within the middle-class, we<br />

may find ‘higher’ and ‘lower’ strata,<br />

<br />

former comprised of those in “professional,<br />

technical and [relatively] higher<br />

managerial occupations”. The lower<br />

conversely, will extend to the ones in<br />

the “more routine clerical and administrative<br />

jobs”. The middle-class could<br />

also be placed on par with the idea of<br />

‘intelligentsia’.<br />

<br />

‘middle-class’ or more specifically of<br />

the sub-elites that is taken as truly representative<br />

of a society and defines the<br />

identity of a nation. Firstly, they stand<br />

out as the majority. Secondly, they form<br />

the middle-ground. Most importantly<br />

however, they form the essential links<br />

<br />

the case of the past, the aristocrats and<br />

the peasants and in the contemporary<br />

<br />

often also referred to as the rich and<br />

the poor. This means that neither the<br />

elitist architecture nor the architecture<br />

of the poor have the legitimacy and the<br />

authority to represent, and therefore<br />

claim to construct national identity<br />

by themselves. This paper argues that<br />

this ‘vernacular of the middle-class’ or<br />

the ‘sub-elite’ burrows selectively from<br />

the Grand and Folk traditions, and<br />

re-deploys them as appropriate to be<br />

representative of both simultaneously<br />

yet also constructs a unique veneer of<br />

traditions and thus holds the power to<br />

represent and construct the notions of<br />

a nation.<br />

3. Constructing nation: The case of<br />

Bahrain<br />

In Bahrain, the explicit movements<br />

to construct a national identity began<br />

only a few decades after the discovery<br />

of oil, rising from a society organized<br />

largely in a tribal fashion inhabiting<br />

the island for centuries. Nationalism<br />

for Bahrain, however, has not been a<br />

struggle against ‘‘others’’ from whom<br />

control and hegemony had to be regained.<br />

More specifically, it has been<br />

an internal manifestation that gathered<br />

the ‘‘self ’’ of smaller groups, whose<br />

sense of a larger nation had almost<br />

being absent. In fact, despite having<br />

been in existence for centuries, its society<br />

had been incoherently organized<br />

under the jurisdictions and allegiances<br />

to regional leaderships in the form<br />

of ‘‘Sheikdoms’’. Prior to the present<br />

dynasty of rulers who took control in<br />

gional<br />

rulers either from Persia or the<br />

neighbouring sheikdoms. The idea of<br />

a nation, national identity and sovereignty<br />

had not figured in those regional<br />

formations and confrontations as


Figure 1. Bahrain- the location amidst<br />

‘other’ culturally similar nations (Source:<br />

Google maps).<br />

defining and rallying notions.<br />

Since the discovery of oil, Bahrain<br />

has moved across many fronts to construct<br />

a sense of statehood and a nation,<br />

through the construction of national<br />

symbols or the promotion of reconstructed<br />

historical narratives. They<br />

have endeavored to assert their social<br />

and cultural uniqueness and construct<br />

adequate representations through material<br />

culture. The search was for styles<br />

in the arts and architecture that was<br />

inherently their own, which reflected<br />

true ‘‘Bahraini identity’’, and opposed<br />

those trends raging in Europe, particularly<br />

those of the British, which had<br />

begun to influence Bahrain as a British<br />

Protectorate. However, its first production<br />

of ‘‘national’’ architecture—the<br />

<br />

Bahrain—was also designed by a Brit-<br />

<br />

centrally located as an entry gate to the<br />

Manama Souq, Belgrave attempted to<br />

localize a predominantly British-style<br />

building by introducing arches and recesses<br />

around the windows. The traditional<br />

Bahraini roof parapet and motif<br />

details transformed to fit in with the<br />

style of the building was a feeble attempt<br />

to balance the fusion of an alien style to<br />

the vernacular styles of Bahrain. With<br />

the sense of national identity taking a<br />

more articulated form, its inadequacy<br />

as a national monument was strongly<br />

furbish<br />

it in order to incorporate more<br />

powerful Islamic architectural features.<br />

<br />

been rejuvenated together with the tra-<br />

Figure 2. Bab-Al Bahrain-the gateway<br />

to Bahrain (Source: Ministry of Culture,<br />

Bahrain).<br />

<br />

its centrality so that it gained significance<br />

again as a national monument<br />

generating a national public space. In<br />

a larger scheme of Re-diginification<br />

<br />

Bahrain takes up the highest position<br />

longing<br />

and representative of the state,<br />

and spearheads the glorification of the<br />

<br />

Bahrain however is solely inadequate<br />

to generate an authentic character that<br />

can be claimed to belong to the Bahraini<br />

people considering the fact that<br />

there have been more elaborate and authentic<br />

architecture its people had produced<br />

developing their characteristics<br />

in response to climate, ways of life and<br />

culture over time. It is undeniable that<br />

the ‘buildings-of-the-everyday’, and of<br />

the sub elites possessed richer character<br />

which can be deployed, re-dignified<br />

and glorified to claim a unique identity<br />

for Bahrain.<br />

3.1. Architecture, nation and<br />

vernacularism<br />

In constructing national identity<br />

since discovery of oil, two interrelated<br />

trends had emerged in the Gulf region<br />

<br />

to look to one’s own cultural heritage to<br />

find a truly national style in architecture.<br />

The other was the use of European<br />

classicism, subtly modified to create<br />

a national character to arise through<br />

international form. In Bahrain, the former<br />

led to the discovery of a vernacular-influenced<br />

architecture, with tenets<br />

stemming from the ancient past that<br />

prevailed predominantly in the Muharraq<br />

Island. Interestingly, both these<br />

trends were also present in the nations<br />

of many other states that were emerging<br />

from the clutches of the British<br />

Re-dignifying vernacular for constructing national identity elitism, grand traditions and cultural<br />

revival in Bahrain


a suitable hybrid could be developed.<br />

Figure 3. Imitated Palladian Villas –<br />

vernacular of the middle class seeking a new<br />

Identity in Bahrain (Source: Author).<br />

Empire in the global south and led to<br />

similar outcomes. Of focus here are the<br />

practices that have evolved in the domestic<br />

architectural scene of Bahrain,<br />

which have been driven by individual<br />

fascinations, market forces and popular<br />

<br />

the villas and residential buildings imitated<br />

Palladian architectural forms and<br />

symbolism in preference to the historical<br />

vernacular. In fact, symmetry in<br />

form, elaborate domes, pediments and<br />

porticos reminiscent of the Italian Renaissance<br />

were seen as legitimate forms<br />

that could establish the newly gained<br />

place in the world. The sub-elites were<br />

quick to abandon the traditional and<br />

the vernacular as they perceived these<br />

to be belonging to the past and not having<br />

the symbolism to project the newly<br />

acquired wealth or the flamboyance of<br />

the status of a ‘rich nation’.<br />

This ‘new vernacular’ imitating the<br />

Palladian villas owes much to the perception<br />

that they offered the expression<br />

of values of the new elites whose<br />

oil wealth took them to the European<br />

capitals at ease. Indeed, it was necessary<br />

to project a semblance of flamboyance<br />

and ostentation. The tall columns,<br />

the pediments and other symbolic elements<br />

aptly offered a sense of wealth<br />

and aristocracy, the natives had hardly<br />

possessed before the discovery of oil<br />

yet acquired overnight and had to be<br />

displayed and presented to the world<br />

and unto themselves. Plethora of such<br />

dwellings surrounded by high, ornate<br />

and illuminated enclosure walls had<br />

emerged and continue to inspire the<br />

contemporary elites and sub-elites who<br />

find this international form, easy to be<br />

fused with some local symbols so that<br />

3.2. Vernacularism<br />

However, it was soon discovered by<br />

the state that if there is an architecture<br />

that reflected the deep roots of people<br />

inhabiting the island, it would be the<br />

traditional urbanism of Muharraq and<br />

the vernacular of its sub-elites who<br />

had made it the capital of Bahrain before<br />

it was set aside to be the second<br />

city pursuant to the first wave of globalisation.<br />

This was facilitated by the<br />

research done by an expatriate on the<br />

architecture of Muharraq highlighting<br />

the value and significance of the ver-<br />

<br />

Undeniably, the global perceptions and<br />

focus on the preservation of heritage<br />

that had emerged in the world had also<br />

awakened the state authorities to look<br />

at the dilapidated city in a new light.<br />

In fact, Bahrain’s present capital city<br />

Manama does possess historical vernacular<br />

and could have also been a<br />

potential area of rejuvenation and glorification.<br />

However, at the beginning,<br />

Manama was seen as somewhat devoid<br />

of such characteristic architecture, particularly<br />

because much had been aban-<br />

<br />

also occupied by the Indian migrant<br />

labourers who had arrived after the<br />

discovery of oil, as cheap accommodation.<br />

However, more recently, vernacular<br />

of the Manama’s sub-elites have also<br />

received focused attention in addition<br />

to those of Muharraq.<br />

The revitalization and urban renewal<br />

of Muharraq was thus not only an<br />

attempt to develop the region of which<br />

some quarters were in a dilapidated<br />

state, but also a conscious attempt to<br />

redefine the cultural identity and the<br />

nation of Bahrain. Beginning with the<br />

publication of the works of Yarwood<br />

<br />

has recognized an enclave of Muharraq<br />

as the heart of the nation through the<br />

establishment of a series of historical<br />

vernacular centered around Sheik<br />

Ibrahim Cultural Centre, comprised<br />

of the renovated and re-presented residences<br />

of the Sheiks and cultural gurus<br />

<br />

Bahrain.<br />

This spatial enclave of the ‘‘heart of<br />

the nation’’ is located close to the Sheik


Figure 4. Re-dignified historical vernacular: Bin Matar House in Muharraq (Source:<br />

Author).<br />

<br />

<br />

khalifa, and Siyadi House, built by the<br />

<br />

Siyadi. They provide the significance<br />

and ambience for the location, while<br />

the narrow alleyways and other elements<br />

prevalent in the area add to this<br />

ambience. These elements represent a<br />

balance between sensitivities to climate<br />

and needs of privacy with fine, exquisite<br />

internal ornamentation to counter<br />

the barren desert and create pleasant<br />

and habitable spaces. In re-dignifyng<br />

the ‘heart of the nation’, specific historical<br />

vernacular carefully chosen from<br />

the former residences of the sub-elites<br />

have been renovated, and re-presented<br />

having been re-glorified by means<br />

of documentation, renaming, and by<br />

celebratory events being organized<br />

there. The buildings and spaces show<br />

the numerous traits that Bahrainis<br />

would cherish and celebrate as uniquely<br />

theirs.<br />

<br />

stands out and provides a fine example<br />

of vernacular architecture of the<br />

sub elites that represent the identity<br />

<br />

name of the building is Memory of<br />

the Place – Bin Matar House, and this<br />

name reflects the dual function of this<br />

traditional building in presenting the<br />

identity of a people. Firstly, the building<br />

embodies a definite cultural identity<br />

through its specific architecture and<br />

<br />

also a repository of memories, through<br />

the individuals that lived in the building<br />

and the events that took place there.<br />

The Bin Matar House is dedicated to<br />

conserving both traditional Bahraini<br />

architecture as well as the memory of<br />

the Bin Matar family” (Sheik Ibrahim<br />

<br />

Salman Bin Matter was the most<br />

<br />

century Bahrain. His dwelling had<br />

been constructed in a traditional Bahraini<br />

manner, using palm tree trunks,<br />

sea-stone and gypsum. The traditional<br />

ceilings made of a palm leaf and wood<br />

beam combination in red and black are<br />

unique to Bahrain. It also displays the<br />

authentic building character emanating<br />

from walls finished with a rugged<br />

texture, white washed and allowed to<br />

weather.<br />

3.3. Bahrain Pearl Trail<br />

Complimentary to these is the<br />

unique setting of the Bahrain Pearl<br />

Trail now recognized as a world heritage<br />

site. Here, the historical vernacular<br />

of the sub-elites as well as those of<br />

the lower strata of the society who had<br />

toiled in the days when Bahrain was<br />

considered the ‘Pearl of the Gulf ’ as a<br />

result of the precious natural pearls has<br />

been re-presented. The vernacular of<br />

the pearl craft however is neither a single<br />

location nor a building. It is indeed<br />

a pathway that one can walk along<br />

and discover numerous elements that<br />

rekindle a historical narrative. Beginning<br />

from the “oyster beds where the<br />

divers may have captured the pearls,<br />

the seashore and its festival at the be-<br />

<br />

the ship building sites in front of them<br />

to the historic markets and residences<br />

Re-dignifying vernacular for constructing national identity elitism, grand traditions and cultural<br />

revival in Bahrain


Building title<br />

Shaikh Ebrahim bin<br />

Mohammed Center<br />

for Culture and<br />

Research<br />

Original ownership and<br />

purpose<br />

original majlis of Shaikh<br />

Ebrahim bin Mohammed<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

Bahrain<br />

Notable characteristics of Architecture<br />

Bland façade with patterned recesses.<br />

<br />

with a patio facing the alleyway. Extensively<br />

detailed wooden craftsmanship in the doorway.<br />

Patterned stucco on walls in the interior with a<br />

wooden decorative stairway at the double height<br />

<br />

These are typical of traditional Bahraini<br />

vernacular<br />

<br />

House<br />

<br />

residence<br />

Façade with square and patterned recesses.<br />

<br />

to break the skyline. Breakers in the corners on<br />

the parapets. Extensive use of arches. Current<br />

building is internally modified, although still<br />

retains the character and ambience particularly<br />

with creaftsmanship of wood work and white<br />

walls.<br />

<br />

House<br />

<br />

<br />

foremost figure in poetry and<br />

literature for over half a century<br />

Geometrical decorative plant decorations in<br />

doors and windows. Bahraini colonial style with<br />

grand spaces of high volumes. Criss- crossed<br />

wooden balustrades and recessed square<br />

patterns in the walls both inside and outside.<br />

Interior modified in the present building to a<br />

more modern appearance.<br />

Mohammed Bin<br />

Faris Sut Music<br />

Bahraini singer and musician<br />

Mohammed bin Faris was a<br />

<br />

<br />

Original residence<br />

<br />

the shape of squares as well as arch form<br />

particularly above doors. Open courtyard has<br />

now been enclosed with glass roof. Elaborately<br />

decorative wooden doors and some decorative<br />

metal work all provide an ambience of<br />

simplicity and charm.<br />

House of coffee<br />

<br />

traditional Bahraini houses<br />

This has a blank traditional façade abutting the<br />

alleyway. Walls still have the square recesses in<br />

the walls to break the monotony. Simple single<br />

un-decorative entrance. However, the Interior<br />

has been modified to a modern coffee shop as<br />

seen in this image.<br />

<br />

<br />

preservation of the art of dying<br />

and unique Bahraini art of<br />

<br />

<br />

tree, displays fine workmanship of rugged walls<br />

and wooden doors and windows. Traditional<br />

timber ceilings and a roof top with a thick<br />

white balustrade typically present in Traditional<br />

houses.<br />

Information<br />

Centre<br />

Used to be a local majlis<br />

meaning a gathering place<br />

for men<br />

Features traditional Bahraini architecture<br />

with quite number of decorative wooden<br />

doors. Walls heavily recessed with squares<br />

to create a pattern. White washed walls with<br />

a ruggedly and unevenly finished surface.<br />

<br />

cheerful space indoors and simple façade to<br />

the outside.<br />

Figure 5. Vernacular of the elites and sub-elites representing the nation of Bahrain.


Figure 6. Isa Bin Ali House and the Mosque and bait Siyadi in the pearl Trail.<br />

of those involved in the economic sys-<br />

<br />

<br />

that had come into being through intricate<br />

relations between the sub elites<br />

and the workers of the pearl industry.<br />

The two miles long pathway brings<br />

back the neighbourhood to life, glorifies<br />

and presents the everyday dwellings<br />

and places that had once represented<br />

the core activity of Bahrain that<br />

gave rise to its culture and defined the<br />

people of the island as pearl divers and<br />

<br />

of one of the grand merchants, and a<br />

gamut of dwellings of those who took<br />

part in the pearling industry culminating<br />

in the house of a nukhida (sea ves-<br />

<br />

The significance of the pearl trail<br />

in the signification of the culture and<br />

identity of Bahrain has been clearly<br />

expressed, when UNESCO has stated<br />

<br />

“The site is the last remaining complete<br />

example of the cultural tradition<br />

of pearling and the wealth it generated<br />

at a time when the trade dominated<br />

<br />

<br />

ing<br />

example of traditional utilization<br />

of the sea’s resources and human interaction<br />

with the environment, which<br />

shaped both the economy and cultural<br />

identity of the island’s society”. (UNE-<br />

<br />

3.4. Elements in the landscape<br />

<br />

larger landscape of the historical vernacular<br />

of the sub elites also contribute<br />

to the construction of national identi-<br />

<br />

for example, are a unique but common<br />

spatial practice of most Islamic cities.<br />

In Manama and Muharraq, such alleyways<br />

abound and signify the vernacular<br />

characteristics that have emerged in<br />

response to the harsh climate as well as<br />

the needs of the family and social life<br />

<br />

Moreover, the wind towers share a<br />

common language across the region,<br />

although variations exist. The Bahraini<br />

wind tower is an architectural element<br />

that has now become a marker of its<br />

national identity, which has gained<br />

<br />

openings orientated towards the good<br />

winds acts as a funnel, catching the<br />

breeze and drawing it down into the<br />

cavities below where the living spaces<br />

are located, while releasing the hot air<br />

<br />

the early forms of ‘‘air conditioning’’ by<br />

natural means. It is a built element that<br />

provides for iconic imagery, expresses<br />

local ingenuity in responding to the<br />

harsh climate and therefore can be<br />

lamic-Bahraini<br />

identity for all times.<br />

Equally reproduced are the unique,<br />

wooden-poled palm-mat ceilings that<br />

had helped construct a flat mud roof,<br />

for Bahraini traditional houses to<br />

combat the scorching sun. Traditional<br />

urbanism has caught the public imagination<br />

and has given rise to a return<br />

to such elements and spaces as a way<br />

of authoring national identity through<br />

architecture, in the current wave of<br />

globalisation where such authenticity<br />

has cultural capital. For example, Gulf<br />

Re-dignifying vernacular for constructing national identity elitism, grand traditions and cultural<br />

revival in Bahrain


Figure 7. Alleyways and wind towers in Manama (Source: Author).<br />

lar<br />

architectural practice that attempts<br />

to reconstruct culture and identity<br />

through contemporary Bahraini architecture<br />

and employs quite skillfully<br />

the numerous elements and spatialities<br />

of the historical vernacular to create<br />

buildings and spaces where one feels a<br />

greater sense of belonging to the past<br />

while progressing to the luxury of the<br />

future. Interestingly, a large number of<br />

contemporary sub elites have taken to<br />

construct their ‘modern’ dwellings in<br />

the styles of historical vernacular traditions<br />

as offered by the Gulf House<br />

Engineering and others.<br />

3.5. Forms of traditions and cultural<br />

facets of the dignified vernacular<br />

It is argued that the core cultural<br />

facets of the Bahraini Society cannot<br />

indeed be usurped from any of the<br />

other veneers representing the contemporary<br />

life styles and practices but<br />

the historical vernacular itself, as often<br />

proudly announced by the Ministry of<br />

Culture and other state agencies. Evidently,<br />

since the establishment of the<br />

Cultural Enclave in Muharraq, and the<br />

establishment of the Pearl Trail, the<br />

‘Timeout Bahrain’ a website that discusses<br />

culture in Bahrain declared that<br />

‘there is something of a cultural explosion<br />

in Bahrain right now’ (Timeout<br />

<br />

ways in which the re-diginification of<br />

the historical vernacular seem to have<br />

created snow-balling effects in the society<br />

where many middle class in particular<br />

have begun to appreciate what<br />

had existed in the past and how they<br />

can indeed be resurrected to define<br />

their unique identity in the context of<br />

growing consumerism, multi-culturalism<br />

and globalisation.<br />

These core cultural facets as resurrected<br />

through the re-dignified vernacular<br />

can be presented as follows.<br />

4. Conclusions<br />

<br />

quite consciously selected and re-dignified<br />

the historical vernacular of the<br />

elites and sub elites as a means of constructing<br />

a veneer of national identity<br />

on the foundations of the past. While<br />

the more modern enclaves in Bahrain<br />

such as the Bahrain Financial Harbor<br />

and the World Trade Centre offer a sophisticated<br />

veneer depicting the modern<br />

and progressive nature of the nation,<br />

there are other veneers of idenity<br />

narrated by other traditions. One of the<br />

most unique among them is the death<br />

landscapes, that exists only in Bah-<br />

<br />

historical vernacular provide the core<br />

around which all of the other veneers<br />

<br />

says, identity is not fixed. Rather it is<br />

fluid and contingent. In fact it is always<br />

evolving. In the case of Bahrain, distinct<br />

national cultural assets have been<br />

reconstructed from the recent histo-<br />

<br />

particularly from the grand traditions<br />

and historical vernacular of the elites<br />

<br />

is a process of self-discovery, as ar-<br />

<br />

demonstrates that among the multiple<br />

strategies to self-discover and assemble<br />

a multitude of facets to represent the<br />

notions of the nation, historical vernacular<br />

of the elites and the sub-elites<br />

have been found to be the most potent.<br />

It is clear that through re-dignification,<br />

images have been produced that can be


now presented claiming the re-discovery<br />

of a valuable culture core that lays<br />

a substantially powerful foundation for<br />

the construction of the nation.<br />

-<br />

<br />

has thus succeeded. This is comparable<br />

with the progressive identities of the<br />

<br />

cate,<br />

dignify and present similar powerful<br />

vernacular for the construction of<br />

the notion of National Idenity of theirs.<br />

In fact, Bahrain has recently claimed to<br />

be becoming the ‘cultural capital’ of<br />

the Gulf, by articulating these cultural<br />

veneers by constructing further cultural<br />

manifestations upon them. These<br />

demonstrate both the fragile and com-<br />

-<br />

thing<br />

natural, permanent and definite,<br />

but is a social construction, formed by<br />

the creation of the “other’’ identities. It<br />

is through the other that one can recognize<br />

one’s own identity.<br />

This paper argued that national<br />

identity is intertwined with ‘elitism’ and<br />

‘grand traditions’, and buildings that<br />

embody such narratives are considered<br />

culturally rich. To a great extent, the<br />

Bahraini developments subscribe to<br />

this argument. However, the grand traditions<br />

do not have to be produced entirely<br />

by the elites and sub elites. It can<br />

easily absorb and accommodate the<br />

ordinary as the case of the Pearl Trail<br />

<br />

grand traditions and the material constructions<br />

of the elites and sub-elites<br />

lead, the re-dignification is buttressed<br />

upon the pearl diver’s numerous traditional<br />

crafts of pearling, ship building<br />

and pearl processing of the lower class,<br />

all of which are essential for the narra-<br />

view<br />

however, it is the sub elites —the<br />

nukhida— the sea captains and other<br />

rankers who tie them altogether and<br />

provide the web of the narrative.<br />

Finally, the intriguing question is,<br />

how does the historical vernacular of<br />

the elites, sub-elites and the ordinary<br />

play a role in the construction of identity<br />

when the real communities no<br />

longer exist and the buildings so dignified<br />

are devoid of life and presence<br />

of the same wholeness that would have<br />

though<br />

in the case of the Pearl Trail,<br />

there is a serious attempt to bring a<br />

sense of this previous life and situation<br />

for experience, this is particularly evident<br />

in some of the interiors of the dignified<br />

vernacular at the Sheik Ibrahim<br />

<br />

too modern. Moreover, the events that<br />

often take place there, are also far too<br />

alienated from the life and the places<br />

they intend to depict. This suggests<br />

that the approach of re-dignification<br />

of the historical vernacular of the elites<br />

and sub-elites has great potentials to<br />

construct national identity but has its<br />

own limitations. On the one hand, they<br />

<br />

for imagination, just like objects of<br />

exhibition in the landscape and suggest<br />

meanings and values. They have<br />

the potential if only the events taking<br />

place there can re-enact the historical<br />

traditions. On the other hand, Even<br />

with such a limited potential, historical<br />

vernacular cannot be removed from<br />

the landscape. If it is done, construction<br />

of national identity will collapse<br />

in the absence of a core around which<br />

the other veneers of identity could be<br />

mounted.<br />

References<br />

<br />

<br />

-<br />

<br />

-<br />

<br />

-<br />

<br />

Postcolonial India.<br />

<br />

-<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

-<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

-<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

Re-dignifying vernacular for constructing national identity elitism, grand traditions and cultural<br />

revival in Bahrain


Proceedings of the international con-<br />

<br />

<br />

ings<br />

mean. In N. Goodman & C. Elgin<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

Inventing traditions. In E. Hobsbawm<br />

<br />

bridge<br />

University Press.<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

in The Invention of Tradition, Cam-<br />

<br />

-<br />

<br />

<br />

Periplus Editions.<br />

<br />

<br />

-<br />

<br />

<br />

garian<br />

national style in architecture<br />

<br />

submitted to the Central European<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

loss of a past constructed in the pres-<br />

-<br />

-<br />

<br />

<br />

regional architecture and identity in<br />

<br />

-<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

and Culture, Prentice Hall.<br />

-<br />

<br />

Sheik Ibrahim Cultural Centre,<br />

-<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

contemporary social thought. Berke-<br />

<br />

<br />

-<br />

-<br />

-<br />

<br />

UNESCO World Heritage Site Pro-<br />

<br />

<br />

chitecture<br />

of the Sinhalese Elite in the<br />

<br />

Thesis submitted to Nottingham Trent<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

New Left Books.<br />

<br />

<br />

Open University.<br />

<br />

<br />

lishing.


Urban planning approaches in<br />

divided cities<br />

Gizem CANER 1 , Fulin BÖLEN 2<br />

1<br />

<br />

Graduate School of Science, Engineering and Technology, Istanbul Technical<br />

University, Istanbul, Turkey<br />

2<br />

<br />

Architecture, Istanbul Technical University, Istanbul, Turkey<br />

<br />

<br />

Abstract<br />

This paper provides a comparative analysis of planning approaches in divided<br />

cities in order to investigate the role of planning in alleviating or exacerbating<br />

urban division in these societies. It analyses four urban areas—Berlin, Beirut,<br />

Belfast, Jerusalem—either of which has experienced or still experiences extreme<br />

divisions related to nationality, ethnicity, religion, and/or culture. Each case study<br />

is investigated in terms of planning approaches before division and after reunification<br />

(if applicable).<br />

The relation between division and planning is reciprocal: planning effects, and<br />

is effected by urban division. Therefore, it is generally assumed that traditional<br />

planning approaches are insufficient and that the recognized engagement methods<br />

of planners in the planning process are ineffective to overcome the problems<br />

posed by divided cities. Theoretically, a variety of urban scholars have proposed<br />

different perspectives on this challenge. In analysing the role of planning in divided<br />

cities, both the role of planners, and planning interventions are evaluated<br />

within the light of related literature.<br />

The case studies indicate that even though different planning approaches have<br />

different consequences on the ground, there is a universal trend in harmony with<br />

the rest of the world in reshaping these cities. This conclusion draws another one;<br />

the contemporary planning interventions in divided cities do not address the root<br />

causes of division. Hence, incorporation of ‘difference’ as a prominent feature of<br />

the city to its plans is not addressed as it should be in these special cases.<br />

Keywords<br />

Urban space, Divided cities, Divided societies, Urban planning, Segregation.


1. Introduction<br />

A search on the term ‘divided city’<br />

reveals the work of a variety of urban<br />

scholars who use the same term but<br />

have very different research perspectives.<br />

These different approaches appear<br />

in a duality. The first discourse focuses<br />

on divided cities as places where divisions<br />

of capitalist production processes<br />

are more pronounced. They emphasise<br />

class, race and gender relations, urban<br />

segregation and increasing inequality<br />

between the affluent and deprived city<br />

districts as their main concerns. Their<br />

geographical concern is with global<br />

<br />

-<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

In the last three decades however,<br />

there has been a growing body of literature<br />

concerned about a more specific<br />

form of urban division, classified<br />

<br />

divided cities are less in numbers and<br />

indicate physical or political contestations<br />

in certain special cases. Wellknown<br />

examples of such cities are<br />

<br />

<br />

working in this field (see, for exam-<br />

<br />

<br />

-<br />

<br />

<br />

what came to be known as the ‘Divided<br />

Cities Discourse’ (DCD).<br />

This paper is concerned with the<br />

second type of divided cities and resides<br />

with the literature generated by<br />

DCD writers. In this framework, the<br />

first section of the paper gives a brief<br />

literature review regarding planning in<br />

divided cities. It identifies the existing<br />

models of planning approaches suggested<br />

by different scholars and, hence,<br />

sets a basis for comparison and evaluation<br />

for case studies. The following<br />

section is devoted to a comprehensive<br />

comparative analysis of the case studies,<br />

regarding planning approaches<br />

before division and (if applicable) after<br />

<br />

is drawn to visualise and summarise<br />

planning approaches, professional attitudes<br />

and actual interventions in each<br />

city to observe commonalities as well<br />

as incoherencies between case studies.<br />

This conclusion will reveal that in spite<br />

of the unique attributes these cities<br />

shelter, their contemporary planning<br />

approaches are in harmony with the<br />

rest of the world in reshaping the urban.<br />

All in all, it is expected that this<br />

paper will contribute to further studies<br />

which aim to understand urban division<br />

and strive to change it with the<br />

help of urban planning.<br />

2. Planning in divided cities<br />

When dealing with divided cities,<br />

planning profession becomes insufficient<br />

to cope with the fierce situations<br />

caused by contestations over space.<br />

In such circumstances, it has to be<br />

re-conceptualized to go beyond the<br />

narrow framework of physical landuse<br />

planning. Taking into account that<br />

planning has the power to change the<br />

spatial, economic, social, and political<br />

dimensions of urban space, the question<br />

becomes, which of these dimensions<br />

can be used to intensify or lessen<br />

contestations over space in divided<br />

cities?<br />

<br />

<br />

urban ethnic dimensions which are<br />

used in planning processes to exert<br />

control or repression in divided cities:<br />

1) The is the most<br />

powerful tool used to control and distribute<br />

ethnic groups spatially via the<br />

<br />

land ownership, drawing of jurisdictional<br />

boundaries, displacements etc.<br />

are also important tools for control (El-<br />

<br />

can be used to include or exclude different<br />

sections of society from access<br />

<br />

is used to allocate<br />

urban services and spending. The negative<br />

and positive externalities of urbanisation<br />

are distributed by planning<br />

processes causing situations like deprivation<br />

or dependence of certain areas;<br />

and, 4) The where<br />

group identity is maintained or threatened<br />

through cultural institutions, education<br />

and religious expression.<br />

According to these scholars, planning<br />

has to deal with these conditions<br />

in order to achieve an effective plan-


141<br />

Table 1. <br />

<br />

Neutral Strategy<br />

: Address urban symptoms<br />

of ethnic conflict at individual<br />

level<br />

Partisan Strategy<br />

<br />

disparities<br />

Equity Strategy<br />

: Address urban symptoms<br />

of ethnic conflict at ethnic group<br />

level<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

Strategies<br />

Employs technical criteria in allocating urban resources and<br />

services<br />

Distances itself from issues of ethnic identity, power inequalities<br />

and political exclusion<br />

<br />

the claims of disenfranchised group<br />

Strategies seek to entrench and expand territorial claims or<br />

enforce exclusionary control of access<br />

Gives primacy to ethnic affiliation in order to decrease inter-group<br />

inequalities<br />

Allocation of urban services and spending is based on group<br />

identity<br />

Resolver Strategy<br />

Address root causes/<br />

sovereignty issues<br />

<br />

<br />

To connect urban issues to root causes of urban polarization<br />

Impacts and authority of government policy is challenged<br />

1<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

ning process in divided cities. Building<br />

tisan<br />

and resolver planning approaches<br />

gests<br />

a four-model approach that can<br />

be conceptualised around the degree it<br />

addresses above-mentioned urban ethnic<br />

dimensions (Table 1).<br />

-<br />

, approaches to division<br />

technically and distances itself from<br />

the problems caused by division; 2)<br />

, aims to increase disparities<br />

between two groups and seeks<br />

to empower the dominant group’s au-<br />

, gives<br />

primacy to ethnic group identity and<br />

allocates urban services based on this<br />

identity; 4) , connects<br />

urban problems to division and addresses<br />

root causes of division. <br />

<br />

<br />

identify an ‘ethnocratic strategy’ where<br />

all dimensions of planning (territorial,<br />

procedural, economic and cultural)<br />

combine to create the ethnocratic city;<br />

“this city is classified and represented as<br />

mixed but it is dominated by one ethno-national<br />

group. Urban citizenship<br />

[in the ethnocratic city] is unequal,<br />

with resources and services allocated<br />

on the basis of ethnicity, not residency.<br />

Urban politics are ethnicised, with a<br />

Urban planning approaches in divided cities<br />

gradual process of ethno-political polarization.<br />

Housing and employment<br />

markets are officially open, yet marked<br />

by deep patterns of ethnic segregation.”<br />

<br />

strategy appears a step further from<br />

<br />

In their book, <br />

<br />

conclude that planning in these cities<br />

has to encompass a collaborative<br />

model. This approach denotes public<br />

policy decision-making that is inclusive<br />

and based on dialogue among all<br />

stakeholders, producing ideally con-<br />

<br />

Communicative, dialogic, argumentative<br />

or deliberative planning are related<br />

concepts to collaborative planning<br />

<br />

-<br />

rative<br />

planning in divided cities is that<br />

there are multiple and rival publics instead<br />

of a single one. Since public discourse<br />

is closely linked to public space,<br />

they suggest that shared spaces have<br />

to be created for shared futures. The<br />

difference of shared space from public<br />

space is that there is not only contact,<br />

fers<br />

to these places as “sites of cultural<br />

transgression of a prosaic nature” and<br />

gives examples like colleges, leisure<br />

places, and neighbourhood ventures


142<br />

like common gardens. The shared fu-<br />

<br />

talking about, should be based on creating<br />

soft boundaries for facilitating integrated<br />

living and collaborative working<br />

across divides, rooted in principles<br />

of inclusion, respect for diversity, equity<br />

and interdependence. To achieve all<br />

this, the aim should shift from managing<br />

division, to transforming it.<br />

uate<br />

the role of planning in mediating<br />

conflicts by a dual classification. According<br />

to them, are<br />

where conflicting interests are being<br />

absorbed and resolved or contained by<br />

established mechanisms of mediation,<br />

to the extent that they do not erupt into<br />

violence. In on the<br />

other hand, there is destructive confrontation,<br />

where accepted norms and<br />

mechanisms of mediation fail. These<br />

authors’ views suggest that architecture<br />

and urban planning can become tools<br />

in the conflict themselves. In the case<br />

of mediated conflicts, the subjects are<br />

‘ordinary’ cities (Amin and Graham,<br />

<br />

mechanisms keep the conflict mediated<br />

to a degree. On the other hand, unmediated<br />

conflicts are more appropriate<br />

for explaining the challenges faced<br />

by planners in divided cities.<br />

<br />

above mentioned collaborative, communicative,<br />

deliberative, or discursive<br />

planning debates focus on ‘the role of<br />

rather than . This<br />

raises another important subject for<br />

planning in divided cities; professional<br />

responses. To evaluate the role of<br />

planners in divided cities, we will reside<br />

with Calame and Charlesworth’s<br />

fessional<br />

approaches; compliance,<br />

avoidance, engagement and advocacy.<br />

These professional approaches reflect<br />

the planner perspectives of Bollens’<br />

<br />

coincide with Bollens’<br />

sionals<br />

show a degree of willingness<br />

to comply with the orders of political<br />

masters. This attitude induces ignorance<br />

of political pressures and invites<br />

irrelevant implementations (interventions<br />

are generally in public and commercial<br />

spaces that are perceived to be<br />

more ‘neutral’); eventually generating<br />

discontent among urban communities.<br />

also reflects the<br />

ever,<br />

in a more severe context. Unlike<br />

strategies of compliance where planners<br />

intervene in ‘neutral’ grounds;<br />

planners who engage with an attitude<br />

of avoidance withhold their participation<br />

until a clear political outcome (for<br />

example, peace agreement) is achieved.<br />

They tend to disengage from the ethnic<br />

conflict and remain passive. <br />

can be pursued via various<br />

routes. Engagement through centralised<br />

planning can cause planners to<br />

<br />

if the municipality the planners are<br />

relying on is lopsided. Engagement<br />

through collaborative planning can become<br />

successful only if it is supported<br />

by politicians (local government etc.)<br />

and/or a social reform. If maintained,<br />

<br />

equity and resolver planning models.<br />

Engagement through privatisation occurs<br />

when the local government becomes<br />

too dysfunctional to provide a<br />

platform for professional intervention.<br />

By giving in to market forces, professionals<br />

once again engage neutrally.<br />

, like engagement<br />

through collaboration, coincide with<br />

<br />

models. Here, planning professionals<br />

confront the political processes that<br />

cause conflict; they advocate for the<br />

well-being of their city and the urban<br />

community; and in the way, they create<br />

a public debate.<br />

Case studies below are evaluated<br />

within this theoretical framework with<br />

a temporal approach. A comparative<br />

analysis is carried out regarding planning<br />

systems, planners’ responses and<br />

planning interventions in order to<br />

portray the contemporary situation in<br />

each city.<br />

3. Comparative analysis: Case studies<br />

In each case study, introductory information<br />

on the historical evolution<br />

of division will be given. This will be<br />

followed by presenting planning approaches<br />

during division and after reunification<br />

(if applicable). We will also<br />

be able to observe the effects/interventions<br />

of these planning approaches on


Figure 1.<br />

the urban ground. As a consequence,<br />

the role of planning in divided cities<br />

will be understood comprehensively.<br />

3.1. Berlin<br />

History of division in Berlin<br />

Berlin is different from other case<br />

studies examined in this study because<br />

it resembles an ideological separation<br />

caused by political differences, rather<br />

than ethnic, national or religious ones.<br />

Berlin was forcibly separated between<br />

the Allied powers—British, Ameri-<br />

ond<br />

World War. While the rest of the<br />

country was divided into four zones of<br />

occupation, Berlin, as the seat of the<br />

Allied Control Council, was excluded<br />

from all the zones and put under a sep-<br />

<br />

<br />

viet<br />

Union) sectors. West Berlin was an<br />

exclave in Soviet territory, with road,<br />

air and rail connections to West Ger-<br />

<br />

<br />

and the Soviet Union accelerated and<br />

caused the City Council, which managed<br />

the city as a unity, to disintegrate.<br />

A separate council was set up in the<br />

East, claiming to be the only legitimate<br />

<br />

culminated in the formation of two<br />

rival states; in Western Germany the<br />

<br />

comprising the American, British, and<br />

-<br />

<br />

<br />

-<br />

<br />

Bonn.<br />

Despite the political division, there<br />

<br />

this time, The Berlin Wall was erected<br />

to restrict movement and was armed<br />

by military and police forces of the<br />

<br />

mutual non-recognition and ideological<br />

conflict; the two sides claimed to be<br />

the only legitimate successor of former<br />

Berlin.<br />

<br />

<br />

eventually led to the removal of the wall<br />

Urban planning approaches in divided cities


144<br />

erally<br />

seen as the end of the Cold War<br />

and disintegration of eastern European<br />

<br />

<br />

Planning during division<br />

Due to ideological differences between<br />

Capitalist and Socialist regimes,<br />

planning discourses evolved differently<br />

ilarities<br />

can be observed as well. In<br />

<br />

both sides were mainly concerned<br />

with clearing the rubbles of war and<br />

reconstruction. Then came the process<br />

of mega housing projects, usually implemented<br />

on the outskirts of Berlin<br />

in both sides. In the last phase, both<br />

authorities were more concerned with<br />

conservation efforts in city centres.<br />

In the East, planning and implementation<br />

were centralized at the state<br />

level. The plans showed no sign of the<br />

west and the development of the city<br />

was pursued as if the city would never<br />

reunite. Urban construction was<br />

<br />

<br />

tion<br />

on growth of the city and support<br />

for the construction of skyscrapers,<br />

were consistent with western modern-<br />

<br />

<br />

In the West, the main instrument that<br />

guided development was the land-use<br />

<br />

administrative department responsible<br />

for city planning, it contrasted with the<br />

East’s centralized decision-making and<br />

implementation processes. These plans<br />

were made “as if no sector boundary<br />

existed, and as if the city planning of-<br />

<br />

plans for the central area stretched<br />

eastwards to include the historic in-<br />

<br />

<br />

included in pale grey, and major routes<br />

that would be reconnected following<br />

reunification were indicated by dashes<br />

<br />

to the East, construction that would<br />

impede a future reunification was not<br />

permitted.<br />

As can be seen, planning model of<br />

ners<br />

employed technical skills only<br />

to allocate urban resources and ser-<br />

tralised<br />

planning and complied with<br />

the political administrators. Strategies<br />

of avoidance, rendering the planning<br />

process ineffective in the face of political<br />

realities were also in effect. On the<br />

other hand, planning in the West did<br />

not ignore the other side and did not<br />

<br />

engaged through centralised planning,<br />

but here, the political administrators<br />

anticipated a future reunion, rendering<br />

professionals more effective and<br />

responsible in the process.<br />

Planning after reunification<br />

With the fall of Berlin Wall, immediate<br />

action to reunite the city took<br />

<br />

were:<br />

ing<br />

East and West in terms of infrastructure<br />

and spatial organization.<br />

ditions,<br />

green spaces, clean air and<br />

water provision, and establishment<br />

of equal living standards between<br />

the inhabitants of the East and West<br />

<br />

The capital; re-establishing Berlin as<br />

the capital of a reunified Germany.<br />

This demanded the revitalisation of<br />

central functions of a capital city;<br />

which meant new construction sites<br />

for new buildings and renovation of<br />

usable older ones to serve governmental<br />

needs.<br />

Showcase Berlin; constructing an<br />

image as well as a set of modern<br />

national<br />

corporations’ investments<br />

had to be redirected to Berlin to create<br />

a competitive, global city.<br />

The main doctrine which shaped<br />

planning processes after reunification<br />

came to be identified as ‘ -<br />

’; postulated at the International<br />

Building Exhibition (IBA)<br />

held right after the fall of the wall. It<br />

describes “a critical re-appropriation<br />

of the past’s particular urban virtues”<br />

tives<br />

of planning were shaped according<br />

to historical claims. The emphasis<br />

-


who do not find this approach fulfilling<br />

<br />

the urban environment after reunification<br />

did not shelter great historical<br />

artefacts and was rather an empty<br />

plate; anything could have been done<br />

in these vacant lands.<br />

A coordinating committee was designated<br />

(Specialist Group on Space<br />

near the Border), composed of relevant<br />

district planning officers with a<br />

balanced participation from the East<br />

rative<br />

planning approach had hints of<br />

equity and resolver planning models<br />

<br />

professional engagement and advocacy<br />

strategies proposed by Calame and<br />

<br />

edged<br />

in all the plans that were creat-<br />

ation<br />

was to preserve the memory of<br />

the wall; by locating landmarks; leaving<br />

walkways and bicycle paths along<br />

the border strip; and preventing temporary<br />

uses along the border zone. A<br />

<br />

Development Office gives details on<br />

certain developments which occurred<br />

after reunification around the Wall:<br />

“By far the largest amount of freed<br />

land was devoted to green spaces and<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

land area, while the rest is part of the<br />

<br />

<br />

Berlin planning activity has since<br />

been focused on a number of large<br />

projects which are centred in the inner<br />

city. These projects have generated<br />

criticism in several respects, for in-<br />

vate<br />

market decides what will be built,<br />

only the form of the buildings are open<br />

<br />

is an example for such<br />

large scaled, market-driven projects.<br />

3.2. Beirut<br />

History of division in Beirut<br />

Beirut has always functioned as<br />

a multicultural city where religious<br />

groups coexisted, but lived in separate<br />

enclaves, with few mixed neighbour-<br />

th<br />

<br />

lived in the south and west, while the<br />

<br />

east of the city.<br />

<br />

<br />

rapid urbanisation and industrialisation.<br />

Immigrants coming from neighbouring<br />

countries preferred to reside<br />

with their own ‘kind’. Consequently,<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

urban fringes, increasing the Sunni<br />

<br />

<br />

a demarcation line which divided the<br />

city along the former commercial axis;<br />

‘<br />

drawn. This line accentuated territorial<br />

<br />

<br />

When the suburbs of the city ex-<br />

-<br />

<br />

<br />

-<br />

<br />

tions<br />

to take over. The exact demarcation<br />

line established during the hostil-<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

brought back to power, with equal rep-<br />

<br />

in administration. However, it is gen-<br />

-<br />

<br />

<br />

and planning remains indifferent to<br />

this reality. There are still clashes between<br />

different religious groups as we<br />

<br />

<br />

Planning during division<br />

In pre-war Beirut, institutional<br />

structures of planning had shortcom-<br />

sociated<br />

with the phenomena of primacy<br />

and over-urbanization (Tabet,<br />

<br />

approaches to planning since the first<br />

years of independence.<br />

Urban planning approaches in divided cities


Figure 2.<br />

<br />

traumatic events, the war seemed to<br />

missioned<br />

to rebuild the city centre, to<br />

restore its centrality, and to improve its<br />

<br />

<br />

ri<br />

took over the reconstruction project<br />

and commissioned a master plan. In<br />

<br />

again took hold of Beirut, interrupting<br />

the reconstruction process.<br />

Planning after reunification<br />

-<br />

centrated<br />

in Beirut’s Central District<br />

(BCD) and became marked with<br />

ny<br />

Solidere ect<br />

is on-going and it promises social<br />

recovery through economic renewal<br />

al<br />

cityscape is being created by futur-<br />

<br />

and this process is under great critique<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

The necessity of a single private<br />

company was justified by two reasons:<br />

1) extreme fragmentation of property<br />

rights in certain zones of the city centre;<br />

and 2) financial and administrative<br />

incapacity of the city to carry out<br />

the needed reconstruction at the time<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

allocated for new developments such<br />

as a marina, hotels and global commerce,<br />

and only 21 ha of which are part<br />

<br />

tematically<br />

cleared the war damaged<br />

urban fabric, creating a <br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

structures in the downtown were damaged<br />

beyond repair, yet only a third of<br />

this destruction was war-inflicted.<br />

These developments coupled with


-<br />

<br />

unease in public, academic and civic<br />

realms. The main concerns of criticism<br />

are:<br />

The usage of state resources to<br />

transform the central city into an island<br />

for the rich, while most of the<br />

country remains underdeveloped<br />

and segmented due to economic<br />

inequalities and sectarian divides<br />

<br />

<br />

an economic value, such as public<br />

transport or social housing, are not<br />

<br />

Shaping public space by private enterprise<br />

marginalizes the State from<br />

planning process and raises questions<br />

about public wellbeing and<br />

<br />

Discontinuity from historical bonds<br />

challenges Beirut’s cultural and his-<br />

-<br />

<br />

As we have observed, in Beirut,<br />

planning during the years of division<br />

<br />

<br />

planning model was adapted due to ignoring<br />

the root causes of division and<br />

trying to build a city anew. Engagement<br />

through privatisation was seen as<br />

inevitable in the face of a dysfunctional<br />

administration. However, this approach<br />

rendered the planners neutral<br />

and passive in the face of a divided city.<br />

3.3. Belfast<br />

History of division in Belfast<br />

Ethnic conflict in Belfast has its<br />

-<br />

<br />

population, new towns outside city<br />

-<br />

-<br />

th century, labour<br />

need was mainly met from these rural<br />

Catholics. Disturbances rose as the<br />

numbers of Catholics increased. They<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

Irish nationalism grew in opposition<br />

to the movements in support of<br />

union with Great Britain, consequently<br />

transforming the conflict into a political<br />

one. A new political label was add-<br />

<br />

and ethnic (Irish-British) divisions;<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

-<br />

gree<br />

of regional autonomy, with Belfast<br />

as their capital. As a consequence, segregation<br />

in Belfast gradually increased<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

referred to as ‘The Troubles’. As segregation<br />

increased, the concentration of<br />

each ethnic group increased, and the<br />

boundaries between two groups became<br />

well-defined with physical barriers<br />

(peace walls). The government<br />

supported these walls aiming to minimize<br />

or eliminate conflict among the<br />

two groups; hence they were intended<br />

to be temporary. However today, these<br />

walls still remain and many others have<br />

subsequently been added to the urban<br />

<br />

-<br />

<br />

The duration of The Troubles date<br />

<br />

<br />

agreements changed the nature of political<br />

violence rather than eliminated<br />

day,<br />

division still lingers and new peace<br />

lines are demanded and planned to be<br />

built in addition to the existing ones.<br />

Planning during ‘The Troubles’<br />

During The Troubles, planning in<br />

<br />

of formal technocratic neutrality (Ellis,<br />

<br />

there was no effort to tackle residential<br />

segregation from the field of planning<br />

<br />

-<br />

tion<br />

to stabilize the volatile political<br />

conflict. Due to this centralized system<br />

of policy-making, the locally elected<br />

Belfast City Council had little poli-<br />

<br />

ed<br />

in Department of the Environment,<br />

<br />

Urban planning approaches in divided cities


Figure 3.<br />

<br />

The operative principles of Belfast<br />

urban policymakers and administrators<br />

were to: (1) position government’s<br />

role and image in Belfast as a <br />

participant not biased toward either<br />

<br />

that government policy does not exacerbate<br />

sectarian tensions by managing<br />

ethnic space in a way that reacts to,<br />

and reflects, residents’ wishes (Bol-<br />

<br />

distanced itself from any involvement<br />

in politics and by ignoring the sectarian<br />

divides in the society, perpetuated<br />

them further.<br />

In the three decades of direct rule,<br />

hardly any effort was made to understand,<br />

evaluate or prioritize the significance<br />

of residential segregation within<br />

planning, urban regeneration or hous-<br />

<br />

<br />

Planning after Good Friday Agreement<br />

The peace process developed a new<br />

administrative order; the centralized<br />

structure of the government was<br />

partments<br />

were made responsible for<br />

planning issues: Department of Envi-<br />

<br />

Development.<br />

The severity of political violence<br />

created an urgent need for communi-<br />

-<br />

<br />

partments<br />

to present equity schemes,<br />

aiming to: 1) promote community relations;<br />

2) celebrate cultural diversity;<br />

<br />

delivery; and, 4) promote equality<br />

through a representative workforce<br />

<br />

a commitment both to tackle the effects<br />

of residential segregation and to<br />

promote neutral sites for employment,<br />

<br />

<br />

In order to address equality schemes<br />

and promote good relations, a ‘community<br />

cohesion’ objective was adopt-<br />

-<br />

<br />

foster development which contributes<br />

to community relations, recognises


cultural diversity and reduces socio-<br />

-<br />

<br />

Because of the legislative weight of<br />

the equality provisions, its delivery has<br />

not been as effective as first envisaged<br />

<br />

<br />

bodies have taken up some of the challenges,<br />

these commitments are not followed<br />

through to development plans<br />

and planning policy (Gaffikin et al.,<br />

<br />

-<br />

<br />

<br />

planning”, whereby industrial, business<br />

or public space is planned as a buffer<br />

between contentious areas. This can be<br />

seen as a positive alternative to building<br />

a peace line, however it does not<br />

guarantee that conflict will decrease<br />

since it does not mean that these areas<br />

<br />

ern<br />

Ireland has been widely acknowl-<br />

<br />

-<br />

vestment<br />

and the attempt to counter<br />

the image of a city at war, a <br />

approach to city planning has been<br />

adapted. This approach helped create<br />

“the legacy that now bedevils the cen-<br />

<br />

its vast road projects and proliferation<br />

of vacant land. Show case areas are selected<br />

for prestigious projects to be implemented,<br />

such as the Titanic Quarter,<br />

and new apartment blocks for city-centre<br />

living have been built. As a consequence,<br />

as Gaffikin et al. assert; “while<br />

some now regard this ‘new’ Belfast as a<br />

cosmopolitan oasis, surrounded largely<br />

by the ‘old’ fortress Belfast of sectarian<br />

enclaves, the spatial splits in the city<br />

are more differentiated” (Gaffikin et al.,<br />

<br />

<br />

agreement has nevertheless remained<br />

ment<br />

of planners have been compliance,<br />

avoidance and technical neutrality<br />

since the beginning of the division<br />

process. Belfast has become a stereotype<br />

for exemplifying the ‘neutral plan-<br />

<br />

we have emphasized, this is a widely<br />

accepted phenomenon.<br />

3.4 Jerusalem<br />

History of division in Jerusalem<br />

To trace the history of division in<br />

<br />

that one must fix the starting point to<br />

<br />

was established. But the conflict took a<br />

<br />

during the British rule.<br />

Jerusalem was the capital of British<br />

<br />

<br />

composed of religious quarters, and<br />

the British carried on administering<br />

<br />

However, British quarters were more<br />

autonomous than their predecessors,<br />

munities<br />

to develop into cohesive and<br />

self-sustaining societies (Benvenisti,<br />

<br />

national<br />

support for an Israeli state<br />

-<br />

<br />

This resulted in the termination of Brit-<br />

<br />

<br />

Arab-Israeli War, the formal division<br />

-<br />

<br />

national<br />

armistice lines between Israel<br />

and Jordan as well as East and West<br />

Jerusalem. The city became socially,<br />

physically and functionally divided.<br />

Jerusalem was not reunified by<br />

agreement, but instead by an occu-<br />

<br />

War. East Jerusalem was incorporated<br />

into Israel and this was not recognized<br />

by the international community or the<br />

<br />

the city were reunited by force, they remained<br />

hostile even though the Green<br />

<br />

The persisting mental wall among<br />

communities is joined by a physical<br />

<br />

throughout Jerusalem and the West<br />

Bank. This is, in a sense, a re-division<br />

of the city. Systems of physical and<br />

electronic separation are being built<br />

-<br />

<br />

(beyond the internationally recog-<br />

Urban planning approaches in divided cities


egional barrier separates Israeli Jeru-<br />

<br />

east. Today, a bird’s eye of Jerusalem<br />

shows this complex patchwork of settlements<br />

and villages across the city,<br />

<br />

Planning during British mandate<br />

(1914-1948)<br />

<br />

Jerusalem was administered and<br />

<br />

use plans were prepared which all had<br />

one common feature; the separation<br />

of the sacred Old City from the religious<br />

territories that surrounded it,<br />

transforming it into a -<br />

<br />

never materialized. Even though the<br />

British administered the whole city as<br />

one urban entity in all infrastructural<br />

elements, the inter-communal struggle<br />

led to separate Arab/Jewish communal<br />

services, and eventually to separate development<br />

of commerce and economy.<br />

Planning during division (1948-1967)<br />

and after reunification<br />

<br />

<br />

the direction of British planning system;<br />

many of the new suburbs continued<br />

to be designed as individual<br />

enclaves, accessed and structured by<br />

primary road systems and separated<br />

<br />

these enclaves were mainly built only<br />

for the Jewish population for national-<br />

icies<br />

have been shaped by objectives of<br />

national security and political control”<br />

<br />

of the goals of planning policies after<br />

<br />

To extend the Jewish city demographically<br />

and geographically.<br />

To control the heights for military<br />

security, requiring Jewish neighbourhoods<br />

to be built on strategic<br />

hilltops or in areas needed to secure<br />

hilltops.<br />

To reconnect the formerly partitioned<br />

areas.<br />

To build Jewish neighbourhoods<br />

so that division of the city in terms<br />

of political control and sovereignty<br />

Figure 4. <br />

<br />

would never again be possible.<br />

ning<br />

policies of Israel as “Judaisation”<br />

<br />

<br />

sive<br />

Jewish neighbourhoods.<br />

This kind of planning is nominated<br />

as “partisan” planning (Benvenisti,<br />

<br />

a radical form of “frontier urbanism”<br />

<br />

-<br />

<br />

<br />

ed<br />

communities is the main form of<br />

<br />

These statements are an evidence of<br />

how architecture, planning and urban<br />

design are used as a tool in the conflict<br />

<br />

<br />

fence’ dividing Israel from the West<br />

Bank is being built amid growing international<br />

concern. Israel repeatedly<br />

states that the wall is for security, with


infiltration from the West Bank, especially<br />

suicide bombers.<br />

<br />

launched, which was the first plan to<br />

include the whole area of Jerusalem,<br />

including the east. To this day, the plan<br />

has not yet been approved due to revisions<br />

and critiques but is a frame of<br />

reference for current planning decisions<br />

in Jerusalem (url-4). The plan is<br />

highly criticized for having racist overtones<br />

and discriminatory approaches.<br />

Only one Arab is included in the plan-<br />

-<br />

<br />

<br />

the plan is inapplicable as it is unrealistic.<br />

It ignores the spatial consequences<br />

<br />

states that the complicated situations<br />

arising from its presence will be treated<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

ethnocratic regime’ where all dimensions<br />

of planning (territorial, procedural,<br />

economic and cultural) combine<br />

to create the ‘ethnocratic city’ is actually<br />

given to explain Jerusalem’s urban<br />

policies and planning approaches.<br />

The well-acknowledged partisan<br />

planning model of Jerusalem is mostly<br />

possible because the Israeli planners<br />

are engaging through centralised<br />

planning, without questioning the<br />

directives from above. They perceive<br />

themselves as technical experts, comply<br />

with the authorities and disengage<br />

from the ethnic conflict and remain<br />

passive. Hence, it would not be wrong<br />

to assert that, it is unlikely to observe<br />

such a degree of partisanship in planning<br />

in any other urban context.<br />

4. Conclusions<br />

Assessment of planning approaches<br />

during division firstly reveals that,<br />

division has deliberately been overlooked<br />

by certain cities (East Berlin,<br />

Belfast); while in others, planning was/<br />

is used as a tool to divide a city even<br />

further (Jerusalem). In the case of Beirut,<br />

planning during years of division<br />

was out of question since the city was<br />

in total chaos.<br />

Secondly, during division, the two<br />

sides of the divide develop according<br />

<br />

instance, in Berlin, the East acknowl-<br />

<br />

<br />

the other hand, the absence of planning<br />

due to either civil war (Beirut, Jerusalem)<br />

or ineffective planning authorities<br />

(Belfast, Beirut, East Jerusalem)<br />

cause different development patterns<br />

to occur in two sides of the city. This<br />

becomes a major problem after reunification.<br />

Another problem originating from<br />

years of division and burdening the<br />

city after reunification occurs in cities<br />

<br />

only due to the fact that these cities are<br />

planned to operate in a self-sufficient<br />

manner during the years of division,<br />

but also, in some, the dividing line is<br />

ignored and construction impeding a<br />

future reunification is supported. East<br />

Berlin has chosen this path. Today, this<br />

is the main reason why the two halves<br />

of the city still cannot be fully integrated<br />

(physically).<br />

Indifference of planning to specific<br />

problems faced by divided cities, or<br />

in other words, , can<br />

promote divisions in the city. Belfast<br />

amples<br />

of this situation. Even though<br />

measures of equity have been strate-<br />

<br />

Agreement, not referring to root causes<br />

of division did not help much in<br />

eliminating differences.<br />

After reunification, one of the main<br />

challenges becomes planning a city<br />

that was once planned by two bodies.<br />

<br />

had to restore its planning institutions<br />

among other problems caused by divi-<br />

<br />

a necessity and the question of public<br />

interest turns into one of the most debated<br />

issues. If the process of planning<br />

is conducted by a private institution<br />

(like Solidere in Beirut) protecting the<br />

interests of the public becomes questionable.<br />

Even if planning is performed<br />

by government institutions, both sides<br />

may not benefit as equals (as it is in<br />

Jerusalem today). A seemingly simple<br />

procedure in a ‘normal city’, like<br />

the addition of a bus line, can become<br />

problematic in a divided city<br />

The tendency of all case studies to<br />

Urban planning approaches in divided cities


Table 2. <br />

City Planning Approach Physical Interventions Professional Responses<br />

Berlin<br />

Area reconstruction<br />

<br />

<br />

Engagement through collaborative planning<br />

Beirut<br />

Urban<br />

redevelopment<br />

Beirut Central District<br />

Engagement through privatization<br />

Belfast<br />

Area redevelopment<br />

<br />

(i.e. Titanic Quarter)<br />

Engagement through centralized planning /<br />

<br />

Jerusalem<br />

Urban development<br />

strategies<br />

<br />

Separation<br />

Engagement through centralized planning<br />

/ Compliance / Avoidance / Technocratic /<br />

<br />

showcase their cities as competitive<br />

and global is in line with what other<br />

cities around the world are doing today.<br />

Divided cities want to show the<br />

world that they are not different and<br />

that they can compete with other cities<br />

<br />

Solidere’s development strategy of the<br />

BCD as a super-modern island has no<br />

historical claims and is in great contrast<br />

with the city’s present-day problems<br />

(related to its history of division).This<br />

approach pulls them away from the realities<br />

of that they are (or once were)<br />

divided. However, by acknowledging<br />

the wall’s existence, Berlin seems to be<br />

a step further in this regard. The aim to<br />

re-build the city with an image dating<br />

to pre-war period has been helpful in<br />

promoting commonalities between the<br />

two sides, rather than their differences.<br />

The main concern of this paper has<br />

been to investigate whether current<br />

interventions in divided cities are addressing<br />

the problems deriving from<br />

division, or not. Even though different<br />

planning approaches have been<br />

adapted in each case study, the results<br />

reveal that their planning processes are<br />

no different than that of other cities<br />

around the world.<br />

In accordance with the theoretical<br />

framework given in the introduction,<br />

conclusions drawn from the comparative<br />

analysis of contemporary planning<br />

approaches have been summarized in<br />

Table 2. Berlin stands out among other<br />

divided cities as the example of most<br />

successfully achieved reunification.<br />

The fact that planning in Berlin does<br />

not ignore the existence of the Berlin<br />

Wall and instead embraces it and uses<br />

it as an advantage, needs to be emphasized.<br />

There is a collaborative planning<br />

process which integrates the planners<br />

of East and West to make plans that<br />

integrate the East and West of the city.<br />

At the same time, the aim to showcase<br />

the city as a global one is causing proj-<br />

-<br />

aspree<br />

are being built in the city to raise<br />

its reputation as a global city.<br />

<br />

claiming to accomplish social recovery<br />

via economic development, has proven<br />

to be successful only for the latter.<br />

Economic recovery of the city and the<br />

country since reunification as a whole<br />

cannot be ignored, but this approach<br />

could have been more successful if<br />

economic recovery was supported by<br />

social and physical policies which included<br />

the whole of the city, instead of<br />

only the central district.<br />

The fact that Belfast was divided<br />

from entirely within the organism,<br />

with no war or any other intervention<br />

(other than colonisation) to the urban<br />

system, makes its reunification process<br />

much harder. There is an illusion<br />

of normalcy in the city. This is why;<br />

planning in Belfast generally seems to<br />

favour its hyper-segregated structure.<br />

<br />

of the central planning authority to act<br />

neutral regarding divisions in the city.<br />

And as in Berlin and Beirut, Belfast<br />

tries to place itself back on the world<br />

map by enduring major area redevelopment<br />

projects, like the Titanic Quarter.<br />

Jerusalem is the most postulated example<br />

of how planning can be used as


a tool in divided cities. Here, planning<br />

is used to reshape the urban structure<br />

and community according to the dominant<br />

society’s norms and principles.<br />

This process is referred to as <br />

<br />

ians<br />

and they are only included in the<br />

cal<br />

discourses are prominent in planning<br />

procedures and they are not questioned<br />

by the planners.<br />

The case studies indicate that even<br />

though different planning approaches<br />

have different consequences on the<br />

ground, there is a universal trend in<br />

harmony with the rest of the world in<br />

reshaping the urban. This approach<br />

is based on showcasing the city as a<br />

place to invest in, in order to increase<br />

its competitiveness in the global network<br />

of cities. This conclusion draws<br />

another one; the contemporary planning<br />

interventions in divided cities do<br />

not address the root causes of division.<br />

Hence, incorporation of ‘difference’ as<br />

a prominent feature of the city to its<br />

plans is not addressed as it should be<br />

in these special cases. In other words,<br />

implementing modern, major projects<br />

in a piecemeal manner is not helping<br />

these cities to face their history and<br />

present.<br />

This paper aimed to investigate<br />

planning approaches of divided cities<br />

in addressing their problems deriving<br />

from division. All in all, it is believed<br />

that this paper will contribute to further<br />

studies which aim to understand<br />

urban division and strive to change it<br />

with the help of urban planning.<br />

As explained in the introduction, the<br />

term divided city may refer to two different<br />

types of cities (global cities and<br />

divided cities) in urban literature. The<br />

comparative perspective of urban division<br />

studies is usually focussed only<br />

among divided cities within themselves<br />

or global ones, but not between them.<br />

<br />

two types of cities may help to close<br />

this gap by providing a comprehensive<br />

comparative perspective.<br />

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url-4


A critical review of ornament in<br />

contemporary architectural<br />

theory and practice<br />

Deniz BALIK 1 , Açalya ALLMER 2<br />

1<br />

<br />

<br />

2<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

doi: 10.5505/itujfa.<strong>2016</strong>.73745<br />

Abstract<br />

For over a century, the controversial issue of ornament has oscillated between<br />

the two extreme conditions of being condemned and praised. Although current<br />

architecture receives ornament enthusiastically due to its design potentials, it still<br />

remains as a problematic and critical topic, as it maintains its blurry and slippery<br />

character. The aim of this study is to construct the theoretical framework of ornament<br />

in the twenty-first century architectural domain. The paper intends to investigate<br />

the reemergence of this-yet-ambiguous issue to evaluate its new aspects,<br />

and redefine its limits in contemporary architectural theory and practice. Being<br />

much more than an intricate architectural element, an in-depth study of ornament<br />

overlaps its reemergence with social, cultural, and economical status quo.<br />

Through the examination of specific contemporary case studies, this study makes<br />

a layered reading of architectural ornament as an instrument of image-driven<br />

contemporary culture within spectacle-laden public sphere. In contemporary<br />

architecture, the digital, structural, sensual, representational, and symbolic facets<br />

stratify ornament metaphorically and literally, making it an intense medium<br />

of impression and expression. Ornamental buildings emerge as embodiments of<br />

consumption, exhibition, and public attention, by contributing to image-making,<br />

commercial success, and marketing strategy, in addition to the performance of<br />

ornament as a challenging designerly instrument.<br />

Keywords<br />

Ornament, Contemporary Architecture, Façade, Image, Representation.


1. Introduction<br />

For over a century, the controversial<br />

issue of ornament has oscillated between<br />

the two extreme conditions of<br />

being condemned and praised. Jacques<br />

Herzog, the partner of the Swiss archi-<br />

veals<br />

that they do not need to explain<br />

the necessity of ornament anymore,<br />

or apologize for a decorative detail in<br />

their works, since ornament becomes<br />

one with the form of their building<br />

ment<br />

elaborates the current conception<br />

of ornament, as architects enthusiastically<br />

appreciate its design potentials.<br />

However, ornament still remains as<br />

a problematic and critical topic, as it<br />

maintains its blurry, unclear, and slippery<br />

character. The aim of this study is<br />

to construct the theoretical framework<br />

of ornament in the twenty-first century<br />

architectural domain. It is intended to<br />

further investigate the re-emergence of<br />

this-yet-ambiguous issue to evaluate its<br />

new aspects, and redefine its limits in<br />

contemporary architectural theory and<br />

practice. In addition to deciphering<br />

ornament, through the examination<br />

of specific contemporary case studies,<br />

this study makes a layered reading of<br />

architectural ornament as an instrument<br />

of image-driven contemporary<br />

culture within spectacle-laden public<br />

sphere.<br />

As this study argues, ornament has<br />

not emerged in contemporary architectural<br />

theory and practice in the<br />

historical and traditional sense. The<br />

historical conception of ornament was<br />

interwoven with the history of style,<br />

each of which produced its own ornaments<br />

with a clear definition and<br />

set of rules for its design, production,<br />

and application. In contrast to traditional<br />

conceptions, ornament in contemporary<br />

architecture is laden with<br />

new aspects, as it expands through the<br />

immaterial realm of virtual reality by<br />

means of digital medium. Accordingly,<br />

the current conception of ornament<br />

in terms of scale can vary from an architectural<br />

detail to an urban fabric.<br />

<br />

architecture can be applied as extrinsically<br />

or intrinsically to the building,<br />

ranging from being a graphic composition<br />

to a flat image, from a relief to<br />

a three-dimensional sculptural construction.<br />

The contemporary age is deprived of<br />

a specific style, yet it is governed by the<br />

paradigm of digital technology, which<br />

enables the design and production of<br />

intrinsic surface effects and dynamic<br />

ornaments. The advanced technology<br />

becomes a distinctive feature of architectural<br />

surface, which supports the<br />

idea that the reemergence of ornament<br />

in the twenty-first century is grounded<br />

on the highly performative com-<br />

-<br />

<br />

<br />

ornament in contemporary architecture<br />

becomes a justification of experimenting<br />

with form, structure, and surface.<br />

2. Current interest in ornament<br />

In the last decade, the emergence of a<br />

vast array of exhibitions, journals, and<br />

books indicate the current interest in<br />

Figure 1.


Table 1. <br />

Date Name Curator Place City, Country<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

22.-<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

- Centre For<br />

Contemporary Art<br />

<br />

<br />

Berk<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

Jo-Anne Birnie<br />

<br />

<br />

- R & Company<br />

Gallery<br />

Londonderry,<br />

Ireland<br />

<br />

<br />

- Open Studio <br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

- Sydney Living<br />

<br />

Sydney, Australia<br />

Kunsthalle Basel Basel, Switzerland<br />

Irena Jurek <br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

and Christian Witt-<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

- <br />

- <br />

Kingdom<br />

<br />

<br />

- Gallery Obrist <br />

Rachel Barron The Briggait Artists’<br />

Studios<br />

Glasgow, Scotland<br />

- <br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

- Ann Long Fine Art<br />

Gallery<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

Joanna Inglot<br />

Law Warschaw<br />

Gallery<br />

- <br />

of Applied Arts<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

Brno, Czech<br />

Republic<br />

Ioana Gordon-Smith Objectspace Auckland,<br />

Australia<br />

Julia Wallner,<br />

<br />

<br />

Wolfsburg Art<br />

<br />

Wolfsburg,<br />

Germany<br />

- <br />

Green Art Gallery <br />

<br />

A critical review of ornament in contemporary architectural theory and practice


- Bar Lane Studios <br />

Kingdom<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

RiAus Gallery Adelaide,<br />

Australia<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

IFA Galleries Berlin and<br />

Stuttgart,<br />

Germany<br />

Sam Jacob<br />

Cindi Strauss<br />

Odile Werner & S.<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

Sculpture Objects<br />

& Functional Art<br />

<br />

- Birmingham<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

Richard Slee <br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

Philadelphia<br />

<br />

<br />

Belvedere Palace &<br />

<br />

<br />

of Contemporary<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

Francesca Ferguson<br />

<br />

Swiss Architecture<br />

<br />

<br />

of Applied Arts<br />

<br />

<br />

Birmingham /<br />

<br />

Paris, France<br />

<br />

<br />

Pennsylvania,<br />

<br />

<br />

Ghent, Belgium<br />

Basel, Switzerland<br />

Brno, Czech<br />

Republic<br />

- Berlin, Germany<br />

Ben Pell<br />

<br />

Gallery<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

Chicago and<br />

<br />

ornament. Globally, the reappearance<br />

of ornament became a theme for various<br />

architecture exhibitions; Nature<br />

in Sydney<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

in Pennsyl-<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

Journal issues analyze the return of<br />

ornament in contemporary architec-


ture, elaborating its historical overview,<br />

specifically in the “Ornament”<br />

issue of nament:<br />

Return of the Repressed” issue<br />

of <br />

of Architecture” issue of <br />

tern,<br />

Script, Algorithm, Ornament”<br />

issue of <br />

oration”<br />

issue of 306090 Books <br />

<br />

-<br />

chitecture”<br />

issue of <br />

Figure 2. <br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

lieu,<br />

the journal <br />

<br />

ment<br />

in Contemporary Architecture]”<br />

<br />

Current literature on ornament,<br />

while investigating its sensual, symbolic,<br />

and material aspects, embraces<br />

its return in parallel to the digital age.<br />

Analyzing the ornamental façades of<br />

contemporary buildings, in his edited<br />

book <br />

<br />

<br />

there is an apparent split between architectural<br />

theory and practice, which,<br />

on one hand, relates to representation<br />

and symbolic expression, and, on the<br />

other hand, comprises technique, utility,<br />

material, and architectural detailing.<br />

<br />

which emerged due to the advancement<br />

of digital design and fabrication,<br />

points to the potential of binding theory<br />

and practice through the articulation<br />

of surface. Pell presents his argument<br />

by categorizing contemporary<br />

buildings in terms of applied, perforated/cut,<br />

layered, formed/cast, and<br />

stacked/tiled. Similarly, in <br />

<br />

nament<br />

has returned to architectural<br />

milieu due to the expansion of digital<br />

technology with a concern on structural<br />

and material aspects more than<br />

historical discussions of style and taste.<br />

<br />

abolition of ornament, six architectural<br />

theorists contributed to the book with<br />

texts that range from elaborations on<br />

architects, primarily Leon Battista Alberti,<br />

Owen Jones, Louis H. Sullivan,<br />

and Adolf Loos, to discussions on digital<br />

design and manufacturing technology.<br />

In the book <br />

<br />

<br />

history of ornament and elaborates its<br />

contemporary conception. Referring<br />

to the characteristics of ornament in<br />

architectural history, Picon explores<br />

the limits of ornament in contemporary<br />

architecture. He argues that ornament<br />

has returned in direct relation-<br />

A critical review of ornament in contemporary architectural theory and practice


ship with the advancement of digital<br />

technology and expanded its content<br />

to include texture, pattern, structure,<br />

façade plasticity, digital dynamic urban<br />

maps, and neuroscientific scans.<br />

On the other hand, Picon asserts that<br />

ornament has lost its political and<br />

subjective aspects, while symbolizing<br />

the social rank of the client or bearing<br />

the personal marks of the architect. In<br />

the supplementary catalogue to the<br />

exhibition in<br />

<br />

that the theories of Owen Jones, John<br />

Ruskin, Gottfried Semper, and William<br />

Hogarth should be reevaluated<br />

in contemporary architecture, since<br />

they serve as a basis for constructing<br />

the framework of the contemporary<br />

<br />

emphasizes the contemporary emergence<br />

of ornament in parallel with the<br />

new construction and manufacturing<br />

ing,<br />

laser-cutting, three-dimensional<br />

printing, and robotic layering. In this<br />

sense, as illustrated in the book, the<br />

contemporary reading of ornament<br />

covers a wide range of natural and organic<br />

forms, microscopic patterns and<br />

human bodies, corporate brand logos<br />

and iconography, textile and surface<br />

effects. Lastly, in the edited book Pat<br />

<br />

chliotis<br />

analyze pattern and ornament<br />

in the age of digital technology. Along<br />

with four other theorists, Gleiniger and<br />

<br />

ornament, which emerges by means of<br />

digital technology, derives from pat-<br />

<br />

on the topics of algorithm, behavioral<br />

pattern, neuroscientific pattern, and<br />

musical pattern, the authors investigate<br />

global expansions of ornament in the<br />

digital age.<br />

Contemporary literature explores<br />

ornament from a broad perspective<br />

of science, engineering, mathematics,<br />

music, and so on, rather than reducing<br />

it to architectural scale. The theorists<br />

argue that the reemergence of ornament<br />

in contemporary architectural<br />

theory and practice is grounded on<br />

the advanced technology of computer-based<br />

design and manufacturing<br />

programs. Consequently, they tend to<br />

expand the scope of ornament in relation<br />

to the new concepts of the digital<br />

realm. Furthermore, despite the global<br />

interest in ornament, contemporary<br />

<br />

no architecture exhibition at all.<br />

3. The expanded vocabulary of<br />

ornament in contemporary<br />

architecture<br />

The contemporary architectural theory<br />

and practice lacks a simple definition<br />

of ornament, which makes it<br />

justifiable on many grounds, such as<br />

experimenting with digital tools, novel<br />

materials and tectonics, investigating<br />

different surface effects and sustainable<br />

elements, producing affects and sensations,<br />

representing the building function,<br />

advertising a brand, and making<br />

contextual references. In this sense,<br />

rather than having a precise and clear<br />

definition like the ornamental styles<br />

in architectural history, ornament in<br />

contemporary architecture has an expanded<br />

vocabulary, through which architects<br />

are able to experiment, design,<br />

and produce from a broad perspective<br />

and with a different motive within architectural<br />

domain.<br />

Ornament in contemporary architecture<br />

emerges as an elaborate medium<br />

of consumption and production<br />

by means of new tools, methods, and<br />

techniques. The idea of seamlessness<br />

and fluency becomes the current par-<br />

Figure 3.


adigms of the exuberant use of ornament<br />

in the digital age. The integration<br />

cepts<br />

of scripture, algorithm, morphology,<br />

deformation, distortion, evolution,<br />

formation, mutation, generation,<br />

transformation, and variation. Consequently,<br />

new terms are added to the<br />

vocabulary of ornament, such as pixellization,<br />

porosity, fractal, digital, and<br />

virtual. Besides, pattern in its broadest<br />

sense has been included to the research<br />

area of ornament, as it consists of the<br />

concepts of sequential, dynamic, configurative,<br />

informative, performative,<br />

morphogenetic, and parametric (Lev-<br />

<br />

<br />

The expanded vocabulary of ornament<br />

allows contemporary architects to define<br />

ornament according to their own<br />

design approaches. As of now, ornament<br />

is elaborated through various attributions,<br />

such as “coded ornament”,<br />

“dynamic ornament”, “contemporary<br />

ornament”, “new ornament”, “ornamentalism”,<br />

“ornamatics”, and “digital<br />

<br />

Contemporary architects use advanced<br />

technology with an intention to<br />

demonstrate their virtuosity in designing<br />

and producing surface effects. In<br />

the case of the Ravensbourne College<br />

<br />

<br />

intention was to express the novelty of<br />

<br />

monolithic building is covered with<br />

es<br />

and colors, which produce unique<br />

combinations on the façades around<br />

doors and windows. Blurring the building<br />

scale, dazzling tessellations create<br />

a visual play, and produce affects and<br />

sensations, as also proposed by Farshid<br />

<br />

tention<br />

of representing the novelty of<br />

advanced technology resonates more<br />

to the argument of the architect Rob-<br />

nament<br />

in contemporary architecture<br />

associates more to the symbolic aspect<br />

than the sensual and the functional.<br />

nament<br />

is widely-used especially in<br />

terms of representing the function of<br />

the building as an adaptation of the<br />

postmodern approach. Charles Jencks<br />

<br />

has to carry plural meanings and mixed<br />

metaphors in order to continue its dis-<br />

ing<br />

a critique of the decorated shed in<br />

Figure 4. <br />

<br />

Figure 5.<br />

<br />

A critical review of ornament in contemporary architectural theory and practice


terms of signs attached to a flat surface,<br />

chitecture<br />

merges multiple meanings<br />

with functional and aesthetic dimensions,<br />

rather than dealing with signs.<br />

He coins the term “enigmatic signifier”<br />

as a representative of the multilayered<br />

meaning manifested through ornamental<br />

façades. With an intention to<br />

avoid rapid consumption and the territory<br />

of superficiality by reducing to an<br />

obvious denotation, the enigmatic signifier<br />

reveals connotations through an<br />

in-depth narrative, representation, and<br />

ics<br />

Center, widely known as the Water<br />

Cube, functions as a swimming sports<br />

building, and represents water bubbles<br />

<br />

<br />

Architects in collaboration with Arup<br />

<br />

example of the advanced construction<br />

technology with the integration of steel<br />

frame and pneumatic cladding. The<br />

enigmatic signifier reveals multiple<br />

meanings on the ornamental façades,<br />

as it expresses the novelty in construction<br />

technology, associates with the<br />

Chinese symbolism through the rectangular<br />

form, and represents the building<br />

function by imitating giant irregular<br />

bubbles.<br />

Ornament as the representation of<br />

culture has long been one of its prima-<br />

<br />

public buildings, especially in exposition<br />

constructions, ornament becomes<br />

a tool of public promotion and representation<br />

for commercial success. As<br />

<br />

architecture emerges first as a message,<br />

and then as a functional building, since<br />

the aim of expo buildings is to attract<br />

attention with their façades. As a case,<br />

<br />

<br />

Heatherwick Studio is worth mention-<br />

<br />

Seed Cathedral, the building was creat-<br />

<br />

rods, each of which displays a different<br />

seed at the tip. Inside the building,<br />

the assemblage of the displayed seeds<br />

forms curvilinear patterns all over,<br />

whereas on the outside, the tips of the<br />

seeds form a hairy texture. The pavilion<br />

oscillates between provoking tactility<br />

by the unique assembly of fiber<br />

optic rods and evoking visual surface<br />

effects by patterns that are perceived<br />

differently when seen from a distance<br />

and up close.<br />

The symbolic associations of ornament<br />

lead to representing prestige,<br />

social status, title, and affiliation of<br />

Figure 6. <br />

<br />

Figure 7.


specific figures on building façades. In<br />

this case, the ornamental façades of the<br />

<br />

holm,<br />

represent the symbolic narrative<br />

of power by depicting giant portraits<br />

of the royal figures of Sweden (Figure<br />

<br />

authority, the façades reveal the significant<br />

role of ornament as urban portraits,<br />

as well as the embodiment and<br />

<br />

<br />

One of the essential applications of<br />

ornament today relates to the aesthet-<br />

<br />

<br />

built by the Japanese architect Jun Aoki<br />

<br />

the contemporary conceptions of the<br />

<br />

building by Cross & Cross, in which<br />

the store is located, is clad with glasses<br />

that were ornamented with the famous<br />

checkered pattern of the brand.<br />

Figure 8.<br />

<br />

Figure 9. <br />

<br />

From outside, the façades perform as<br />

a veil by means of the overlapped patterned<br />

glasses. Creating a moiré effect,<br />

façades draw the attention of passersby,<br />

allowing them to have a glimpse of interior<br />

at some points. Playing with the<br />

opacity of vision, the façades represent<br />

the building function by imitating the<br />

<br />

as they turn the brand identity and the<br />

need for advertisement into ornament.<br />

In contrast to the representational<br />

use of ornament as in the examples of<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

representation of the building function<br />

<br />

form<br />

to the building context, its environment<br />

or local culture. For example,<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

surface in the ground floor level (Fig-<br />

<br />

was made of cast aluminium with a relief-like<br />

structure, functions as a kind<br />

of fence for private accesses to ground<br />

floor terraces, as much as it sends the<br />

curious looks of passersby away from<br />

the ground floor windows. Being an<br />

interpretation of the urban graffiti culture,<br />

the ornamental fence composes a<br />

graphic pattern that extends through<br />

the aluminium and wooden surfaces<br />

of the outer cladding and the interior<br />

decoration. In accordance with the me-<br />

<br />

critique of graffiti as the invader of<br />

the white city, the graffiti stylizations<br />

<br />

many architectural layers, as they use<br />

the surfaces as blank canvases without<br />

a beginning and an end.<br />

Contemporary architecture has long<br />

been an experimental ground for integrating<br />

ornamental elements as a<br />

part of load-bearing elements with an<br />

intention to construct structural orna-<br />

orates,<br />

ornament becomes necessary<br />

when it is integral to architecture as<br />

in the sense of structural ornament.<br />

<br />

Swiss architecture office Herzog & de<br />

<br />

sophisticated examples in this sense<br />

A critical review of ornament in contemporary architectural theory and practice


ives<br />

from the idea of creating a structure<br />

like a nest that unites space and<br />

surface, which are essentially two dif-<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

the building as the culmination of new<br />

<br />

Jacques Herzog explains, if a contemporary<br />

building lacks the unity of space<br />

and surface, ornament becomes additional<br />

much like a wallpaper (Chevri-<br />

<br />

<br />

structural ornament to explore the<br />

potentials of materials, remarks that<br />

structural ornament frees ornament<br />

from being an applied decoration. In<br />

<br />

merge with non-load-bearing ones,<br />

and work seamlessly as a single and<br />

intrinsic element. Blurring the strict<br />

borders of structure and ornament, the<br />

contemporary application of structural<br />

ornament emerges as a hybrid element.<br />

Current applications of ornament<br />

extend to media façades, or digital<br />

ornaments, which are activated as<br />

screens, and attract viewers’ attention<br />

by rendering the buildings visible at<br />

night. Produced and presented in the<br />

digital medium, media façades merge<br />

electronics, different materials, and<br />

building façades. In this sense, technology<br />

helps the production of nonconventional<br />

ornamental elements, which<br />

cannot be produced by conventional<br />

forms<br />

as a mediated layer, and blurs<br />

the distinction between static façade<br />

and flowing lights. With an emphasis<br />

on temporality, it creates dichotomies<br />

of materiality and immateriality, permanence<br />

and temporality. Rather than<br />

presenting a constant and fixed surface,<br />

the digital façade develops into a medium<br />

of continuous interactivity (Lavin,<br />

<br />

<br />

façade spreads digital information over<br />

a physical surface, and thus expands<br />

<br />

two-dimensional electronic screen as<br />

a moving ornament. In the case of the<br />

House of Industry, neon lights turn the<br />

building into spectacle at the center of<br />

<br />

<br />

-<br />

<br />

they demolished the ceramic façades<br />

and replaced it with glass façades with<br />

steel structures. The neon lights planted<br />

on the glass façades wrap the whole<br />

construction, and continuously flow<br />

while changing colors. The digital ornament<br />

adds a layer of ever changing<br />

grid patterns to the static glass façade,<br />

but also repeats the patterns ad infinitum.<br />

Ornament usually associates with<br />

the façades or the plasticity of buildings;<br />

yet it also establishes relationships<br />

with the building and the urban<br />

fabric. In accordance with the increasing<br />

popularity of satellite imagery in<br />

the post-information age, satellite view<br />

as a new ornamental scale becomes<br />

ments,<br />

this issue is explored in recent<br />

<br />

points to the current global trend of<br />

artificial island designs that have or-<br />

<br />

notes that contemporary buildings of<br />

Figure 10.


starchitects resemble ornaments at the<br />

scale of the city. The architectural critic<br />

Jonathan Glancey elaborates the idea<br />

of viewing cities as “gigantic carpets<br />

or textiles rolled across vast tracks of<br />

<br />

<br />

different scales and distances, as well<br />

as from various points of view, which<br />

make them reveal different ornamental<br />

dimensions.<br />

The contemporary application of ornament<br />

proposes novel aspects, such<br />

as structural ornament and digital ornament,<br />

as much as it reinterprets the<br />

traditional applications of representing<br />

culture, function, brand, power, and<br />

context. In the light of the case studies,<br />

it can be argued one of the primary motives<br />

of applying ornament in contemporary<br />

architecture is to attract public<br />

attention and to present spectacle. In<br />

this sense, the advancement of digital<br />

technology becomes a tool, rather than<br />

a motive and a primary ground of justification.<br />

4. Ornaments of the spectacle<br />

nication,<br />

a flood of images dominates<br />

the realm of architecture. Beginning<br />

with the twentieth-century widespread<br />

use of photography, advertising, and<br />

publishing technology, mass media<br />

expanded worldwide by transforming<br />

objects into images. Contemporary<br />

culture is represented by the accumulation<br />

of spectacles, which mediates the<br />

social relation among people. In this<br />

sense, spectacle refers to consuming<br />

products for their sign values, such as<br />

appearance, fame, and public attention,<br />

rather than their use values.<br />

viously<br />

addressed by Charles Baudelaire<br />

in the nineteenth-century together<br />

with Walter Benjamin, and theorized<br />

by the twentieth-century theorists,<br />

<br />

cault,<br />

and Jean Baudrillard. Benjamin<br />

olis<br />

as an endless spectacle, a visual<br />

show of spectacular images, dioramas,<br />

tempting dreams, and a realm of<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

dominates the everyday life through<br />

consumption and mass production in<br />

<br />

<br />

the spectacle and the authentic expe-<br />

<br />

Wrestling”, as he suggests the concept<br />

of the society of the spectacle a decade<br />

<br />

argues that the industry of semiotics<br />

goes further than the materialist rules<br />

of commodity, as it transforms everything<br />

into advertisement, media, or<br />

image. The dominating paradigm of<br />

visuality turns bodily presence into<br />

spectacle, media, and image, and links<br />

the spectacle to the social demand of<br />

astonishment and amazement.<br />

Following the twentieth-century<br />

views, the influence of visuality increases<br />

in contemporary age. The criticism<br />

of spectacle in current architectural<br />

domain consists of immaterial<br />

aspects of image, including flow, density,<br />

frequency, pixel, resolution, color,<br />

<br />

<br />

in the spectacle-laden public sphere,<br />

so that the people are subjected to absorb<br />

a profusion of images every day.<br />

Correspondingly, in an image-driven<br />

culture, much emphasis is given to<br />

visuality, surface, and surface effects<br />

without the intention of contemplation<br />

but only consumption.<br />

In parallel, ornament in contemporary<br />

architecture contributes to<br />

image-making, commercial success,<br />

and marketing strategy, as much as it<br />

becomes a designerly instrument of<br />

achieving astonishment. As seen from<br />

the case studies that sample ornament<br />

as the representation of function, culture,<br />

power, brand, urban context, and<br />

digital virtuosity, ornamental buildings<br />

become embodiments of consumption,<br />

exhibition, and public attention.<br />

5. Conclusion<br />

Literature of the last decade continuously<br />

highlights that ornament in<br />

contemporary architecture has a new<br />

definition and aspect. As this study<br />

demonstrates, ornament has a variety<br />

of layers. Being much more than an<br />

intricate architectural element, an indepth<br />

study of ornament overlaps its<br />

reemergence with social, cultural, and<br />

A critical review of ornament in contemporary architectural theory and practice


economical status quo.<br />

The need for commercial success<br />

and a profitable image of the building<br />

unfolds the connection of ornament<br />

and capitalism. Architecture relates to<br />

the power of the client; thus the ornamental<br />

façades emerge as a result of<br />

compromise and commercialization<br />

<br />

the budget of the client and mutual settlements<br />

with the architect determine<br />

the limits for creating spectacular and<br />

astonishing façades. The ornamental<br />

dimension is developed as an extension<br />

of constructing a brand image<br />

and sign exchange value. Accordingly,<br />

contemporary application of ornament<br />

does not discriminate between a public<br />

building and a housing complex. Ornament<br />

becomes a symbol of prestige<br />

and an instrument of power, in addition<br />

to being a representation of building<br />

function or program.<br />

In contemporary architecture, the<br />

digital, structural, sensual, representational,<br />

and symbolic facets stratify<br />

ornament metaphorically and literally.<br />

Ornament contributes to the contemporaneity<br />

of the city and the diversity<br />

of culture much like an advertisement<br />

board, a graffiti, or a tattoo, not primarily<br />

as an element of utility but as an<br />

intense medium of impression, expression,<br />

and representation. The profusion<br />

of ornamental buildings and architecture<br />

exhibitions that continue their<br />

worldwide expansion demonstrates<br />

that neither architects nor investors<br />

have done with revealing the potentials<br />

of ornament. In the future years, it is<br />

very possible that ornament will continue<br />

to be a critical discursive field for<br />

theorists, a playground of spectacle for<br />

public, and a challenging designerly instrument<br />

for architects more than ever.<br />

Acknowledgements<br />

This research has been supported by<br />

-<br />

-<br />

<br />

References<br />

<br />

<br />

tarihçe ve bibliyografya. <br />

, 241<br />

<br />

‘big’ yes to superficiality: Arlanda Hotel<br />

by Bjarke Ingels Group. ,<br />

32<br />

<br />

wrestling. In <br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

simulacra. In <br />

death <br />

<br />

Sage Publications.<br />

thetics.<br />

In <br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

of the nineteenth century. <br />

, <br />

<br />

Ornament, structure, space: A conversation<br />

with Jacques Herzog. ,<br />

<br />

<br />

-<br />

<br />

<br />

, exhibition<br />

catalogue, 1 June – 21 Septem-<br />

<br />

Basel.<br />

<br />

Re<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

history, theory and future of patterns<br />

of architecture and spatial design. <br />

, 79<br />

<br />

vi,<br />

architecte affranchie. <br />

,<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

Boston, Berlin: Birkhauser.<br />

-<br />

-<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

West Sussex: John Wiley & Sons.<br />

.


nament:<br />

The return of the symbolic<br />

repressed. ,<br />

<br />

-<br />

<br />

-<br />

<br />

Ltd.<br />

<br />

augmented space. <br />

, 5<br />

<br />

. Barcelona: Actar.<br />

<br />

<br />

. (A. Hild,<br />

<br />

<br />

.<br />

West Sussex: John Wiley & Sons Ltd.<br />

(<br />

<br />

architecture. lishers.<br />

<br />

patterns. , 79<br />

<br />

-<br />

chitecture<br />

between spectacle and use<br />

ling<br />

and Francine Clark Art Institute.<br />

A critical review of ornament in contemporary architectural theory and practice


Relationship between place<br />

attachment and user satisfaction at<br />

some national parks in Turkey<br />

Pınar SIVALIOĞLU 1 , Lale BERKÖZ 2<br />

1<br />

<br />

Faculty of Architecture, Cumhuriyet University, Sivas, Turkey<br />

2<br />

<br />

Architecture, Istanbul Technical University, İstanbul, Turkey<br />

<br />

<br />

Abstract<br />

Environmental and natural preservation has become a common problem for all<br />

societies of this century. Much scientific research is being done and many methods<br />

are being devised to analyze the balance between the recreational use and<br />

preservation of natural spaces. It appears that the basic purpose of these methods<br />

is to achieve recreational satisfaction. User satisfaction is a concept that lies at the<br />

core of many sectors and work areas. Place attachment is another concept that has<br />

been covered in many research studies conducted until today. Place attachment is<br />

a concept that is closely related with satisfaction and includes symbolic and emotional<br />

expressions. To see which factors effect visitor satisfaction and attachment<br />

will benefit future studies in national parks. In this scope, 5 national parks in<br />

Marmara region with different characteristics and highest user density rates have<br />

been chosen. The questionnaire forms have been accordingly designed to identify<br />

tendencies and evaluate attachment and satisfaction degrees with suitable analysis<br />

techniques. The first objective was to identify overall satisfaction and attachment<br />

levels and ratings. It was found that the visitors were satisfied with their overall<br />

visiting experience and also found that the attachment of the visitors to national<br />

parks was high. We observed that as the overall satisfaction increases, the overall<br />

attachment increases, as well. Second objective was to determine place attachment<br />

and its sub-categories. As a result of the analyses, 4 sub-factors with high<br />

reliability values obtained.<br />

Keywords<br />

Factor analysis, National park, Place attachment, User satisfaction.


1. Introduction<br />

The use of resources in order to meet<br />

the needs without considering what<br />

will happen in the future has led to<br />

a number of problems about the relations<br />

between man and nature. Almost<br />

all the definitions related to sustainability<br />

and sustainable development<br />

require the inclusion of the next generation<br />

in the current decision making<br />

process. The main objective of the<br />

methods developed through studies<br />

on the protection of natural areas and<br />

balanced use for recreational purposes<br />

is to maintain recreational satisfaction.<br />

User satisfaction is a concept that lies<br />

at the core of many sectors and work<br />

areas these days. Place attachment is<br />

another concept that is handled in various<br />

studies. Place attachment refers to<br />

attachment to a special place and is defined<br />

as positive emotional bond to a<br />

specific place (Low and Altman,1992).<br />

Place attachment is closely related to<br />

the concept of satisfaction, which has<br />

also been tested with studies. Certain<br />

studies especially highlight a variety<br />

of reactions and behaviors that individuals<br />

and groups may demonstrate<br />

depending on emotions, meanings<br />

and values especially when a place is<br />

<br />

<br />

true especially when an individual or<br />

a group has a positive bond with that<br />

-<br />

<br />

expanded Altman and Low’s definition<br />

of place attachment by emphasizing<br />

the functional and psychological attachments.<br />

(Williams et al., 1992).<br />

This study has been prepared for<br />

the purpose of measuring place related<br />

satisfaction and attachment of the national<br />

park visitors. The first objective<br />

was to identify overall satisfaction and<br />

attachment levels and ratings. Second<br />

objective was to explain place attachment<br />

and its sub-categories and also to<br />

identify their relation with each other.<br />

The questions that were prepared for<br />

that purpose and intended to constitute<br />

the attachment scale. Place attachment<br />

is taken as the basic and integrating<br />

concept and the elements that make up<br />

place attachment are explained along<br />

with their sub categories.<br />

Through an analysis of the data obtained<br />

by questionnaires given in the<br />

national parks within the research area,<br />

we have put forward a perceptional<br />

evaluation gauging the site-specific<br />

satisfaction and attachment of national<br />

park visitors.<br />

2. The relationship between visitor<br />

satisfaction and place attachment<br />

The interest in the relation between<br />

people and place is growing day by<br />

day. Studies on people’s emotional relations<br />

with places are full of various<br />

key concepts that are similar to each<br />

other. This kind of terminological<br />

complexity sometimes makes it hard<br />

to understand whether we discuss the<br />

same concept or different concepts.<br />

<br />

term is related to the other: “There is<br />

considerable overlap between factors<br />

such as emotional bonds, affiliation,<br />

behavioural commitment, satisfaction<br />

and belonging, which are loosely associated<br />

with theoretical descriptions’’.<br />

The analysis of the attitude of the individual<br />

towards a specific place depends<br />

on measuring one’s emotional, cognitive<br />

and activity-based responses and<br />

evaluations of that place (Jorgensen<br />

<br />

In the course of time, the term satisfaction<br />

has become the primary concept<br />

to measure the quality of visitor<br />

experiences. Today, we use a number of<br />

methods for satisfaction measurement<br />

such as interviews, questionnaires, observations<br />

etc. Understanding the visitor<br />

satisfaction has enabled the managers<br />

to meet the visitor expectations and<br />

develop various services and facilities<br />

for their satisfaction during their visit.<br />

<br />

increase not only in regular visits but<br />

also in preservation of the loyalty and<br />

acquisition rates, which results in the<br />

realisation of the economic objectives<br />

with the rise in the number of visitors<br />

and income. There is usually a positive<br />

relation between satisfaction and longterm<br />

economic success of the target<br />

area. What is more, the relation between<br />

the visitors and the area they go<br />

gets stronger. Therefore, the quality of<br />

the services provided has a significant<br />

impact on visitor satisfaction (Akama<br />

<br />

defines place satisfaction as a multidi-


mensional and concise judgment about<br />

the perceived quality of a place (Sted-<br />

<br />

fines,<br />

when the different components<br />

of behaviour (cognitive, affective and<br />

behavioural) are taken into account,<br />

some researchers hold the the view that<br />

user satisfaction is composed of affective<br />

constituents, while some others<br />

claim that perception is a more influential<br />

factor. The definitions that rely<br />

on the affective constituents identify<br />

user satisfaction as satisfaction with<br />

the place one lives in and reflection of<br />

happy feelings on the place where one<br />

<br />

on the cognitive constituents define<br />

user satisfaction by comparing the existing<br />

situation with the standards, in<br />

terms of expectations and demands<br />

<br />

to participate in activities that one likes<br />

is a factor that increases the place satisfaction<br />

of those in recreation (Bricker<br />

<br />

Manning, 1999). Ecologic and environmental<br />

conditions, also, help the<br />

formation of satisfaction one feels for<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

Studies on place attachment have<br />

also enabled us to understand the<br />

meanings that people attach to their<br />

physical environment. Any literature<br />

review on place attachment, place<br />

identification or related terms shows<br />

that these topics have been studied<br />

and measured with different scales for<br />

<br />

one of the essential concepts that this<br />

study deals with. The term attachment<br />

mostly refers to the sense of place that<br />

bolic<br />

and emotional manifestations.<br />

In a more general sense, the idea of<br />

place attachment has been used for<br />

thousands of years. In the ancient<br />

times, it was very common for people<br />

to introduce themselves with their<br />

names and the place they come from<br />

<br />

has been applied to the studies on natural<br />

resource management in the last<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

place attachment refers to the emotional<br />

bond and its meaning which one<br />

establishes with a certain geographical<br />

place after a long-term experience.<br />

ries<br />

of childhood significantly affect<br />

<br />

might establish emotional/symbolic<br />

bonds without visiting a certain place.<br />

<br />

develop passion for a certain type of<br />

environment without holding the ad-<br />

<br />

Therefore, emotional/symbolic attachment<br />

may refer to identification with<br />

a symbolic meaning or thought. For a<br />

while, the main difficulty that researchers<br />

have to deal with has been the variety<br />

of current approaches at the the-<br />

<br />

<br />

Williams et al. (1992) show the relation<br />

between satisfaction due to place<br />

characteristics and place attachment<br />

in their study. Williams et al. (1992),<br />

while studying the effect of social and<br />

physical conditions on determining the<br />

quality of wild nature trips, ascertained<br />

that place attachment is identified with<br />

the sensitivity about ecological effects<br />

such as garbage or destruction of the<br />

flora of that place.<br />

This study handles place attachment<br />

as attitude and perception shown for<br />

a specific place. The feeling of attachment<br />

towards a place can affect place<br />

satisfaction. For instance, the strong<br />

love one feels for a place could overshadow<br />

his evaluation of the environ-<br />

ever,<br />

one’s comprehensive experience<br />

in a recreational place which contributes<br />

to a deep formation of attachment<br />

for that place provides profound information<br />

about the previous condition<br />

and predicted situation of that place.<br />

The predicted situation relates to one’s<br />

perception of right and wrong and<br />

<br />

critical evaluation of the environment<br />

of that place. Both responses are possi-<br />

<br />

3. Method<br />

As study area, 5 national parks in the<br />

Relationship between place attachment and user satisfaction at some national parks in Turkey


Table 1. <br />

acteristics<br />

and highest user density<br />

rates both local and foreign have been<br />

chosen. They are also important natural<br />

areas for tourism and ecotourism.<br />

These 5 national parks that are chosen<br />

as sample area can be divided into<br />

two groups: National parks with nat-<br />

<br />

<br />

Park, Kuş Cenneti National Park) and<br />

national parks with historical qualities<br />

-<br />

<br />

Park). Comon attributes of study area<br />

national parks are listed at Table 1.<br />

<br />

the borders of Bursa and it is one of the<br />

most important winter sports center in<br />

Turkey. National park has rich in species<br />

and vegetation that both Alpine<br />

and endemic plants specific to Turkey<br />

portance<br />

in the world forestry literature.<br />

Bird Paradise National Park located<br />

<br />

popular migrating spot for birds from<br />

Europe and Asia and its very famous<br />

bird-watching location in the world.<br />

<br />

birds are visiting Bird Paradise National<br />

Park.<br />

-<br />

<br />

between the Sea of Marmara and Gulf<br />

of Edremit. It has historical, geological,<br />

mythological values and recreation opportunities<br />

and it is an important place<br />

for ecotourism with streams, deep valleys<br />

and canyons.<br />

tional<br />

Park located inside borders of<br />

Çanakkale and it has a great historical<br />

value both for local and foreign people.<br />

Sea and land wars made in inside<br />

the borders of the park during the<br />

First World War. War sites, cemeteries,<br />

monuments and ruins are registered<br />

as “historical preservation areas” and<br />

“ cultural wealth”. National park also<br />

has geological and geomorphological<br />

formations with attractive sigths.<br />

cated<br />

inside the borders of Çanakkale<br />

and it has a historical and mythological<br />

value coming from ancient Troy and<br />

Aka settlements. National park is one<br />

of the important archaelogical site in<br />

<br />

We have distributed questionnaire<br />

forms to visitors in 5 National Parks<br />

within the study area in the summer<br />

tionnaire<br />

forms depending on the literature<br />

review and designed to provide<br />

relevant data to identify tendencies<br />

and evaluate attachment and satisfaction<br />

degrees with suitable analysis<br />

<br />

distributed among the national parks<br />

inside the area of research. The data is<br />

evaluated with a bidirectional analysis<br />

<br />

with the SPSS statistical software of<br />

95% confidence interval. With the survey<br />

question designed to measure the<br />

general satisfaction of national park,<br />

we have planned to measure the visitors’<br />

satisfaction in terms of their vis-


Table 2. <br />

iting experience in general, the natural<br />

and social environment quality of the<br />

national park, the possibility of joining<br />

their favourite activities in the national<br />

ysis<br />

for the required comparisons. The<br />

applied factor analysis aims at grouping<br />

and reducing the question which<br />

<br />

to show the extent of attachment. We<br />

have used Likert scale ranging from 1<br />

to 5 for all these questions that are prepared<br />

for factor analysis. Factor analysis<br />

refers to the process of inventing<br />

new concepts such as factorisation or<br />

common factor or creating new functional<br />

definitions for concepts by using<br />

the factor load value of the items<br />

<br />

question was formed to measure general<br />

attachment level of park visitors<br />

and to be used for correlation analysis.<br />

The scale used to measure the place<br />

attachment in the measurement of attachment<br />

of National Park visitors to<br />

National Parks depends on the early<br />

<br />

<br />

This scale has been inspired by the<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

4. Findings<br />

This section includes the factor analyses,<br />

the data regarding the measurements<br />

of satisfaction and attachment<br />

and the general findings obtained in<br />

the study.<br />

4.1. General findings<br />

<br />

national park visitors who participated<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

visitors are from the middle income<br />

group. University and high school<br />

graduates constitute the majority of na-<br />

<br />

In order to measure the general attachment<br />

level of national park visitors,<br />

and later, to be used in correlation<br />

analyses they were asked to choose<br />

<br />

found that 11 of the national park visitors<br />

who participated in the study were<br />

<br />

<br />

attached. The average general attach-<br />

-<br />

<br />

ratios for the national parks covered in<br />

the study were analyzed by means of<br />

crosstab analysis, the highest attachment<br />

ratios were observed in Gallipoli<br />

<br />

is also possible to explain this situation<br />

as a manifestation of the attachment of<br />

individuals to their history and roots.<br />

We found the highest attachment degree<br />

in Gallipoli National Park where<br />

one of the most important wars for the<br />

history of modern Turkey took place.<br />

4.2. Satisfaction factor analysis<br />

The question that was designed<br />

to measure general satisfaction and<br />

which is composed of four postulates<br />

was first analyzed totally and then was<br />

applied factor analysis, which was, later,<br />

to be used in correlation analyses. It<br />

was found that, of all the national park<br />

<br />

were satisfied with their general visiting<br />

experiences.<br />

Four postulates of the question have<br />

been bundled under 1 factor, to be<br />

used in the correlation analysis and<br />

called overall satisfaction. As a result of<br />

the KMO analysis conducted to test the<br />

suitability of it for the factor analysis,<br />

ble<br />

2) and this shows that the data set is<br />

suitable for the factor analysis.<br />

The 1 factor that was obtained ex-<br />

-<br />

-<br />

<br />

it shows that the scale is reliable. The<br />

findings of the general factor analysis<br />

are presented in table 4 and we see that<br />

the loads of the first three factor items<br />

<br />

4.3. Place attachment factor analysis<br />

We applied factor analysis on the<br />

<br />

Relationship between place attachment and user satisfaction at some national parks in Turkey


Table 3. <br />

Table 4. <br />

form the sub-dimensions of place attachment.<br />

We also designed scales and<br />

various reliability tests that show the<br />

suitability for the factor analysis. We<br />

measured the general reliability coefficient<br />

for place attachment dimensions<br />

tion<br />

has a high degree of reliability. As<br />

a result of the KMO analysis that was<br />

conducted to test the suitability of the<br />

question for the factor analysis, on the<br />

ble<br />

5) was found, which is a very high<br />

value and shows that the data set is perfect<br />

for the factor analysis.<br />

As a result of the analysis, we obtained<br />

4 factors and these 4 factors ex-<br />

-<br />

<br />

Place identity, place dependence, place<br />

familiarity, and place affect. We think<br />

that these four factors explain the con-<br />

ty<br />

coefficients measured for each factor<br />

are high.<br />

The first factor called place identi-<br />

plains,<br />

by itself, 44.544% of the total<br />

variance. The studies prior to this have<br />

also identified the place identity factor<br />

as the leading sub-dimension that<br />

best explains place attachment. This<br />

study, also, consolidates the validity of<br />

the similar findings in the literature.<br />

The factor loads of the first four vari-<br />

<br />

<br />

factor that has the highest alpha value<br />

<br />

The second factor is called place<br />

dependence. Although this sub-dimension<br />

is called place dependence<br />

in literature, it actually refers to the<br />

functional relation with a place. This<br />

factor is composed of 9 items and ex-<br />

though<br />

there is a significant decrease<br />

in the explained total variance, it has a<br />

greater explaining value than the other<br />

two factors. It must be considered as<br />

a secondary factor that explains place<br />

attachment. Similar results have been<br />

obtained by other previous researches.<br />

The third factor is called place familiarity.<br />

Place familiarity is a theme<br />

that we previously came across in the<br />

<br />

<br />

acquaintance. Place familiarity factor<br />

<br />

loads of the first three items are over<br />

<br />

total variance.<br />

The fourth and the last factor is called<br />

place affect. This has been a relatively<br />

less developed concept in the relevant<br />

literature and it has been analyzed by<br />

other studies under the name of sense<br />

<br />

<br />

ed<br />

as a result of the influence of places<br />

on people, the factor has been called<br />

place affect. This factor is composed<br />

<br />

the total variance. The factor loads of<br />

the three of the four variables are over<br />

Table 5.


Table 6. <br />

Table 7. <br />

<br />

explains the variance. This factor, also,<br />

has been identified as the least explaining<br />

factor in the other previous studies.<br />

Place attachment factors, variables,<br />

factor loads and the variances they ex-<br />

<br />

4.4. Correlation analysis<br />

In order to see whether there is a relation<br />

between the general attachment<br />

levels of the national park visitors who<br />

participated in the study and their general<br />

satisfaction levels, we conducted a<br />

correlation analysis. Before the correlation<br />

analysis, however, a factor analysis<br />

was applied to the question that constitutes<br />

general satisfaction and is composed<br />

of 4 items. As a result of the correlation<br />

analysis, we found a significant<br />

positive relation between them at a lev-<br />

<br />

As general attachment levels increase,<br />

general satisfaction levels increase too.<br />

The positive relationship between<br />

attachment and satisfaction that was<br />

postulated in the study has been validated<br />

by means of analyses too (Table<br />

<br />

In order to see whether the general<br />

satisfaction and general attachment are<br />

in any way related with data obtained<br />

about the demographic characteristics,<br />

the number of visits to the national<br />

parks and the time spent in the national<br />

parks, we carried out a correlation<br />

analysis with these variables (Table 9).<br />

The correlation analysis is significant at<br />

<br />

We found no relation between overall<br />

satisfaction and age, gender and the<br />

time spent in the national park. There<br />

was, however, a negative relation with<br />

<br />

Thus, it seems, the higher educational<br />

status is the lower overall satisfaction<br />

Relationship between place attachment and user satisfaction at some national parks in Turkey


Table 8. <br />

Table 9. <br />

level becomes. As higher education<br />

means higher expectations, when a<br />

place fails to meet the expectations,<br />

a drop in the satisfaction level is fairly<br />

normal. A positive correlation was<br />

found between overall satisfaction and<br />

<br />

the income is the higher the satisfaction<br />

level gets.<br />

There is also a positive relation between<br />

number of visits to the national<br />

parks and overall satisfaction at the<br />

tion<br />

is the bigger the number of the visits<br />

reaches.<br />

We did not find any significant relation<br />

between general attachment and<br />

gender, income and the time spent in<br />

the national parks. There is a positive<br />

relation between general attachment<br />

and age at a level of 25,1%, which<br />

means, as age increases attachment<br />

level increases as well. We, on the other<br />

hand, found a negative correlation between<br />

attachment and education at a<br />

<br />

As educational level increases attachment<br />

level decreases. There is a<br />

positive relation between the number<br />

of visits to the national parks and gen-<br />

<br />

attachment becomes greater the number<br />

of visits becomes bigger too.<br />

We see that the average of the place<br />

affect points of the national park visitors<br />

who participated in the study is<br />

the highest, while the average of their<br />

place familiarity points is the lowest<br />

<br />

that have an impact on the sub-dimensions<br />

that were obtained as a result of<br />

the factor analyses, we carried out oneway<br />

variance and correlation analyses,<br />

independent T-tests, and descriptive<br />

analyses of demographic factors and<br />

other variables.<br />

The results of these analyses show<br />

that the place identity points of young<br />

people are lower than those of the visitors<br />

from the middle age group.<br />

Similarly, we found that the points<br />

of the young were lower than those of<br />

middle and upper-middle age groups<br />

in terms of place dependence. It may<br />

be due to the fact that there are not<br />

much activities addressing to the needs<br />

of young age group or it may be that<br />

the interests of young people tend<br />

to change quickly. Generally, all the<br />

sub-factors of attachment, excluding<br />

place familiarity, received low points<br />

from young people. This finding is in<br />

concordance with the findings of the<br />

relevant literature. Attachment is in<br />

direct proportion to age. We observed<br />

increase in attachment in proportion<br />

with the increase in age. Each attachment<br />

factor reflected significant differentiation<br />

statistically in relation with<br />

educational status and we saw that the<br />

points received by the primary school<br />

graduates for each factor were high.<br />

Thus, we may say that as educational<br />

status rises, the attachment ratios decrease.<br />

We, also, saw that almost all the<br />

sub-dimensions of place attachment<br />

displayed differentiation in relation<br />

with income variable. The highest ratios<br />

for the sub-dimensions of place<br />

Table 10.


attachment were observed in low and<br />

lower-middle income groups while the<br />

lowest ratios were observed in high income<br />

groups. There is negative relation<br />

between attachment and income level.<br />

5. Conclusion<br />

The research question for this study<br />

aims to explain the concept of place attachment<br />

with its sub-factors and identify<br />

their relation with satisfaction. To<br />

explain these relations, we used various<br />

questions. We, first, designed questions<br />

to measure the degrees of general satisfaction<br />

and general attachment, and<br />

then, as a result of the analyses, we<br />

identified a positive relationship between<br />

general attachment and general<br />

satisfaction, which was one of the hypotheses<br />

in this study. As general satisfaction<br />

levels increase, general attachment<br />

levels increase too.<br />

The positive relation between satisfaction<br />

and attachment is in parallel<br />

with the results of other researches<br />

done in this subject area (Bricker<br />

<br />

<br />

As previously pointed out, there is a<br />

semantic confusion about the sub-factors<br />

of place attachment and many<br />

researchers have identified different<br />

dimensions. Place identity and place<br />

dependence have been identified as<br />

dual dimensions by some researchers<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

several studies sense of place, that is,<br />

place affect has been included in the<br />

sub-dimensions (Jorgensen and Sted-<br />

<br />

the concept of attachment has been<br />

analyzed multi-dimensionally (Bricker<br />

<br />

<br />

familiarity that is identified in this<br />

study as one of the sub-dimensions is<br />

based on the concept of place acquaintance<br />

that is proposed in the 5-dimen-<br />

<br />

To sum up, the findings obtained in<br />

this study can be enumerated as follows.<br />

We think that this study, along<br />

with the concept of place attachment,<br />

tity<br />

(individual’s emotional and symbolic<br />

identification with a place), Place<br />

<br />

a certain place based on participation),<br />

Place Familiarity (familiarity that originates<br />

in time and interaction based on<br />

experience) and Place Affect (emotions<br />

and feelings that a certain place arouses<br />

in individuals).<br />

As a result of the comparative analyses<br />

made between demographic characteristics<br />

and sub-factors of place<br />

attachment, we found that place dependence<br />

and place familiarity sub-dimensions<br />

differs with respect to gender<br />

and that the male visitors received<br />

higher points. The highest attachment<br />

values were observed in low income<br />

and low education groups. We, also,<br />

found that attachment values decrease<br />

in lower age groups. These findings are<br />

in concordance with the similar studies<br />

in literature.<br />

Although, we found out overall satisfaction<br />

level of park visitors was high<br />

<br />

improved by maintenance and provided<br />

service quality in the study area national<br />

parks. Feeling secure in the national<br />

park also has a positice effect on<br />

satisfaction. Satisfaction is a source of<br />

motivation for subsequent visits and is<br />

very effective in creating attachment to<br />

<br />

<br />

place identity level and as a result of the<br />

strong place identity, place atttachment<br />

will increase too.<br />

Many recent studies have strived to<br />

form an understanding as to which<br />

factors have an impact on individual<br />

decision making processes in relation<br />

with the preservation of natural areas<br />

and resources. It is also claimed that<br />

management plans that are realized<br />

with the participation of the community<br />

will be more successful. Measuring<br />

visitor satisfaction and attachment,<br />

therefore, is very important.<br />

To conclude, we examined the satisfaction<br />

of national park visitors, the<br />

concept of place attachment, and the<br />

relation between place attachment and<br />

satisfaction which is the first study<br />

on this subject in national parks, in<br />

Turkey. Identification of the relation<br />

between satisfaction and place attachment<br />

and the differentiations that these<br />

concepts display with respect to demographic<br />

and socio-cultural characteris-<br />

Relationship between place attachment and user satisfaction at some national parks in Turkey


tics will contribute to future researches<br />

in national parks.<br />

And also we think that our findings<br />

will contribute to efforts of authorized<br />

national park administrators to find<br />

solutions for environmental satisfaction<br />

and place attachment of park<br />

visitors. The best way to measure the<br />

performance of a recreational area or<br />

service is to conduct visitor satisfaction<br />

surveys. With these surveys management<br />

and service performance can<br />

be identified and user involvement can<br />

be achieved. With this purpose, we<br />

recommend that every year in each national<br />

park, visitor satisfaction surveys<br />

should be conducted in order to improve<br />

the service quality. It is necessary<br />

to take the relation of man and environment<br />

and the factors that contribute<br />

to satisfaction into consideration<br />

in recreational planning. Thus, we may<br />

be able to meet the expectations and<br />

the needs of national park visitors as<br />

much as possible and consequently, the<br />

number of protective users who are attached<br />

to national parks will increase.<br />

References<br />

<br />

Measuring tourist satisfaction with<br />

Kenya’s wildlife safari: a case study of<br />

Tsavo West National Park. <br />

<br />

Berköz, L., Türk, S.S., Kellekçi, Ö. L.<br />

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<br />

Areas: The Case of Istanbul, <br />

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place attachment: An exploratory<br />

study of whitewater recreationists. Lei<br />

<br />

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to special places on public lands: An<br />

analysis of activities, reason for attachments,<br />

and community connections.<br />

<br />

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mental<br />

Behaviour, Place attachment<br />

and park visitation: A case study of<br />

visitors to Point Pelee National Park<br />

(Unpublished doctoral dissertation).<br />

University of Waterloo, Canada.<br />

<br />

<br />

recreation places: Conceptual and empirical<br />

development. ,<br />

<br />

<br />

-<br />

<br />

Management. <br />

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<br />

<br />

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ists’<br />

involvement, place attatchment<br />

and interpretation satisfaction in Taiwan’s<br />

national parks. <br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

Lakeshore owners attitudes toward<br />

their properties. <br />

<br />

<br />

dictors<br />

of sense of place dimensions:<br />

Attachment to, dependence on, and<br />

identification with lakeshore properties.<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

of sense of place on responses to environmental<br />

impacts: A study among<br />

residents in Svalbard in the Norwegian<br />

high Arctic. <br />

<br />

<br />

ments<br />

to Femundsmarka National<br />

Park, Norway, among tourists and locals,<br />

Nork Geografik Tidsskrift - <br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

place attachment on the relationship<br />

between attitude towards fees and<br />

spending preferences. ,<br />

<br />

Kyle, G., Bricker, K., Graefe, A., and<br />

<br />

of recreationists’ relationships with activities<br />

and settings. ,


attachment on users’ perceptions of social<br />

and environmental conditions in a<br />

natural setting. <br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

behavior loyalty among hikers along<br />

the Appalachian Trail. ,<br />

<br />

Kyle, G. T., Mowen, A. J., and Tar-<br />

<br />

preferences with place meaning: An<br />

examination of the relationship between<br />

place motivation and place attachment.<br />

<br />

<br />

Low, S. M., and Altman, I., (1992).<br />

<br />

. In I. Altman & S. M. Low (Eds.),<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

Oregon State University Press.<br />

<br />

Social ties, environmental perception,<br />

and local attachment. <br />

<br />

opmental<br />

theory of place attachment.<br />

,<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

amongst adolescents and adults in two<br />

rural Australian towns: The discriminating<br />

features of place attachment,<br />

sense of community and place dependence<br />

in relation to place identity. <br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

and self-identity. <br />

<br />

<br />

. London: Pion Limited.<br />

<br />

<br />

parks, <br />

<br />

<br />

Perceptual evaluation of the national<br />

park users, <br />

<br />

<br />

social psychology of place: Predicting<br />

behavior from place-based cognitions,<br />

attitude and identity. <br />

<br />

<br />

just a social construction?: The contribution<br />

of the physical environment<br />

to sense of place. <br />

<br />

<br />

-<br />

<br />

(Ed.), <br />

dale,<br />

NJ: Erlbaum.<br />

<br />

<br />

, MN: University of Minnesota<br />

Press.<br />

<br />

-<br />

ment<br />

of Setting Attributes on the Colo-<br />

<br />

, 19, 1,<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

(1992). The variability of user-based<br />

social impact standards for wilderness<br />

management. <br />

<br />

cept<br />

that is finding a home in ecosystem<br />

management. ,<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

. Paper<br />

presented at the session on Outdoor<br />

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Antonio, Texas.<br />

<br />

-<br />

<br />

of a psychometric approach. <br />

<br />

Relationship between place attachment and user satisfaction at some national parks in Turkey


Urban regulations in 18 th century<br />

Istanbul: Natural disasters and<br />

public dispute<br />

Işıl ÇOKUĞRAŞ 1 , C. İrem GENÇER 2<br />

1<br />

<br />

<br />

2<br />

<br />

Yildiz Technical University, Istanbul, Turkey<br />

<br />

<br />

Abstract<br />

As a part of the Ottoman modernization process, new regulations and institutions<br />

for urban management started to be established in Istanbul. This paper handles<br />

the 18th century as an initial period for these urban reforms and studies how<br />

the built environment was regulated at the time. The regulations of 18th century<br />

which were based on the occasion of natural disasters and public dispute will be<br />

evaluated via official archive documents and narratives.<br />

18th century Istanbul’s general urban fabric was formed with organic narrow<br />

streets and small timber houses. With the ethno-religious diversity embedded to<br />

this picture, the city had a complex and fragile character. Numerous fires causing<br />

massive destructions raised a need for precautions. Several orders related to<br />

construction systems, building height, size of building elements like eaves and<br />

projections were issued. On the other hand, the fact that urban constituents like<br />

ownership were not defined clearly in the modern sense made public dispute very<br />

common. Apart from the complexity of the built environment, most of the conflicts<br />

arose from the social structure of Istanbul which was comprised of various<br />

ethno-religious groups. There was a clear distinction of Muslims and non-Muslims<br />

in the urban realm as they had different building regulations, until the issuing<br />

of the Tanzimat Firman.<br />

The regulations of the 18th century was based on cases, rather than being comprehensive<br />

generalized rules for the urban fabric and thus had a more proscriptive<br />

nature rather than prescriptive.<br />

Keywords<br />

Construction systems, Istanbul history, Ottoman history, Urban history, Urban<br />

regulation.


184<br />

1. Introduction<br />

Even though there had been many<br />

researches on urban history of Ottoman<br />

Istanbul, 18 th century still seems<br />

to be an unexplored period. As contemporary<br />

urban historians started to<br />

pay attention to this era, it became clear<br />

that it was an important interval when<br />

the modernization process of the state<br />

was initiated. As a part of this process,<br />

new regulations and institutions for<br />

urban management started to be established<br />

in Istanbul. This paper handles<br />

the 18 th century as an initial period for<br />

these urban reforms and studies how<br />

the built environment was regulated at<br />

the time, on the occasion of natural disasters<br />

and public dispute.<br />

There are extensive studies on the<br />

<br />

Istanbul, which regard regulations of<br />

18 th century as the preparatory phase.<br />

The transition of Western urban elements<br />

into Ottoman urban realm by<br />

<br />

and roots of urban reforms in Tanzimat<br />

<br />

the transformation process of Istanbul<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

th century urban reforms by Gül<br />

<br />

important clues to explore and assess<br />

18 th century urban regulations and administrative<br />

issues.<br />

18 th century Istanbul was a scene for<br />

urban and architectural change. New<br />

building forms and spaces started to<br />

emerge in this period. The cityscape<br />

began to change as the social fabric of<br />

veloped<br />

with new constructions as new<br />

ways of patronage, was introduced to<br />

<br />

public spaces arose and a need to establish<br />

a control over them surfaced.<br />

Embassies and prestigious buildings<br />

began to rise in Pera-Galata district as<br />

the city became a hub for commerce<br />

with Europe. Istanbul was heading forward<br />

to being the famous cosmopolite<br />

metropolis with great amount of diversity<br />

in the urban elements.<br />

The era was multi-layered and complex<br />

as traditional values and novelties<br />

introduced by approaching modernism<br />

coincided and contradicted. This<br />

was a period when the authorities’<br />

first effort to define some urban regulations<br />

was visible, as well as their effort<br />

to preserve traditional regulations.<br />

The continuous struggle between these<br />

two entities could be seen in every field<br />

of life, thus nearly in every document<br />

produced at the period.<br />

th century, pre-modern<br />

mechanisms were more prevalent<br />

in urban management of 18 th century<br />

Istanbul which resulted in undefined<br />

boundaries. According to official archives,<br />

the morphological structure of<br />

buildings and ownership issues were<br />

too intricate to be described. Natural<br />

disasters and public dispute became<br />

potential grounds to formulate certain<br />

urban rules. It is even possible to say<br />

that the building regulations of the 18 th<br />

century Istanbul were based on daily<br />

events.<br />

Unfortunately this complex period<br />

has limited resources. Most of the<br />

narratives of the period ignored the<br />

daily experiences of the public as well<br />

as a detailed description of the built<br />

environment. The only resources to<br />

be found are official correspondence<br />

between the central government and<br />

local authorities, judgment records<br />

-<br />

uments<br />

and a few narratives (Ahmet<br />

<br />

communities’ reactions to the built environment<br />

and existing traditional regulations,<br />

as well as authorities’ effort to<br />

establish regulations.<br />

Figure 1.


2. Regulations<br />

Even though there is a tendency to<br />

view the engravings of the period with<br />

great envy of the traditional timber<br />

buildings, this construction system<br />

seems to be the main problem of the<br />

city. According to the official records<br />

and chronicles of this period, most of<br />

the houses (with exception of those<br />

belonging to the imperial family mem-<br />

<br />

<br />

fast reconstructions and was preferred<br />

by the public because of its affordabil-<br />

had<br />

visited Istanbul in the late 18 th century,<br />

the houses were either one or two storeys<br />

high, and were rarely three storeys.<br />

He also stated that there was a striking<br />

simplicity in the construction of these<br />

houses: the interior spaces might be<br />

decorated; however outer façades were<br />

<br />

<br />

Although the urban fabric of 18 th<br />

century Istanbul seems to be self-developed,<br />

there were some authorities<br />

in charge for buildings. All construction<br />

and public works was regulated by<br />

<br />

<br />

, the person responsible for<br />

finance, purchasing and administrative<br />

issues regarding constructions.<br />

There were some general rules, such<br />

as it was not possible to construct on<br />

every empty land within intramural Istanbul,<br />

since there were specific areas<br />

allocated by the central government for<br />

<br />

<br />

Figure 2 <br />

<br />

permit from the chief architect had<br />

to be obtained for new constructions<br />

<br />

chief architect also specified the building<br />

height, the street line on which the<br />

house would be positioned, as well as<br />

the distance of projection for the eaves<br />

<br />

on the façades, according to the regulations<br />

defined by the central authorities.<br />

Another main rule was that it was<br />

not possible to make any perforations<br />

on the façades that faced a neighbor’s<br />

<br />

<br />

Orders were issued at different times<br />

by the central government regarding<br />

the height, colors, construction types<br />

of buildings, as well as building elements<br />

like projections, roofs and eaves.<br />

These orders contained specific dimensions<br />

or general codes, which aimed to<br />

define, limit and standardize building<br />

regulations. From these orders, it<br />

is possible to derive that 18 th century<br />

building regulations resulted from two<br />

<br />

and social values. The timber structures,<br />

being the prevalent construction<br />

type, were frequently destroyed<br />

by fires. As for social values, Muslims<br />

were the predominant group in the social<br />

fabric; therefore regulations were<br />

adjusted according to them. The regulations<br />

aimed to maintain public order,<br />

especially to prevent disputes between<br />

neighbors.<br />

The religious court registries also allow<br />

us to derive information about the<br />

urban structure of Istanbul. Although<br />

they do not always point to a specific<br />

regulation, these records enlighten<br />

measures taken against violation of<br />

ownership/property rights related to<br />

constructions. Property inheritance<br />

was also another important issue that<br />

can often be seen as related to building<br />

measures and construction types.<br />

Upon public petitions, authorities were<br />

appointed to make quantity surveys of<br />

the properties involved.<br />

2.1. Regulations related to disasters<br />

Fires were the most devastating incidents<br />

both for the citizens and the<br />

managers of Istanbul. The city was the<br />

scene for frequent fires that dispersed<br />

into vast areas in a short period of time.<br />

Urban regulations in 18 th century Istanbul: Natural disasters and public dispute


Therefore it is not surprising to see that<br />

most of the imperial orders, archive<br />

records and religious court registries<br />

were concerned with regulating the urban<br />

space for fire mitigation. First part<br />

of this section will focus on these regulations<br />

which provide an insight on the<br />

perspective of the central authorities<br />

and the physical impact of these measures.<br />

The natural disasters Istanbul had<br />

faced were not only fires of course, the<br />

city also suffered from earthquakes.<br />

The timber-framed construction that<br />

was vulnerable for fire had actually outlived<br />

such shocks. However the one in<br />

<br />

After this disaster, it is known that public<br />

buildings were restored and many<br />

decrees were issued on these buildings.<br />

<br />

scarce information about the condition<br />

of civil buildings and their reconstruction<br />

process.<br />

Timber construction was preferred<br />

by the public for its low cost compared<br />

to stone masonry buildings, and the<br />

timber was seen as the main reason<br />

<br />

<br />

authorities complained about this situation<br />

and tried to take precautions on<br />

the subject. An early order dating to<br />

-<br />

<br />

must be made of stone, lime and mud,<br />

according to the owner’s wealth and<br />

the eaves would be made of dogtooth<br />

tooth<br />

eaves continuously come up in<br />

further documents. The reason for<br />

this persistency is because these eaves<br />

would not extend as wide as timber<br />

eaves. Considering the narrowness of<br />

the streets, this precaution aimed to<br />

prevent the spreading of fire. In order<br />

to provide materials for masonry construction,<br />

a new order was issued in<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

similar recommendations to that of<br />

ings<br />

caught fire and needed a thorough<br />

repair or reconstruction, they should<br />

be constructed from stone masonry<br />

with dogtooth eaves that did not project<br />

forward. Also, in areas close to city<br />

walls, no timber constructions should<br />

<br />

general concerns were repeated in an<br />

order regarding the architectural and<br />

construction style of Istanbul houses<br />

<br />

some regulations on projections on<br />

<br />

should not exceed 18 <br />

and should not face each other; they<br />

should be constructed on alternating<br />

levels (one on top, one on bottom lev-<br />

<br />

<br />

Another important issue was the<br />

wooden terraces. A firman issued in<br />

<br />

terraces on roofs, since these allowed<br />

fire to jump from one house to the other<br />

easily, especially on narrow streets<br />

Figure 3.


Table 1. <br />

Date<br />

issued<br />

Type Summary Content<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

Imperial<br />

order<br />

Imperial<br />

order<br />

Imperial<br />

order<br />

All new constructions -including houses and shopsmust<br />

be made of stone, lime and mud, according<br />

to the owner’s wealth. Eaves should be made of<br />

dogtooth courses.<br />

<br />

with stone masonry and dogtooth eaves.<br />

Construction of timber buildings close to city walls<br />

was banned.<br />

<br />

fingers in İstanbul and should not face each other;<br />

instead they should be constructed on alternating<br />

levels for corresponding houses.<br />

Firman Construction of wooden terraces was banned.<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

Order<br />

of chief<br />

architect<br />

Construction of wooden terraces was banned.<br />

No buildings should be allowed to be constructed<br />

<br />

side of the walls should be allocated for the road<br />

No buildings should be allowed to be constructed<br />

next to the city walls<br />

Mandatory masonry<br />

construction<br />

Mandatory masonry<br />

construction<br />

Prohibition of timber<br />

structures close to city walls<br />

Limitation of façade<br />

projections<br />

Prohibition of wooden<br />

terraces<br />

Prohibition of wooden<br />

terraces<br />

Prohibition of any structure<br />

next to city walls<br />

Prohibition of any structure<br />

next to city walls<br />

<br />

<br />

prohibition of wooden terraces came<br />

<br />

owners wanted to construct such terraces<br />

when renewing their homes after<br />

-<br />

<br />

orders suggest that it was not possible<br />

to implement these suggestions. The<br />

rules had to be repeated after every<br />

devastating case.<br />

City walls were an urban concern for<br />

the managers of Istanbul since people<br />

were building on these structures even<br />

though it was not allowed. In addition,<br />

making extensions from the houses<br />

close to the walls was also prohibited.<br />

In several orders, this rule was reminded.<br />

Although it may seem to be a modern<br />

historic preservation approach,<br />

the real reason for this was again fire<br />

prevention, since fires outside the city<br />

walls could easily spread to the inner<br />

parts due to the attached or extended<br />

<br />

example an imperial order stated that<br />

<br />

spread out and caused damage in the<br />

intramural region in Zindankapı due<br />

to the timber buildings higher than<br />

the city walls. The order emphasized<br />

that no buildings should be allowed to<br />

be constructed next to the city walls.<br />

<br />

summary of fire prevention measures<br />

<br />

Commercial buildings, like khans<br />

and shops that were covering nearly<br />

the half of the built environment of<br />

Istanbul, were a major concern for the<br />

government. According to an order,<br />

<br />

construction and “filled” walls easily<br />

caught fire. (In filled construction,<br />

the wall is constructed with vertical,<br />

horizontal and diagonal timber posts<br />

and the space in between them is filled<br />

with materials like mud brick or rub-<br />

<br />

and shops were not allowed to be built<br />

from timber and all such buildings<br />

should be constructed of stone. One<br />

year later, a new order was issued repeating<br />

the prohibition on construction<br />

of timber shops, unless the own-<br />

Urban regulations in 18 th century Istanbul: Natural disasters and public dispute


188<br />

Table 2. <br />

Date<br />

issued<br />

Type Content Content<br />

<br />

Imperial<br />

order<br />

The khans and shops were not allowed to be built<br />

from timber and all such buildings should be<br />

constructed of stone.<br />

Mandatory masonry<br />

construction<br />

<br />

Imperial<br />

order<br />

The khans and shops were not allowed to be built<br />

from timber, unless the owners were not wealthy<br />

enough to build a stone masonry building.<br />

Mandatory masonry<br />

construction for wealthy<br />

shop owners<br />

<br />

Imperial<br />

order<br />

The construction of masonry khans was banned.<br />

Prohibition of masonry<br />

construction<br />

<br />

Imperial<br />

order<br />

With the condition that only the shopkeepers<br />

<br />

stranger was allowed to enter, masonry rooms<br />

were allowed to be built above the bakeries and<br />

some shops.<br />

Allowance for masonry<br />

construction<br />

<br />

Imperial<br />

order<br />

The construction of timber khans was banned. If<br />

the owner was not wealthy, at least he was obliged<br />

to construct the outer walls in masonry and the<br />

rest of the structure could be built from timber.<br />

Mandatory masonry<br />

construction for all shop<br />

owners<br />

ers were not wealthy enough to cover<br />

the costs of a stone masonry building<br />

<br />

There was a major contradiction<br />

on the subject of khans as well. Even<br />

though the fire precautions demanded<br />

masonry construction, the government<br />

<br />

the construction of masonry khans.<br />

This was due to the fact that the shopkeepers<br />

sometimes joined Janissaries<br />

at public revolts, gathering in masonry<br />

khans in large groups and defend-<br />

<br />

The fear for masses coming together<br />

at these commercial buildings came<br />

<br />

stated that under the condition that<br />

no other person other than the owner<br />

was allowed to enter, masonry rooms<br />

were permitted to be built above the<br />

<br />

<br />

timber khans was banned this time and<br />

according to the order if the owner was<br />

able to cover the costs, he was obliged<br />

to build a masonry khan, if not, he<br />

would at least construct the outer walls<br />

in masonry and the rest of the structure<br />

could be built from timber (Ergin,<br />

<br />

brief summary, the inconsistency on<br />

constructional system of commercial<br />

buildings reflected the government’s<br />

mentality to establish rules on daily<br />

basis. Even though the government’s<br />

reaction to public discontent and fire<br />

contradicted, they still issued these<br />

orders that out rule the previous one,<br />

inhibiting to establish a general rule.<br />

(For summary of building regulations<br />

<br />

Regularizing building heights were<br />

a part of the fire prevention. The residential<br />

quarters of the 18 th century<br />

Istanbul were covered with buildings<br />

with various heights, but not too high<br />

in general. For shops, the standard<br />

height was 4 s (1 = approx.<br />

cording<br />

to the type of craft being prac-<br />

<br />

also some orders which specified the<br />

heights of buildings according to their<br />

function. For example, after the fire in<br />

the Hippodrome, it was decided that<br />

horse stables and other commercial<br />

buildings in the zone should be reconstructed.<br />

According to the order on the<br />

<br />

s (1 =<br />

<br />

s; bakeries 8 s; bakeries<br />

s; groceries, vegetable<br />

s; greengroceries<br />

and attars 4


Table 3. <br />

Date<br />

issued<br />

<br />

<br />

Content<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

Construction of timber terraces or roofs was prohibited for shops; all shops<br />

must be masonry.<br />

Height of shops close to the city walls,<br />

<br />

<br />

ironsmiths, boilersmiths, producers of arsenal equipments, groceries: 4,1 m<br />

clothsellers, fruitsellers, fish sellers, stone masons, attars, barbers, coffee<br />

<br />

the rule that it was forbidden to build<br />

on and next to the city walls, while a<br />

distance of 4 s from one side of the<br />

wall should be allocated for the road<br />

and the shops should not exceed the<br />

height of 4 s if they were attached to<br />

the city wall. The order also reminded<br />

that no timber terraces or roofs could<br />

be constructed and all shops, whether<br />

on/in/out of city walls, should be<br />

constructed of stone masonry (Ergin,<br />

-<br />

<br />

2.2. Regulations based on public<br />

dispute<br />

Generally, Istanbul’s neighborhoods’<br />

residential patterns were determined<br />

by ethnicity and religion, however<br />

there were also mixed neighborhoods.<br />

We might say that these patterns defined<br />

the borders of neighborhoods<br />

rather than urban elements like streets.<br />

Main roads would define some borders,<br />

but otherwise organically formed<br />

streets and narrow alleys would run in<br />

the neighborhoods. Within this context,<br />

keeping in mind that Ottoman<br />

State was an Islamic state and nearly<br />

half of the population of Istanbul was<br />

non-Muslims, neighborhood conflicts<br />

especially caused by religion was inevitable.<br />

uents<br />

like ownership were not defined<br />

clearly in the modern sense in this period<br />

made public dispute very common.<br />

Most of the public petitions on neighborhood<br />

conflicts referred to land or<br />

property conflicts. There are numerous<br />

cases where the conflicts were caused<br />

by ethno-religious diversity and Muslims’<br />

power over the non-Muslims.<br />

Solutions offered to the petitions give<br />

us hints about the built environment<br />

and regulations of the period.<br />

The fires did not only cause problems<br />

about constructions, but they<br />

were a major security issue for the city<br />

due to the uncontrolled burnt areas.<br />

According to a religious court regis-<br />

<br />

Mustafa Paşa district complained that<br />

vagabonds were using the places that<br />

were burnt during the fire. They demanded<br />

a permission to build gates<br />

(trict.<br />

These would be closed at nights<br />

and keep strangers outside the neigh-<br />

<br />

<br />

know that were one of<br />

the most common safety precautions<br />

for neighborhoods. The significance of<br />

this document is that, it points out to<br />

the active role of the residents in urban<br />

interventions to their neighborhoods.<br />

Complexity of the civil architecture<br />

is another issue that appears behind<br />

the documents. The houses did not<br />

have integrity, one room would be over<br />

another house and since there were no<br />

Urban regulations in 18 th century Istanbul: Natural disasters and public dispute


egulations to control this, there would<br />

be a lot of conflicts on the subject. For<br />

th century religious court<br />

registry handled a case where İbrahim<br />

Çelebi built a room on top of Hasan<br />

Çelebi’s house. An architect sent by the<br />

authorities inspected the houses and<br />

observed that İbrahim Çelebi’s room<br />

s on Hasan Çelebi’s<br />

property. Hasan Çelebi declared that<br />

it had been constructed by his permis-<br />

<br />

<br />

that although none of the companies<br />

denunciated each other, the authorities<br />

had issued an inspection hints that<br />

there was a concern to establish an urban<br />

order. It seems that these sorts of<br />

constructions were regarded as problematic<br />

even though they were very<br />

common. These unclear boundaries<br />

of the properties not only caused a lot<br />

of problems in the aftermaths of fires,<br />

but also they challenge the traditional<br />

Turkish house historiography.<br />

Apart from the complexity of the<br />

built environment, most of the conflicts<br />

arose from the social structure of<br />

Istanbul which was comprised of various<br />

ethno-religious groups. Although<br />

the number of petitions informs us<br />

that these regulations were broken<br />

frequently, there was a clear distinction<br />

of Muslims and non-Muslims in<br />

the urban context. It was forbidden<br />

for non-Muslims to settle in Islamic<br />

sacred regions, like Eyüp Sultan Mau-<br />

<br />

would usually live in groups in certain<br />

-<br />

<br />

not forbidden for non-Muslims to live<br />

in Muslim neighborhoods, through<br />

complaints we are aware that it was not<br />

welcomed. In various documents the<br />

non-Muslims settled in Muslim neighborhoods<br />

were asked to sell their properties<br />

to Muslims.<br />

According to the Islamic Law, the<br />

house of a non-Muslim should differ<br />

from the Muslims’ both in height and<br />

color. However, the number of imperial<br />

orders reminding the citizens of this<br />

regulation implies that this regulation<br />

was often disobeyed. At certain periods<br />

when the authorities were concerned<br />

with establishing the public order,<br />

number of imperial orders about this<br />

regulation had increased. For example<br />

during his reign, Selim III ordered<br />

non-Muslims to paint their houses to<br />

black and Muslims not to paint their<br />

houses to black so that the non-Muslim<br />

houses could be spotted immediately.<br />

The order also stated that the<br />

non-Muslims’ houses should not have<br />

windows facing the houses of Muslims.<br />

<br />

had visited Istanbul in late 18th century,<br />

mentioned these rules in his depic-<br />

<br />

<br />

The height of the buildings was another<br />

distinctive pattern for religious<br />

distinction. A stated that if a<br />

non-Muslim constructed a building<br />

higher than the Muslims’, it would be<br />

demolished to the level of the Muslims’<br />

-<br />

<br />

in intramural and extramural İstanbul,<br />

the Jews and Christians should not<br />

build their building higher than two<br />

floors and they would not be allowed to<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

while Muslims were allowed to build<br />

12 s high buildings; non-Muslims<br />

were not allowed to build higher than<br />

<br />

limits were increased a century later<br />

to 14 s for Muslims and 12 s<br />

for non-Muslims, as stated in a firman<br />

<br />

This practice was abandoned after the<br />

issuing of the Tanzimat Firman, which<br />

is one of the reasons why the high<br />

non-Muslim buildings we see today<br />

th th century.<br />

In the urban context, religious identity<br />

also caused conflicts on ownership<br />

since it was a problem for a non-Muslim<br />

to buy a property in a Muslim<br />

neighborhood. In an imperial order<br />

<br />

of the houses in the Muslim neighborhood<br />

in Langa were bought by<br />

non-Muslims, thus the mescid and the<br />

school was surrounded with them. It<br />

was also noted that the non-Muslims’<br />

ceremonies were disturbing the Muslims.<br />

The citizens of the neighborhood<br />

had written a complaint to Shaykh<br />

al-Islam about this, who replied to


them with a fetwa. The fetwa suggested<br />

that these non-Muslims should convert<br />

into Islam or they should sell their<br />

properties to Muslims. The imperial<br />

order demanded this fetwa to be ap-<br />

<br />

In many documents on Muslim-non-Muslim<br />

conflicts, the Muslims<br />

complain about being disturbed<br />

<br />

in mind that non-Muslims were not<br />

allowed to perform their ceremonies<br />

outside determined locations, it seems<br />

that this was used as an excuse to move<br />

out non-Muslims from the neighbourhood.<br />

Once a Muslim complained<br />

about being disturbed by non-Muslims<br />

ceremonies, he would immediately get<br />

attention of Shaykh al-Islam.<br />

<br />

stated that some buildings and rooms<br />

located near a mosque, were rented<br />

to some non-Muslims. According to<br />

the Muslim tradition, if a non-Muslim<br />

settled in a Muslim neighborhood or<br />

rented rooms near a mosque, the owner<br />

of the room was asked to rent it to<br />

-<br />

<br />

a Jew bought a land that belonged to<br />

a Muslim. However, because it was<br />

against the regulation, he was asked to<br />

sell the land to a Muslim and his right<br />

to ownership was transferred to a Jew-<br />

<br />

Examples of such cases can be multiplied<br />

and reveal that in pre-Tanzimat<br />

Istanbul, the non-Muslims had quite<br />

a lot of difficulties in settling wherever<br />

they want and keeping their properties.<br />

Although single cases were mentioned<br />

here, we know that Istanbul’s<br />

th century ethno-religious distribution<br />

was shaped before Tanzimat<br />

through massive movements. The<br />

<br />

Eminönü is the most significant case.<br />

th century, the<br />

area that was a predominantly Jewish<br />

neighborhood was given to Muslims.<br />

<br />

order sent to İstanbul Qadi, Janissary<br />

<br />

<br />

Jewish houses that were located near<br />

<br />

that those houses should be occupied<br />

by Muslims instead; therefore the Jews<br />

should be moved to some Jewish dis-<br />

<br />

th century archival documents state<br />

that some Armenians were moved to<br />

intramural Istanbul and Üsküdar, and<br />

they were asked to sell their properties<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

the time the construction of an Islamic<br />

religious building resulted in transfer<br />

of non-Muslims to another district. We<br />

might definitely say that the urban regulations<br />

favored the Muslims and supported<br />

Islamization of certain areas.<br />

gious<br />

buildings was not easy for the<br />

non-Muslims. There are a few cases<br />

before Tanzimat allowing such repair<br />

<br />

some permission to repair churches<br />

and synagogues. Jews were allowed<br />

to repair their synagogues and Armenians<br />

were allowed to repair their Aya<br />

Sırati Church burnt in fire (Altınay,<br />

<br />

these renovation works were not permitted.<br />

For instance, in an imperial order<br />

sent to Istanbul Qadi and the chief<br />

<br />

Greek Patriarchate in Fener was damaged<br />

in a fire and the demand to repair<br />

the building was met with opposition.<br />

In the order, it was pointed out clearly<br />

that the repair works would not be<br />

<br />

Only after the Tanzimat we start seeing<br />

permissions for repairing churches<br />

and synagogues. The earliest order we<br />

came across dated to 1842 and it stated<br />

that religious buildings and schools<br />

belonging to Greeks, Armenians and<br />

Jews in Istanbul and other villages were<br />

<br />

<br />

documents related to repair works of<br />

churches in Istanbul followed this order.<br />

3. Discussion<br />

18 th century Istanbul’s general urban<br />

fabric was formed with organic narrow<br />

streets and small timber houses. With<br />

the ethno-religious diversity embedded<br />

to this picture, the city had a complex<br />

and fragile character. Numerous fires<br />

Urban regulations in 18 th century Istanbul: Natural disasters and public dispute


causing massive destructions raised a<br />

need for precautions. Several orders<br />

related to construction systems, building<br />

height, size of building elements<br />

like eaves and projections were issued.<br />

Those precautions aiming to mitigate<br />

the spreading of fire in a neighborhood<br />

and mainly demanding masonry construction<br />

did not turn out as a building<br />

code. Rather, they were spontaneous<br />

reactions to current events, generally<br />

to great fires and most of the times<br />

were issued according to social conditions.<br />

For example, strict prohibition of<br />

timber structures was followed by an<br />

order that allowed people with low income<br />

to build timber houses or shops<br />

because of social order issues especially<br />

regarding the shop owners. The role<br />

of commercial buildings in public revolts<br />

resulted in an indecision on their<br />

construction type. The attitude of the<br />

government towards the built environment<br />

was ambiguous at certain times.<br />

Apart from the fact that the government<br />

out ruled its own decisions on<br />

urban order sometimes, there was a<br />

lack of an authority to implement these<br />

regulations. For example, in his study,<br />

though<br />

the Imperial Architects’ Guild<br />

had a great authority on the urban<br />

context, it was not possible to establish<br />

an institutionalized urban order. Until<br />

Tanzimat, all the regulations related<br />

to the city were organized according<br />

to the Islamic Law and Qadis were in<br />

charge of the establishing the urban<br />

order. Although certain orders for urban<br />

regulations had been issued by the<br />

th century<br />

mentation<br />

and monitoring of the urban<br />

regulations became possible only<br />

after the issuing of Tanzimant Firman<br />

<br />

transformed into more specific urban<br />

codes, the administrative bodies were<br />

established to govern and control these<br />

codes.<br />

The ambiguity was not only in government’s<br />

decisions and administration,<br />

it was also a part of the built environment<br />

as issues of ownership and<br />

borders of buildings were not clear.<br />

These indeterminacies and contradictions<br />

caused by them were actually<br />

the main character of the 18 th century.<br />

However in the urban context, the issues<br />

had to be solved and social order<br />

had to be maintained. Public disputes<br />

related to the buildings were resolved<br />

by instant interventions, yet there were<br />

general rules about the distinction of<br />

non-Muslims’ urban elements from<br />

garding<br />

the properties of buildings of<br />

<br />

the government aimed to prevent the<br />

conflicts within different social groups<br />

and re-affirm Muslims’ power over the<br />

non-Muslims. Even though the number<br />

of petitions on this subject informs<br />

us that these regulations were broken<br />

frequently, there was a clear distinction<br />

of Muslims and non-Muslims in the<br />

urban realm. Only after the issuing of<br />

the Tanzimat Firman, the situation had<br />

started to change and non-Muslims began<br />

to own and repair their properties<br />

more freely. Until then, regulation of<br />

urban form was an important factor in<br />

maintaining social order.<br />

We can conclude that before the<br />

Tanzimat Period, the building codes<br />

and regulations of the Ottoman State<br />

relied on two main themes: natural<br />

disasters and social values. The regulations<br />

of the 18 th century was based on<br />

cases, rather than being comprehensive<br />

generalized rules for the urban fabric<br />

and thus had a more proscriptive nature<br />

rather than prescriptive.<br />

References<br />

-<br />

, Istanbul:<br />

<br />

-<br />

,<br />

<br />

<br />

-<br />

<br />

Istanbul: Sabancı Üniversitesi<br />

Yayınları.<br />

<br />

tian<br />

and Jewish Space in Istanbul”, -<br />

-<br />

, <br />

<br />

<br />

-


-<br />

,<br />

Paris: Imprimerie de Monsieur.<br />

<br />

atlar<br />

Akademisi Yüksek Mimarlık<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

-<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

-<br />

<br />

-<br />

, Istanbul: The Economic<br />

and Social History Foundation of Turkey.<br />

<br />

Istanbul: Istanbul Araştırma<br />

<br />

<br />

-<br />

-<br />

<br />

<br />

-<br />

<br />

-<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

-<br />

<br />

-<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

-<br />

-<br />

-<br />

<br />

Ottoman Archival Documents<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

Urban regulations in 18 th century Istanbul: Natural disasters and public dispute


Assessing the role of users in<br />

sustainable revitalization of<br />

historic urban quarters: The case<br />

of Bursa-Khans District<br />

Gül Sibel GEDİK 1 , Dilek YILDIZ 2<br />

1<br />

<br />

Science, Engineering and Technology, Istanbul Technical University, Istanbul,<br />

Turkey<br />

2<br />

<br />

Istanbul Technical University, Istanbul, Turkey<br />

<br />

<br />

Abstract<br />

Historic urban quarters which are vital for the physical, economic and socio-cultural<br />

sustainable development of cities, are subject to fast paced changes<br />

due to the effects of globalization and rapid urbanization. Preventing the negative<br />

effects of urbanization and globalization and maintaining the unique identity<br />

of historic urban quarters for the future can only be possible by means of<br />

sustainable revitalization strategies which involve all relevant stakeholders in a<br />

holistic approach. Even though there is extensive research that focuses on the environmental,<br />

socio-cultural and economic dimensions of sustainable revitalization<br />

strategies, relatively fewer studies specifically deal with the user perceptions,<br />

images and opinions. By considering local people as a valuable resource, the aim<br />

of this paper is to assess users’ role in sustainable revitalization. Khans District<br />

which is not only a historic but also a commercial and cultural center of the city<br />

of Bursa has been chosen as a case due to the ongoing transformation of this district.<br />

Methodologically, cognitive mapping and survey questionnaires have been<br />

used to obtain data. The findings showed that user sourced data can contribute<br />

to the physical, social, economic and governance dimensions of sustainable revitalization<br />

strategies. This data can also influence (1) the determination of aims<br />

and targets, (2) planning and design and (3) the management stage of sustainable<br />

revitalization process. Consequently, as a valuable resource, it has been found out<br />

that users’ perceptions, images and opinions can provide important data for sustainable<br />

revitalization.<br />

Keywords<br />

Sustainability, Revitalization, Historic urban quarters, User perception and<br />

opinion, Bursa Khans District.


1. Introduction<br />

Inherited from past generations and<br />

shaped by overlapping layers, historic<br />

urban quarters are both socio-cultural<br />

ifestation<br />

of cultural heritage, these areas<br />

not only reflect a unique sense of<br />

place and the identity of cities, but also<br />

trigger the economic dynamics of cities<br />

as an important source for city market-<br />

-<br />

<br />

this sense, historic urban quarters are<br />

vital for the physical, economic and socio-cultural<br />

sustainable development<br />

<br />

Today, due to the pressures caused<br />

mainly by globalisation and urbanization<br />

such as rapid population growth,<br />

mobility, increased density, the rise of<br />

new attraction centers, changing consumption<br />

habits, uncontrolled urban<br />

growth and economic and technological<br />

improvements, historic urban<br />

quarters can barely respond to the requirements<br />

of a community’s changing<br />

<br />

pressures, historic urban quarters face<br />

a series of economic, social and physical<br />

changes. These mutual interactions<br />

can be categorized by two major<br />

<br />

the place which transform population<br />

movements and real estate markets<br />

and the second is both perceptual and<br />

practical links between people and<br />

their physical environment (Seragel-<br />

<br />

start to threaten the unique identity of<br />

these areas and cause a process of decay<br />

and deterioration.<br />

Preventing the many negative effects<br />

of urbanization and globalization,<br />

maintaining the unique identity<br />

of historic urban quarters for the future<br />

and revitalizing them by making<br />

adaptations to cope with the changing<br />

conditions of cities can only become<br />

possible by means of sustainable revitalization<br />

strategies which involve all<br />

relevant stakeholders in a holistic approach.<br />

Even though there is extensive<br />

research that focuses on the enviromental,<br />

socio-cultural and economic<br />

components of sustainable revitalization<br />

strategies, relatively fewer studies<br />

deal specifically with the user perceptions,<br />

attitudes and opinions. Throughout<br />

the history of sustainable revitalization,<br />

the role of local users in the<br />

area has been considered either a part<br />

of social sustainability or a stakeholder<br />

of governance process. In current literature,<br />

users have been handled at minor<br />

levels, sometimes their role defined<br />

in an ambiguous way or even ignored.<br />

<br />

of the subject and separated them from<br />

the other dimensions of sustainability<br />

where users could be conceptualized<br />

under the topic of human sustainabil-<br />

<br />

It is widely known that sustainable<br />

revitalization strategies become succesful<br />

only in the case where users are<br />

involved in the process. When the user<br />

group becomes a participatory actor in<br />

these strategies, their awareness about<br />

the value of the environment increases<br />

and consequently they possess and<br />

protect it. In order to carry out planning<br />

processes of revitalization projects<br />

in a democratic way, user group as<br />

one of the important bottom-up actors<br />

and the real owners of historic urban<br />

quarters are supposed to have power in<br />

<br />

reason, differentiated from the former<br />

studies, by considering local people as<br />

a valuable resource for sustainable revitalization,<br />

this study focuses on the<br />

role of users, and investigates how their<br />

perceptions, images, and opinions can<br />

be articulated in sustainable revitalization<br />

strategies and processes.<br />

With this aim in mind, this study<br />

<br />

concept of <br />

for the aim of defining how users perceive<br />

and construct the image of a<br />

<br />

subsequently employs a survey questionnaire<br />

in order to learn about user<br />

opinions on the problems and suggested<br />

solutions along with the future<br />

<br />

point of view, this study aims to assess<br />

user perceptions and opinions to obtain<br />

data for sustainable revitalization<br />

strategies of historic urban quarters.<br />

The main research questions which are<br />

posed as follows:<br />

What kind of data can be obtained<br />

by the participation of users for sustainable<br />

revitalization strategies of<br />

historic urban quarters?


How and at what stages do user perceptions<br />

and opinions contribute to<br />

sustainable revitalization strategies<br />

of historic urban quarters?<br />

Chosen as a case to investigate these<br />

research questions, Bursa Khans District<br />

which is not only a historic but<br />

also a commercial and cultural center<br />

of the city of Bursa, is now experiencing<br />

an ongoing transformation process<br />

due to both rapid population and urban<br />

growth and also the lack of a holistic<br />

approach taken by local governance.<br />

trict<br />

within city life with sustainable<br />

revitalization strategies will bring both<br />

economic and social benefits to the entire<br />

city of Bursa. In the next section,<br />

main concepts, models and theoretical<br />

approaches in sustainable revitalization<br />

of historic urban quarters and<br />

their related existing research results<br />

will be reviewed followed by an interpretation<br />

of the role of the user groups<br />

in these approaches.<br />

2. Literature review<br />

Extensively researched in current<br />

literature is the notion that sustainability<br />

has ecological/environmental, socio-cultural<br />

and economic dimensions,<br />

which should be considered in a com-<br />

<br />

<br />

When the notion of sustainability first<br />

came to the fore in academic circles,<br />

its physical or ecological dimensions<br />

initially drew the most discussion, but<br />

in time it was understood that human<br />

and societal dimensions in particular<br />

could not be excluded from sustainability<br />

processes (Bramley and Power,<br />

ability<br />

comes to take precedence which<br />

includes a sense of place, identity, lo-<br />

<br />

mension<br />

plays a catalyzing role within<br />

the inter-relationship of physical and<br />

socio-cultural sustainability. In this<br />

context, sustainable development has<br />

been described as a multidimensional<br />

and harmonious association between<br />

environmental, economic, social and<br />

<br />

<br />

The strong relationship between<br />

urban revitalization and sustainabili-<br />

<br />

that sustainable revitalization should<br />

involve not only physical, but also social<br />

and economic dimensions. Even<br />

though sustainable revitalization in<br />

historic urban quarters has been approached<br />

from many different perspectives<br />

in current literature, these<br />

three major dimensions are commonly<br />

accepted by many researchers. Since<br />

physical revitalization provides a short<br />

term strategy, a long term strategy can<br />

only be achieved by including social<br />

and economic dimensions when deal-<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

the relationship between the concepts<br />

of obsolescence and the level of sustainability<br />

and they suggest a model<br />

for measuring the sustainability level<br />

in historic urban cores. Based on physical,<br />

economic and social dimensions,<br />

this model also includes various indicators<br />

for revitalization. Since these<br />

indicators will change from place to<br />

place, this selection should be done by<br />

extensive public participation. Similar-<br />

<br />

theoretical foundation of revitalization<br />

strategies based on two mutually interactive<br />

concepts, which are the level of<br />

obsolescence and the dynamics of the<br />

place. Whereas the level of obsolescence<br />

can exist in physical, functional,<br />

locational and image categories, the<br />

development dynamics of the place<br />

can be described as high, static or declining.<br />

vitalization<br />

strategy for historic urban<br />

lyzing<br />

the natural, built and socio-economic<br />

environment through various<br />

research techniques with regard to<br />

strengths, weaknesses, opportunities<br />

and threats provides input for sus-<br />

<br />

the demographic characteristics of the<br />

user group as a sub-component of the<br />

socio-economic environment are con-<br />

<br />

swot based model, there are other approaches<br />

that put special emphasis on<br />

<br />

emphasize that among social, cultural,<br />

ecological, economic and political dimensions,<br />

a participatory governance<br />

Assessing the role of users in sustainable revitalization of historic urban quarters: The case of Bursa-<br />

Khans District


is inevitable for the success of sus-<br />

<br />

system which brings the appreciation<br />

of the role of individuals, households,<br />

community and voluntary organizations<br />

directs an effective decision-mak-<br />

<br />

involvement should be aimed in order<br />

to be able to organize the best and most<br />

suitable sustainability strategy. Likewise,<br />

(a guild system) as a civil<br />

organisation might be a good example<br />

of a participatory governance model<br />

for providing sustainable future sce-<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

any sustainable revitalization strategy<br />

must be based on active and effective<br />

citizen participation. Beginning in the<br />

early stages, public involvement makes<br />

a significant contribution to the success<br />

of the entire sustainable revitalization<br />

process. While a lack of participation<br />

and information may result in a passive<br />

disinterest of citizens, effective participation<br />

of the local community ensures<br />

that inhabitants accept and support the<br />

defined strategy.<br />

Based on an integrated approach<br />

which includes the revitalization of the<br />

economic social and physical compo-<br />

<br />

opment<br />

project for sustainable revitalization.<br />

Starting with a natural, physical,<br />

social and economic analysis of<br />

the current situation, the development<br />

project next included a swot analysis.<br />

Derived from these comprehensive<br />

analyses, the design team followed<br />

some significant revitalizing principles.<br />

These principles include renewal of<br />

the district’s current uses, adaptive reuse<br />

of abandoned buildings, encouraging<br />

mixed land uses, visual and physical<br />

integration of the district with the<br />

surrounding urban fabric, functional<br />

diversification for attracting different<br />

age groups, proposing new public open<br />

spaces including cafes and restaurants,<br />

making accessibility easier and making<br />

users feel secure.<br />

3. Methodology<br />

The methodology which was employed<br />

in the case study is comprised<br />

of two research techniques, which are<br />

cognitive mapping and a survey ques-<br />

<br />

participated in the study, volunteer<br />

participants were chosen from a random<br />

sample, who are the users of the<br />

Bursa Khans District. Based on Lynch’s<br />

<br />

are landmarks, nodes, paths, districts<br />

<br />

to draw Khans District on a blank<br />

paper as if they are explaining it to a<br />

stranger. The aim of cognitive mapping<br />

is to reveal how users perceive the<br />

district and what image elements they<br />

hold in order to form the image of the<br />

district in their minds.<br />

The survey questionnaries is comprised<br />

of four sections. The first section<br />

includes questions which can be answered<br />

by drawing and putting sticker<br />

icons on the map. The questions were<br />

designed in order to obtain data about<br />

borders, the most used routes, sub-districts,<br />

nodes, the symbols of the district,<br />

the most liked and disliked buildings<br />

and open spaces of the district.<br />

These questions, which are cognitive<br />

image elements asked in another way,<br />

aim to cross-check data gathered in the<br />

first stage. The second section of the<br />

questionnaire focused on usage density<br />

of the district and questions were designed<br />

to learn why respondents come<br />

to the district and where the most<br />

commonly used places of the district<br />

are. The third section covers open-ended<br />

questions to learn user opinions and<br />

attitudes about the district. The survey<br />

concludes by gathering the demographic<br />

characteristics of users such as<br />

age, gender and education.<br />

In the following case study section,<br />

firstly Bursa Khans District will be<br />

introduced with its location and importance,<br />

afterwards the city’s brief<br />

history and the urban development<br />

processes it has gone through will be<br />

<br />

congitive mapping and survey will be<br />

presented.<br />

4. Case study: Khans District of Bursa<br />

4.1. Historic background of Bursa<br />

and Khans District<br />

toman<br />

Empire, was always a city with a<br />

unique character. Located in the north-


of its oldest settlements with a set of<br />

very rich historic, cultural, geographic<br />

and natural values. Having hosted<br />

many civilizations, Bursa was established<br />

with the name Prusa during the<br />

reign of the Bithynian King Prusias in<br />

tinued<br />

with the Roman, the Byzantian,<br />

-<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

one of the most important production<br />

and commercial centers in the world<br />

due to its location on the silk and spice<br />

<br />

-<br />

<br />

many immigrants from the Balkans<br />

and Bulgaria. The establishment of the<br />

<br />

<br />

city to become an attraction point both<br />

for inner and outer migrations. Begin-<br />

th century, these<br />

developments and changes caused the<br />

city to be subjected to significant transformations<br />

not only at the periphery<br />

but also at the historic center of the<br />

<br />

commercial city center began to lose its<br />

<br />

Throughout the history of Bursa,<br />

many urban planning processes have<br />

been carried out such as the plans of<br />

<br />

ropolitan<br />

Municipality of Bursa. However,<br />

there was no continuity in these<br />

<br />

ed<br />

or not considered as a holistic approach,<br />

these plans could not respond<br />

to the physical, social and economic<br />

<br />

still undergoing a rapid industrialization<br />

and urbanization process, which<br />

has resulted in the area having one of<br />

the highest population increase rates<br />

in Turkey. Thus, as an important commercial<br />

center, the city has become the<br />

fourth largest city in Turkey. With the<br />

efforts of the Metropolitan Municipality<br />

of Bursa, Khans District which con-<br />

<br />

built in the early foundation period of<br />

<br />

<br />

(Bursa and Cumalıkızık: The Birth of<br />

<br />

and 2).<br />

cess,<br />

it was seen that the problems of<br />

Khans District still continue at present,<br />

thereby needing further attention and<br />

would benefit from holistic sustainable<br />

strategies actively involving users.<br />

4.2. Evaluation of cognitive mapping<br />

Most of the users drew their cogni-<br />

levard.<br />

Beginning to draw cognitive<br />

maps with a main street supports the<br />

idea that users perceive and learn urban<br />

spaces from the transportation<br />

<br />

the users started their cognitive maps<br />

<br />

which tells us that it is a highly perceivable<br />

and important landmark for the<br />

<br />

<br />

the most important cognitive elements<br />

which construct the image of the district<br />

in the users’ minds.<br />

When we analyzed the direction of<br />

<br />

the users in a northern direction and<br />

tion.<br />

The users who drew their maps in<br />

a northern direction perceived the dis-<br />

<br />

directed themselves to Uludağ. It has<br />

been thought that the reason for this<br />

difference might be the location of the<br />

users’ dwellings, but after the analysis<br />

of all the maps, this assumption could<br />

cluded<br />

some important monumental<br />

-<br />

<br />

Sultan Mosque, <strong>Yıl</strong>dırım Kulliye and<br />

Muradiye Kulliye in their maps even<br />

though their location is out of the case<br />

study district. These users perceived<br />

the city center larger than Khans District.The<br />

cognitive maps did not reveal<br />

any important differences in terms of<br />

users’ duration of residing in the city.<br />

Even though they were born in Bur-<br />

<br />

could not provide much data related to<br />

the inner part of the district.<br />

The cognitive maps of users have<br />

<br />

-<br />

Assessing the role of users in sustainable revitalization of historic urban quarters: The case of Bursa-<br />

Khans District


Figure 1.<br />

<br />

<br />

-<br />

ure<br />

3 shows the overlapping data which<br />

has been indicated in a rate of more<br />

<br />

<br />

were obtained from the cognitive maps,<br />

the most frequently indicated ones are<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

The analysis of 21 paths which were<br />

obtained from the cognitive maps<br />

showed the most frequently indicat-<br />

<br />

Figure 2.


-<br />

-<br />

<br />

Long Bazaar, the Covered Bazaar and<br />

Coppersmiths’ Bazaar are the most important<br />

historic commercial routes of<br />

the district which are pedestrianized<br />

and covered by a roof.<br />

Three major nodes which were<br />

highlighted in the cognitive maps are<br />

<br />

<br />

hangazi<br />

Square functions like an entry<br />

point to the district and includes the<br />

only greenery existing around the district.<br />

Thus, being perceived easily, it is<br />

the most important landscaped public<br />

square in the district. The other two<br />

nodes are located at the intersection<br />

points of the main roads which make<br />

borders to the district.<br />

The users defined two major dis-<br />

<br />

<br />

indicated Salt Bazaar. Stated by a rate of<br />

<br />

are the only edge elements which were<br />

<br />

the results which were obtained from<br />

the cognitive maps can be summarized<br />

as follows:<br />

The cognitive image of Khans District<br />

is predominantly comprised of<br />

landmarks. The other cognitive image<br />

elements in order of importance are<br />

<br />

and Koza (Cocoon) Khan are the most<br />

important landmarks in the district.<br />

Figure 3.<br />

<br />

Bazaar came into prominence regard-<br />

<br />

Heykel are of great importance when<br />

it comes to the nodes in the district.<br />

gether,<br />

it has been seen that the most<br />

southern area of Khans District is perceived<br />

better by the users.<br />

<br />

element of the district, many of the<br />

landmarks are significant historic<br />

monuments. Thus, it is clear that these<br />

historic buildings are of great importance<br />

in terms of perceiving and constructing<br />

the image of the area.<br />

<br />

<br />

image elements about the inner part<br />

of the district. Based on this data we<br />

can infer that these user groups who<br />

are mostly young people perceive the<br />

district with its borders. Thus, it can be<br />

stated that there are not adequate activities<br />

in the inner part of the district<br />

which attract these young users.<br />

Even though there are many historic<br />

buildings which are located in<br />

the inner part of the district, very little<br />

data referring to these buildings<br />

was obtained from the cognitive maps.<br />

This is because of the many disordered<br />

and unplanned buildings surrounding<br />

them, thus forming a dense urban<br />

fabric which causes these buildings to<br />

be hidden and consequently they are<br />

barely perceived.<br />

During the cognitive mapping, it has<br />

<br />

know the exact names of the important<br />

historic buildings. Instead of stating<br />

their exact names, they addressed<br />

them by indicating a path, a khan, etc.<br />

The way these places are mentioned by<br />

the users demonstrate that there is not<br />

<br />

the historic buildings in the district.<br />

<br />

awareness and interest in the district’s<br />

history on the part of the users.<br />

4.3. Evaluation of the questionnaire<br />

survey<br />

tionnaire<br />

survey was also conducted<br />

with the users. The first section of the<br />

survey started with the question about<br />

what comes first to the respondents’<br />

Assessing the role of users in sustainable revitalization of historic urban quarters: The case of Bursa-<br />

Khans District


minds when someone mentions the<br />

historic city center of Bursa. They stat-<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

ered<br />

Bazaar, Heykel and Koza Khan as<br />

their first image element. It was seen<br />

that the majority of the users gave<br />

answers either related to the historic<br />

buildings or to the history of the district.<br />

Based on these answers, it is clear<br />

that the historic identity is important<br />

in forming the image of the district.<br />

The users were also asked to draw<br />

the borders of the district on the map.<br />

<br />

borders of the district with the streets<br />

<br />

<br />

important borders defined by the users<br />

<br />

<br />

Street which is a smaller area than the<br />

first one. However, it is noteworthy that<br />

ered<br />

the district much larger than the<br />

map which was given to them showing<br />

the core of the Khans District.<br />

<br />

most used route of the Khans District<br />

zaar<br />

axis, the second most used ones<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

the district is the historic commercial<br />

route which is pedestrianized and covered<br />

by a roof.<br />

The respondents were asked to indicate<br />

commercial buildings in the dis-<br />

<br />

<br />

highlighted by many of the users in<br />

comparison to the mostly used historic<br />

commercial route.<br />

When asked about the most dense<br />

ity<br />

of the answers were the nodes of<br />

<br />

The users stated that there is very dense<br />

-<br />

comfortable<br />

due to the noise and visual<br />

and environmental pollution.<br />

When respondents were asked<br />

the symbol of the district, more than<br />

<br />

Mosque, the rest of the respondents<br />

reported Heykel, Koza Khan and Tophane.<br />

These answers highlighted just<br />

<br />

a landmark for the district.<br />

The respondents were asked the<br />

most liked building in the district. The<br />

-<br />

<br />

<br />

Khan. Likewise, the most liked open<br />

<br />

order of importance, the answers were<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

The respondents were asked to mark<br />

the most disliked buildings in the district.<br />

Even though they are located out<br />

of the map which was given, the ma-<br />

<br />

<br />

disliked buildings in the district was<br />

<br />

<br />

seen from these findings, the users feel<br />

very dissatisfied with the Doğanbey<br />

<br />

large and high-rise masses which overwhelm<br />

the historic district. These houses<br />

also form an aesthetically displeasing<br />

background for the historic district<br />

and destroy the silhouette. Moreover,<br />

they have increased the already dense<br />

<br />

Seen from many perspectives while ap-<br />

<br />

<br />

with the nearby city fabric.<br />

When the respondents were asked<br />

the most disliked open public space<br />

in the district, many users stated their<br />

dissatisfaction due to the lack of open<br />

public spaces, as is seen from the an-<br />

Figure 4.


swer of one of the users who says <br />

<br />

<br />

.” Since there are very<br />

few open public spaces in the district,<br />

this question was answered by a low-<br />

<br />

the courtyard of Rice Khan as the most<br />

disliked open public space.<br />

In the second section of the survey,<br />

questions related to the usage quality<br />

and density of the district were directed<br />

to the respondents. In this context,<br />

the first question was about the major<br />

reasons for the users to come to the<br />

district. These reasons can be listed,<br />

in order of importance, as shopping<br />

-<br />

<br />

<br />

that commercial and religious uses<br />

of the district are the most important<br />

functions that attract people.<br />

The respondents were also asked<br />

how they access the district. The ma-<br />

<br />

they come on foot to the district, the<br />

rest of the users expressed, by private<br />

-<br />

<br />

The last question of the third section<br />

was about the most densely used spaces<br />

of the Khans District. The respondents<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

users evaluated the most important<br />

commercial spaces of the district as the<br />

most densely used spaces.<br />

In the third section of the survey,<br />

the user opinions on the district have<br />

<br />

Figure 5. <br />

<br />

asked the qualities that make Khans<br />

District unique and different from the<br />

<br />

-<br />

<br />

<br />

The respondents were asked whether<br />

they have a special feeling related to<br />

the various parts of the district or not,<br />

<br />

stated religious reasons with an attach-<br />

<br />

users indicated that they like sitting<br />

<br />

the users said that they are fond of the<br />

peace and tranquility that is created by<br />

the historic and spiritual atmosphere<br />

of the district.<br />

The respondents stated the most<br />

important problems of the district as<br />

ordered<br />

and unplanned structure of<br />

-<br />

<br />

and the rest of the answers which have<br />

rioration<br />

of the historic fabric, the<br />

<br />

of tourist guides and historical awareness<br />

of people. The respondents were<br />

also asked about the opportunities<br />

which they feel will provide further<br />

development of the district. They stated<br />

that the district could be developed<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

The respondents stated the weaknesses<br />

of the district as follows: the<br />

complex and disordered structure of<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

answers include the lack of promotion<br />

of the district and tourist guides, barely<br />

perceivable historic buildings, the lack<br />

of open public spaces, cleanliness, seat-<br />

<br />

Houses and the poor coordination of<br />

<br />

the respondents described the two major<br />

strengths of the district as its his-<br />

<br />

<br />

included its central location in the city,<br />

being the center of tourism, having<br />

mixed-uses, being an alive and vibrant<br />

area and the spiritual atmosphere of<br />

Assessing the role of users in sustainable revitalization of historic urban quarters: The case of Bursa-<br />

Khans District


the district.<br />

The user opinions were asked about<br />

what should be done in order to make<br />

Khans District more vivid, alive and<br />

user friendly. The majority of the respondents<br />

stated that greater promo-<br />

<br />

and that also some planning and de-<br />

<br />

other answers highlighted these issues:<br />

Car parking space and tourist guides<br />

<br />

are not in harmony with the historic<br />

fabric of the district should be demol-<br />

<br />

solved and there should be meetings or<br />

planned organizations which are open<br />

to the public.<br />

The respondents were asked how<br />

aware they are of the urban development<br />

of Khans District being carried<br />

<br />

the users said that they are informed,<br />

ly<br />

know about the current efforts for<br />

the development of the district and<br />

<br />

know anything about the work which<br />

has been carried out around the Khans<br />

District recently. Even though it is a<br />

significant effort, fewer respondents<br />

have been informed about the inscrip-<br />

<br />

World Heritage List. When respondents<br />

were asked their opinions about<br />

the current efforts for the development<br />

of the district, while the majority of the<br />

<br />

-<br />

<br />

users said partly enough.<br />

In the last section of the survey, the<br />

demographic characteristics of the re-<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

are male. The distribution of the respondents<br />

according to age groups is<br />

<br />

-<br />

<br />

age. This data reveals that the sample<br />

group is comprised of mostly young<br />

and middle aged people. The majority<br />

<br />

Bursa and have lived in the city for a<br />

long time. The educational pattern of<br />

the respondents shows that the sample<br />

<br />

<br />

of them are high school graduates.<br />

naires<br />

can be summarized as follows:<br />

The image of the district which was<br />

perceived by the users is mainly<br />

comprised of historic, commercial,<br />

touristic and religious aspects. In<br />

this context, these aspects should<br />

be preserved and maintained for<br />

the future in different ways.<br />

<br />

represent the most liked buildings.<br />

The Covered Bazaar, the Long Ba-<br />

<br />

are the most densely used spaces,<br />

have special significance for achieving<br />

the sustainability of the district.<br />

The most important problems of<br />

ordered<br />

and unplanned urban development,<br />

the lack of car parking<br />

space, promotion of the area and<br />

tourist guides, poor maintenance<br />

of the district, overcrowdedness,<br />

deterioration of the historic fabric,<br />

<br />

buildings and a lack of awareness<br />

towards the value of the district’s<br />

historic assets.<br />

4.4. Results<br />

When we compared the data from<br />

cognitive mapping and the survey<br />

questionnaire, it has been found out<br />

that the results are mostly coherent.<br />

The district has been perceived with its<br />

boundaries and the boundaries of the<br />

district have been defined by the surrounding<br />

roads based on the findings<br />

gathered from both the cognitive mappings<br />

and the survey. Similarly, when<br />

comparing the findings of the cognitive<br />

mapping with the survey, even though<br />

their rank order changed, similar image<br />

elements regarding landmarks,<br />

paths and nodes have been obtained<br />

with slight differences.<br />

The respondents emphasized historic,<br />

commercial, touristic and religious<br />

aspects of the district in their<br />

responses to various questions. These<br />

three major attributes of the district<br />

are the ones that need to be preserved<br />

<br />

problems of the district which have<br />

been indicated by the users is that the


historic buildings are hidden by the<br />

unplanned, disordered and aesthetically<br />

displeasing buildings. This causes<br />

them to be barely perceived, which also<br />

<br />

<br />

both cognitive mapping and questionnaires,<br />

this result requires the removal<br />

of these unplanned developments. In<br />

addition, creating an informative and<br />

directing tourist trail would encourage<br />

the touristic development of the dis-<br />

<br />

The findings of cognitive mappings<br />

showed that especially young people<br />

could not state any image elements located<br />

in the inner part of the district.<br />

This finding implied that promoting<br />

<br />

diverse activities such as hotels, cafes,<br />

restaurants, leisure and entertainment<br />

is necessary in order to attract every<br />

age group of citizens and especially<br />

younger people. During the survey,<br />

when some of the respondents saw the<br />

map of the district, they mentioned<br />

that there are buildings in the district<br />

that they do not know at all. Many of<br />

the respondents said that they feel uncomfortable<br />

because of their lack of<br />

knowledge and unawareness about the<br />

history of the district. The users stated<br />

that they want presentations, seminars<br />

or public meetings in order to be informed<br />

about the value of the district.<br />

Informing the local community is significant<br />

since it will establish a strong<br />

Table 1.<br />

<br />

1. Aims and targets<br />

Preserving and restoring the significant landmarks<br />

Maintaining the historic identity<br />

Maintaining the commercial landuse<br />

Promoting tourism in terms of both design and management<br />

Preserving and enriching existing historic commercial route<br />

Raising the awareness of the community about the historic value of the area and ongoing<br />

revitalizing works via seminars, public meetings, etc.<br />

Removing the complex and unordered buildings of the district and bringing an order<br />

Providing connection with the surrounding urban fabric visually and physically<br />

2. Planning and design<br />

Raising the perceptibility of important landmarks<br />

Enriching the quality of existing public spaces<br />

Proposing new public spaces<br />

Landscaping of public spaces<br />

<br />

Proposing adaptive reuse for abondened buildings<br />

Making courtyards of khan buildings more livable by landscaping and adding new functions<br />

<br />

entertainment or leisure facilities, etc.<br />

Promoting different types of activities for people from diverse age groups, such as hotels,<br />

restaurants, cafes, etc.<br />

Creating of a tourist trail in order to encourage people to explore the district<br />

<br />

More seating in public spaces<br />

3. Management<br />

Increasing the number of qualified tourist guides which will make easier for tourists to<br />

experince the area<br />

Carrying out maintenance, providing order and general upkeep of the district and<br />

monitoring these works by the local government<br />

Providing coordination of all the administrative units in the city<br />

Physical<br />

Socio-cultural<br />

Economic<br />

<br />

√<br />

√<br />

√<br />

√<br />

√<br />

√<br />

√<br />

√<br />

√<br />

√<br />

√<br />

√<br />

√<br />

√<br />

√<br />

√<br />

√<br />

√<br />

√<br />

√<br />

√<br />

Assessing the role of users in sustainable revitalization of historic urban quarters: The case of Bursa-<br />

Khans District


public consciousness about the value of<br />

the district. We know that Bursa Metropolitan<br />

Municipality is organizing<br />

<br />

data shows that these efforts must keep<br />

continuing.<br />

The evaluation of the entire data<br />

collected from cognitive mappings<br />

and questionnaires has shown that the<br />

input not only can be categorized according<br />

to the four major dimensions<br />

of sustainable revitalization, which are<br />

physical, socio-cultural, economic and<br />

<br />

different stages of sustainable revitalization<br />

of the Khans District, which are<br />

(1) the determination of aims and targets,<br />

(2) planning and design and (3)<br />

management (Table 1).<br />

5. Conclusion<br />

Making connections between past,<br />

present and future, sustainability in<br />

historic quarters should be handled<br />

in such a way that combine physical,<br />

social, economic and governance dimensions<br />

in an interactive, holistic<br />

and complimentary process. Moreover,<br />

sustainable revitalization needs a special<br />

attention in terms of users. Unless<br />

local community’s perceptions, current<br />

needs, requirements and opinions as<br />

well as their expectations towards the<br />

future are defined well, sustainable revitalization<br />

can not be successfully realized.<br />

Thus, taking Khans District of<br />

Bursa as a case, this paper focuses on<br />

the users and by assessing their perceptions,<br />

images and opinions, aims to<br />

present how data which can obtained<br />

from the users can then be articulated<br />

in sustainable revitalization strategies<br />

and processes.<br />

User oriented data which are collected<br />

by participatory processes can<br />

contribute to sustainable revitalization<br />

<br />

the awareness of community. The user<br />

group will be aware of the value of the<br />

historic environment and want to protect<br />

and possess it and take an active<br />

role in maintaning its unique identity.<br />

Moreover, being a reliable source, user<br />

groups can be beneficial for defining<br />

the problems of an area and a specific<br />

management model which is unique<br />

<br />

<br />

in the sustainable revitalization processes<br />

since it will directly influence<br />

their lives.<br />

<br />

summarized as follows:<br />

It has been seen that the data which<br />

were obtained from the assesment<br />

of user perceptions, images and<br />

opinions can contribute to the<br />

physical, social, economic and governance<br />

dimensions of sustainable<br />

revitalization strategies.<br />

These data can influence (1) the determination<br />

of aims and targets, (2)<br />

planning and design and (3) management<br />

stages of sustainable revitalization<br />

strategies.<br />

Consequently, as a valuable resource,<br />

user perceptions, images<br />

and opinions can provide important<br />

data for sustainable revitalization.<br />

The implications of this study will be<br />

beneficial for the future development<br />

of sustainable revitalization strategies<br />

in historic urban quarters in terms of<br />

involving users’ perceptions and opin-<br />

<br />

taking users as a participatory agent<br />

in sustainable revitalization by using<br />

various research techniques such as<br />

participatory observations, in-depth<br />

interviews etc. should be carried out<br />

for different cases.<br />

References<br />

<br />

urban development in historical areas<br />

<br />

study of the cultural heritage and urban<br />

development (CHUD) project in<br />

Saida, Lebanon, <br />

-<br />

<br />

K., Elbakidze, M. and Drotz, M. K.<br />

ity:<br />

Criteria, indicators, verifier variables<br />

for measurement and maps for<br />

visualization to support planning, -<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

-<br />

, Paper presented at<br />

-


Urban form and social sustainability:<br />

The role of density and housing type,<br />

<br />

<br />

Bursa and Cumalıkızık: the Birth<br />

trieved<br />

from http://whc.unesco.org/<br />

-<br />

<br />

Bursa Metropolitan Municipality,<br />

tim<br />

Planı, Retrieved from http://<br />

alanbaskanligi.bursa.bel.tr/wp-content/uploads/unesco-adaylik-dosyasi-ve-ekleri-ingilizce-icin-tiklayiniz.<br />

pdf<br />

<br />

tual<br />

exploration, <br />

<br />

-<br />

termining<br />

the most relevant strategic<br />

approach, ,<br />

<br />

<br />

M. <br />

for revitalization strategies ın histor-<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

declining historic urban quarters - The<br />

prus,<br />

-<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

-<br />

<br />

, in: Turgut,<br />

H & Kellett P (Eds.), Traditional<br />

<br />

Istanbul: Second International Sym-<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

lications.<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

, Re-<br />

mission,<br />

Luxembourg.<br />

<br />

Dimensions of housing and urban sustainability,<br />

<br />

<br />

-<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

in<br />

Yeniden Canlandırlılmasında Kul-<br />

<br />

lished<br />

Master’s Thesis, Istanbul Tech-<br />

<br />

Science, Enginering and Technology,<br />

Istanbul.<br />

<br />

-<br />

<br />

tions<br />

Human Settlements Programme<br />

<br />

Kaplanoğlu, R. and Cengiz, I. (Eds.)<br />

-<br />

,<br />

Bursa: Bursa Metropolitan Municipality.<br />

-<br />

<br />

, Paper pre-<br />

-<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

, Cambridge: M.I.T. Press.<br />

<br />

-<br />

<br />

<br />

-<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

tive<br />

study of two architectural heritage<br />

sites of Bazars and Hans of Bursa and<br />

Dhaka, -<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

model for the sustainable development<br />

of Cumalıkızık, a heritage site in Turkey,<br />

-<br />

, 21(1),<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

Assessing the role of users in sustainable revitalization of historic urban quarters: The case of Bursa-<br />

Khans District


Culture-space and time: The city of<br />

Bursa, Turkey, -<br />

<br />

Tweed, C. and Sutherland, M.<br />

tainable<br />

urban development, Land-<br />

<br />

-<br />

<br />

for assessing sustainability in housing<br />

environments, -<br />

<br />

<br />

Model for measuring the sustainability<br />

level of historic urban quarters, Euro-<br />

<br />

<br />

munity<br />

engagement model for the sustainable<br />

future of a historical commercial<br />

district: Bursa/Turkey as a case<br />

<br />

ing<br />

a strategic approach for managing<br />

sustainable revitalization in world heritage<br />

sites: Historical Bazaar and Khans<br />

District, Bursa -Turkey, <br />

-<br />

<br />

-<br />

<br />

Sustainable revitalization as a tool for<br />

regenerating the attractiveness of an<br />

inner-city historic commercial district:<br />

‘Han District’ as a case


Energy efficient lighting system<br />

retrofit for retail environments<br />

Feride ŞENER YILMAZ<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

Abstract<br />

Lighting retrofit in retail environments is essential and is often necessitated in<br />

order to improve the retail atmosphere, increase energy efficiency and provide<br />

visual comfort conditions. This study introduces the lighting design criteria for<br />

retail environments in terms of visual comfort conditions and lighting energy efficiency<br />

and investigates a retail lighting retrofit application on the example of a<br />

department store. Several lighting system design alternatives including diverse<br />

lighting technologies are assessed in terms of visual comfort conditions and lighting<br />

energy efficiency. Obtained results emphasize that without compromising visual<br />

comfort conditions in retail environments, it is possible to obtain significant<br />

lighting energy consumption on an annual basis. This study clearly underlines the<br />

importance of a proper lighting retrofit project in terms of providing visual comfort<br />

conditions and lighting energy efficiency.<br />

<br />

Keywords<br />

Retail lighting, Lighting system retrofit, Retail environments, Visual comfort,<br />

Energy efficient lighting.


1. Introduction<br />

Retail environments are of the<br />

building typologies where the relationship<br />

between human factors and light-<br />

<br />

role of lighting in retail environments<br />

is to attract the eye, to illuminate the<br />

merchandise, to excite the shopper<br />

and to reinforce the shopper’s sense of<br />

value and price point (Karlen & Ben-<br />

<br />

perspectives in retail lighting design<br />

help to attract the customers and their<br />

<br />

the literature there are many interdisciplinary<br />

studies investigating the effect<br />

of lighting on visual comfort conditions,<br />

space perception, visual stimulus,<br />

spatial cognition, user behaviour<br />

for the retail environments as well as<br />

energy efficiency.<br />

-<br />

<br />

to perceived atmosphere and lighting is<br />

found to play a significant role in creating<br />

an ambiance in retail environments<br />

<br />

<br />

concepts can also help to shape different<br />

image in terms of corporate identity<br />

for retail environments and lighting<br />

can also be used for brand communication<br />

in order to define the image of a<br />

<br />

Lighting design and color scheme are<br />

other contributing factors to the brand<br />

<br />

teristics<br />

can be obtained by the help of<br />

diverse lighting strategies and lighting<br />

has a direct influence on the perception<br />

-<br />

<br />

<br />

essential since retail environments are<br />

open to changes concerning the rapid<br />

improvement of lighting technology<br />

and variations in brand communication.<br />

<br />

retail buildings should provide visual<br />

comfort conditions and reduce light-<br />

-<br />

<br />

proper retail lighting design concept<br />

also helps to create a suitable corporate<br />

identity and communication. The<br />

<br />

-<br />

<br />

<br />

followed in order to obtain proper<br />

lighting solutions and gives guidance<br />

on visual comfort conditions for different<br />

space types. This standard specifies<br />

<br />

retail spaces and their associated areas<br />

mination<br />

as well as giving recommen-<br />

<br />

-<br />

<br />

lighting has four major roles in retail<br />

premises that are to attract attention, to<br />

send a message to shoppers about the<br />

atmosphere of the shop, to guide shoppers<br />

around the shop and to display<br />

the merchandise to advantage (Soci-<br />

<br />

<br />

lighting for retail spaces should help<br />

to create an atmosphere emphasizing<br />

<br />

place in which to shop, permit accurate<br />

ties<br />

of the merchandise and minimize<br />

glare and harsh brightness differences<br />

<br />

Sustainability is increasingly important<br />

in retail lighting design due to<br />

the dwindling energy resources, rising<br />

energy costs and the negative impact<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

hance<br />

their building regulations in order<br />

to monitor and reduce energy con-<br />

<br />

<br />

at building professionals to design or<br />

renovate buildings to a nearly zero en-<br />

<br />

<br />

performance assessment of buildings<br />

in Europe is performed using several<br />

methodologies in the frame of the developed<br />

standards. Retail sector consumes<br />

a significant amount of lighting<br />

energy due to long opening hours and<br />

reducing lighting energy consumption<br />

<br />

is essential. Energy is often wasted due<br />

egies<br />

and improper choice of lamps<br />

and luminaires (Ticleanu, Littlefair


Table 1.<br />

EN 12464 Standard<br />

Sales area<br />

Till area<br />

Wrapper table<br />

SLL Lighting Handbook<br />

budget shops (without accent or<br />

<br />

shop with an exclusive profile<br />

(widespread use of accent and<br />

<br />

shops with value for money and<br />

<br />

<br />

E m<br />

(lx)<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

E m<br />

range (lx)<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

IESNA Lighting Handbook Horizontal Illuminance E h<br />

Vertical Illuminance<br />

Retail by Classification:<br />

Visual age of observers<br />

E v<br />

Visual age of observers<br />

<br />

75 <br />

<br />

<br />

of daylight and artificial light sources<br />

during the building design process.<br />

The role of daylighting is crucial when<br />

ments<br />

in retail buildings therefore the<br />

choice of proper daylight strategies becomes<br />

necessary in the design phase<br />

of retail buildings. There is also evidence<br />

that daylight has the potential<br />

to increase sales when used in retail<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

effective in decreasing lighting energy<br />

<br />

energy, lighting control is important in<br />

retail lighting because it provides flexi-<br />

<br />

patterns of lighting, and can give dynamic<br />

or special lighting effects (Little-<br />

<br />

Lighting retrofit in retail environments<br />

is often performed in order to<br />

improve the ambiance and corporate<br />

<br />

retrofit can help to improve the visual<br />

comfort conditions as well as providing<br />

significant energy savings, controlling<br />

the cooling and lighting loads (EERE,<br />

<br />

are performed by either protecting<br />

current lighting system’s main features<br />

such as the placement and number of<br />

the lamps and luminaires or lighting<br />

<br />

efficient technology. Lighting system’s<br />

re-design can also be applied as a lighting<br />

retrofit.<br />

The aim of this study is to provide<br />

energy efficient lighting retrofit solutions<br />

and to explore the lighting energy<br />

saving potential in retail environments<br />

while providing visual comfort conditions<br />

on the example of a selected de-<br />

<br />

analysis of a department store lighting<br />

retrofit application, different lighting<br />

retrofit scenarios are evaluated and obtained<br />

results are compared in terms of<br />

visual comfort conditions and lighting<br />

energy efficiency.<br />

2. Retail lighting design criteria in<br />

terms of visual comfort and energy<br />

efficiency<br />

<br />

principles affecting the lighting system<br />

design in retail environments is introduced<br />

in terms of visual comfort conditions<br />

and lighting energy efficiency.<br />

<br />

retail lighting principles and recommendations<br />

addressed in international<br />

standards are presented in this chapter.<br />

2.1. Visual comfort criteria in<br />

retail lighting design<br />

tions<br />

can be investigated in the aspects<br />

of illuminance levels, uniformity, lu-<br />

Energy efficient lighting system retrofit for retail environments


minance distribution and glare caused<br />

by light sources, colour property of the<br />

space and light sources.<br />

minance<br />

level for retail environments<br />

differ according to the type of the retail<br />

environment. Therefore, lighting design<br />

of each retail environment should<br />

be performed considering the specific<br />

<br />

<br />

luminance<br />

for sales areas, till areas and<br />

-<br />

<br />

for retail environments are given depending<br />

on the shop profile and in ‘The<br />

<br />

-<br />

ria<br />

for department store sale areas given<br />

in these publications are presented<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

Uniformity is defined as<br />

the ratio of the minimum to average<br />

<br />

in order to supply the visual comfort<br />

conditions in spaces and control the<br />

occurrence of high contrasts on the interior<br />

surfaces. The uniformity criteria<br />

<br />

the retail environments in order to obtain<br />

visually pleasing environments.<br />

<br />

The luminance<br />

distribution in the visual field controls<br />

the adaptation level of the eyes,<br />

<br />

a well-balanced adaptation luminance<br />

<br />

acuity, contrast sensitivity and efficien-<br />

<br />

nance<br />

distribution is very effective on<br />

the strength of accent lighting where<br />

different sorts of luminance ratios can<br />

result in diverse strength of accenting.<br />

<br />

the strength of accent lighting for retail<br />

environments (Society of Light and<br />

<br />

The luminance distribution in the<br />

visual field affects visual comfort con-<br />

<br />

environments, control of glare is a ne-<br />

<br />

Table 2.<br />

<br />

Sales area<br />

Till area<br />

Wrapper table<br />

<br />

General recommendation (Regardless of the<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

visual comfort conditions. Glare is the<br />

sensation produced by a sufficiently<br />

greater luminance within the visual<br />

field causing annoyance, discomfort or<br />

loss in visual performance and visibil-<br />

<br />

discomfort glare caused directly from<br />

the artificial lighting system can be<br />

<br />

<br />

field of view directions in the retail<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

for retail environments, the following<br />

aspects should be considered in terms<br />

<br />

Surface material’s colour specifications<br />

in retail environments,<br />

-<br />

<br />

<br />

mined<br />

by the special properties of<br />

the displayed merchandise as well as<br />

branding characteristics in retail en-<br />

<br />

factor that affects the lighting performance<br />

especially in the finishing material<br />

selection phase. Light reflectance<br />

Table 3.<br />

<br />

U O<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

U O<br />

<br />

U O<br />

<br />

Luminance ratio (accent/ Strength of accenting<br />

background)<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

5 Low theatrical<br />

<br />

Theatrical<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

Very dramatic


value of the surface materials should<br />

be selected studiously depending on<br />

the displayed merchandise, branding<br />

characteristics. The ranges of useful<br />

reflectances for the major interior sur-<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

lamp sources depend on classification<br />

ent<br />

preference and designer preference<br />

<br />

colour appearance of the light sources<br />

used in retail environments change<br />

from cool to warm as the shop profile<br />

moves from low budget to exclusive<br />

(Ticleanu, Littlefair & Howlett G.,<br />

-<br />

<br />

<br />

colour appearance, a light source with<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

it is considered ‘intermediate’ (Society<br />

<br />

cation<br />

of the colour rendering properties<br />

of a light source the general colour<br />

rendering index Ra is used, having a<br />

<br />

value of colour rendering index given<br />

in lighting standards and international<br />

lighting recommendations for re-<br />

<br />

can be higher when colour judgment<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

2.2. Energy efficiency criteria in<br />

retail lighting<br />

Lighting design phase should represent<br />

a major route to reducing lighting<br />

-<br />

<br />

retail sector consumes significant portion<br />

of the energy used in the buildings<br />

so it is important to minimise the light-<br />

ronments.<br />

Lighting retrofits in retail<br />

buildings often concentrate on minimisation<br />

of lighting energy consump-<br />

<br />

applications for retail environments,<br />

selection of appropriate lamps, luminaires<br />

and lighting control strategies is<br />

essential.<br />

ments<br />

of buildings are performed with<br />

<br />

-<br />

-<br />

<br />

the detailed artificial lighting system<br />

specifications are not present, the recommendations<br />

given for lighting pow-<br />

<br />

<br />

the lighting designer to propose energy<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

-<br />

Lighting<br />

-<br />

<br />

<br />

retail environments in terms of lighting<br />

<br />

-<br />

for retail environ-<br />

<br />

<br />

for installed power per area depend<br />

<br />

ing<br />

to this standard, basic fulfillment<br />

tions<br />

where maintained illuminance<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

for retail<br />

<br />

<br />

-<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

specifies a calculation methodology<br />

for evaluation of the amount of energy<br />

used for indoor lighting inside<br />

the building and provides a Lighting<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

-<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

Energy efficient lighting system retrofit for retail environments


mination<br />

(WL,t ing<br />

on the methodology specified in<br />

n-total<br />

c-<br />

<br />

<br />

o -Occupancy dependency<br />

<br />

<br />

parasitic energy consumption (W<br />

-<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

systems.<br />

<br />

culation<br />

methodology for the Lighting<br />

<br />

buildings, which can be used for existing<br />

buildings and for the lighting<br />

<br />

be calculated by total annual lighting<br />

t<br />

(m <br />

<br />

<br />

illuminance lighting control system<br />

<br />

of constant illuminance lighting con-<br />

<br />

3. Retail lighting retrofit application<br />

for a department store case study<br />

This section focuses on development<br />

of different lighting retrofit applications<br />

for a department store example<br />

and assessment of obtained<br />

visual comfort conditions and lighting<br />

energy performance for each evaluated<br />

-<br />

<br />

baseline artificial lighting system alternatives<br />

are introduced and proposed<br />

lighting retrofit schemes are evaluated<br />

in terms of visual comfort conditions<br />

and lighting energy efficiency.<br />

3.1. Description of the investigated<br />

department store, lighting patterns<br />

and evaluated lighting system<br />

alternatives<br />

<br />

investigated department store is performed<br />

and baseline artificial lighting<br />

system alternatives are presented.<br />

Figure 1. <br />

<br />

3.1.1 Description of the<br />

investigated department store<br />

Selected space type is a hypothetical<br />

department store clothes shop having<br />

a shop type of ‘shops with value for<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

reflectance of the selected space are<br />

<br />

- for floor. The space has a total area of<br />

containing sales area, till area,<br />

four fitting rooms and a storage room.<br />

This space is assumed to be situated<br />

-<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

space.<br />

3.1.2. Description of lighting system<br />

patterns<br />

<br />

patterns are considered in this study<br />

depending on the use of “general lighting”,<br />

“general and accent lighting” and<br />

<br />

different layouts are generated depend-<br />

served<br />

lighting system installations in<br />

clothes shop retail environments with<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

only,<br />

use of circular recessed downlight<br />

luminaires only,<br />

<br />

and spotlights,<br />

use of recessed downlight luminaires<br />

and spotlights,


Table 4. <br />

use of spotlights only.<br />

<br />

evaluated artificial lighting systems<br />

patterns, their representative images<br />

and lighting plans. While generating<br />

the artificial lighting system patterns,<br />

changes for the sales area only is considered<br />

and the lighting system of the<br />

fitting rooms, storage and till area<br />

-<br />

-<br />

<br />

constant.<br />

3.1.3. Description of the evaluated<br />

lighting system alternatives<br />

<br />

lighting retrofit scenarios for the evaluated<br />

baseline artificial lighting system<br />

tificial<br />

lighting system retrofit applications<br />

are proposed for baseline scenar-<br />

<br />

are upgraded with a more energy efficient<br />

artificial lighting system having<br />

lower installed power compared to the<br />

baseline scenarios. Table 5 represents<br />

the information for baseline artificial<br />

lighting system designs and artificial<br />

<br />

naires<br />

used in baseline lighting designs<br />

and proposed artificial lighting retrofit<br />

alternatives are given where each lumi-<br />

<br />

<br />

-<br />

<br />

-<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

-<br />

<br />

(use of circular re-<br />

<br />

-<br />

<br />

-<br />

<br />

scenario is performed by replacing the<br />

circular recessed downlight luminaires<br />

<br />

-<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

-<br />

-<br />

<br />

-<br />

<br />

Three different lighting retrofits are pro-<br />

<br />

Energy efficient lighting system retrofit for retail environments


Table 5. <br />

Scenario<br />

codes<br />

Scenario names<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

posed<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

spotlights (having a luminaire pow-<br />

<br />

<br />

the downlights and spotlights in the<br />

sales area is replaced with an ener-<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

-<br />

<br />

(use of recessed<br />

<br />

<br />

pact<br />

fluorescent lamps are used togeth-<br />

<br />

<br />

Type and number of<br />

luminaires<br />

<br />

<br />

flurescent lamps<br />

<br />

B<br />

<br />

<br />

E<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

with compact flurescent lamps<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

retrofits are proposed as alternatives to<br />

<br />

-<br />

-<br />

<br />

<br />

gen<br />

spotlights (having a luminaire<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

lights<br />

(having a luminaire power of<br />

<br />

siders<br />

the replacement of all luminaires<br />

with a more energy efficient<br />

artificial lighting system and in this<br />

-


Table 6. <br />

<br />

represents the conditions<br />

where the department store sales<br />

<br />

<br />

number of selected luminaires for each<br />

scenario are determined depending on<br />

fulfilling the visual comfort conditions<br />

for the selected retail environment.<br />

<br />

-<br />

<br />

<br />

number of luminaires are reduced to<br />

-<br />

<br />

3.2. Visual comfort performance<br />

determination of lighting design<br />

walternatives<br />

Visual comfort performance determination<br />

of the investigated department<br />

store is performed considering<br />

<br />

-<br />

sual<br />

comfort conditions, the baseline<br />

scenarios and lighting retrofit alternatives<br />

are modelled on a computational<br />

basis and necessary calculation of each<br />

lighting design alternative is obtained<br />

in an accredited lighting simulation<br />

<br />

<br />

of visual comfort conditions are per-<br />

<br />

<br />

ering<br />

the placement of the exhibited<br />

merchandise. The width of the vertical<br />

<br />

<br />

-<br />

<br />

<br />

department store in each lighting design<br />

scheme.<br />

3.2.1. Assesment of illuminance<br />

-<br />

<br />

<br />

the investigated department store.<br />

calculations<br />

<br />

each scenario and obtained illumi-<br />

<br />

Energy efficient lighting system retrofit for retail environments


Figure 2. Illustration of calculation<br />

workplanes for the investigated space.<br />

ed<br />

Em -<br />

<br />

<br />

baseline lighting system scenarios and<br />

lighting retrofit applications fulfil the<br />

<br />

-<br />

<br />

Standard.<br />

calculations<br />

luminance<br />

results are obtained as given<br />

in Table 7. Results indicate that a min-<br />

<br />

<br />

are provided for each baseline scenario<br />

and lighting retrofit.<br />

nance<br />

is essential in order to evaluate<br />

the distribution of illuminance within<br />

<br />

of uniformity levels. Therefore, minimum<br />

illuminance values are calculated<br />

<br />

<br />

5, calculated minimum illuminance<br />

<br />

Table 8 gives the results of obtained<br />

minimum vertical illuminance calcula-<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

clearly underline that horizontal and<br />

vertical illuminance obtained in the<br />

Figure 3. Illuminance maps for evaluated<br />

baseline and lighting retrofit scenarios.<br />

<br />

<br />

summarises the evaluated scenarios illuminance<br />

calculation results in terms<br />

of horizontal and vertical illuminance<br />

criteria.<br />

3.2.2. Assesment of uniformity- Uo<br />

Uniformity calculations are per-<br />

<br />

<br />

Figure 4. Results of calculated Em values on the horizontal<br />

workplane (h1).<br />

Figure 5. Results of calculated minimum illuminance values on<br />

the horizontal workplane (h1).


Table 7. <br />

A B C D E<br />

A1 A2 B1 B2 C1 C2 C3 C4 D1 D2 D3 D4 E1 E2<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

v5 <br />

<br />

v7 <br />

v8 <br />

<br />

86 86 97 98 <br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

75 75 84 84 75 75<br />

Table 8. <br />

A B C D E<br />

A1 A2 B1 B2 C1 C2 C3 C4 D1 D2 D3 D4 E1 E2<br />

<br />

<br />

85 <br />

<br />

v5 <br />

<br />

v7 <br />

v8 <br />

<br />

78 <br />

88 <br />

75 <br />

<br />

<br />

77 77 <br />

the distribution of illuminance with-<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

o<br />

<br />

is found that recommended Uo results<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

3.2.3. Assesment of glare caused<br />

by light sources- Unified Glare<br />

Rating (UGR)<br />

<br />

sources is performed depending on<br />

the UGR values of the luminaires giv-<br />

<br />

<br />

supplied for each baseline scenario and<br />

lighting retrofit proposals.<br />

Energy efficient lighting system retrofit for retail environments


Table 9. Evaluated scenarios illuminance calculation results in terms of horizontal and vertical illuminance<br />

criteria workplanes (v1-v15).<br />

Scenario<br />

names<br />

<br />

B<br />

<br />

<br />

E<br />

Total light<br />

output for lamps<br />

(lm)<br />

Total light output<br />

for luminaires (lm)<br />

3.2.4. Assesment of colour property<br />

of the space and light sources<br />

<br />

the space is performed depending on<br />

the colour specifications of the surface<br />

materials and their light reflectance<br />

values. Light reflectance of the select-<br />

E m<br />

-horizontal<br />

workplane<br />

(lx)<br />

Horizontal<br />

illuminance<br />

criteria<br />

E m<br />

-15 vertical<br />

workplanes<br />

(lx)<br />

<br />

<br />

the recommended ranges according to<br />

<br />

index-Ra of selected light sources are<br />

<br />

-<br />

<br />

Vertical<br />

illuminance<br />

criteria<br />

✓ ✓<br />

✓ ✓<br />

✓ ✓<br />

✓ ✓<br />

✓ ✓<br />

✓ ✓<br />

✓ ✓<br />

✓ ✓<br />

✓ ✓<br />

✓ ✓<br />

✓ ✓<br />

✓ ✓<br />

✓ ✓<br />

✓ ✓<br />

Table 10. Uo calculation results obtained for task areas and total Uo percentage results for each scenario.<br />

A B C D E<br />

A1 A2 B1 B2 C1 C2 C3 C4 D1 D2 D3 D4 E1 E2<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

v5 0,36 <br />

<br />

v7 <br />

v8 <br />

<br />

<br />

0,37 0,28<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

total


Table 11. Lighting system’s total power-Pn (W), provided LPD value (W/m2) for lighting<br />

design alternatives and comparison of results in terms of EN 15193 and ANSI/ASHRAE/<br />

IESNA Standard LPD criteria.<br />

<br />

B<br />

C<br />

D<br />

E<br />

Scenario<br />

names<br />

Lighting system's<br />

total power-P n<br />

(W)<br />

narios and lighting retrofits fulfill the<br />

necessary criteria in terms of colour<br />

rendering property of lamps.<br />

3.3. Lighting energy performance<br />

determination of lighting design<br />

alternatives<br />

<br />

retail environments depend on characteristics<br />

and number of lamps and<br />

luminaires, space dimensions and its<br />

uated<br />

lighting retrofit scenarios are<br />

assessed in terms of their annual light-<br />

<br />

<br />

consumption for lighting per unit area<br />

<br />

the lighting power density expressed<br />

. Obtained results are<br />

used to produce estimates of lighting<br />

energy efficiency potential in the retail<br />

environment.<br />

3.3.1. LPD Assessment in terms of<br />

EN 15193 and ANSI/ASHRAE/<br />

IESNA Standards<br />

narios<br />

and lighting retrofit alternatives<br />

are performed and obtained results<br />

<br />

<br />

Provided<br />

LPD value (<br />

W/m 2 )<br />

Energy efficient lighting system retrofit for retail environments<br />

EN 15195 Standard<br />

LPD Criteria (15<br />

W/m 2 )<br />

<br />

ANSI/ASHRAE/<br />

IESNA Standard<br />

LPD Criteria<br />

(<strong>13</strong>,56 W/m 2 )<br />

✓ ✓<br />

5,8 ✓ ✓<br />

B1 2151 14,3 ✓ ✓<br />

B2 1430 9,5 ✓ ✓<br />

C1 2093 14,0 ✓ ✗<br />

C2 1740,2 11,6 ✓ ✓<br />

C3 <strong>13</strong>18 8,8 ✓ ✓<br />

C4 965,2 6,4 ✓ ✓<br />

D1 2455 16,4 ✗ ✗<br />

D2 1940 12,9 ✓ ✓<br />

D3 1897 12,6 ✓ ✓<br />

D4 <strong>13</strong>82 9,2 ✓ ✓<br />

E1 3125 20,8 ✗ ✗<br />

E2 1080 7,2 ✓ ✓<br />

-<br />

n -<br />

<br />

design alternatives as well as the com-<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

-<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

-<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

-<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

results that all of the lighting retrofit<br />

<br />

dards.<br />

3.3.2. Assessment of annual lighting<br />

energy performance according to<br />

EN 15193 Standard<br />

<br />

of annual lighting energy performance


Table 12. WL,t- energy requirement used for illumination, WP,t- Luminaire parasitic energy<br />

requirement, Wt- total annual lighting energy requirement and LENI values for evaluated<br />

scenarios.<br />

evaluated baseline cases and proposed<br />

<br />

-<br />

<br />

tained<br />

findings are compared with the<br />

-<br />

<br />

<br />

lowed<br />

to obtain WL,t -<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

n<br />

<br />

consideration in the lighting energy<br />

c -constant illuminance<br />

<br />

<br />

t<br />

-<br />

-<br />

-<br />

o<br />

<br />

as the space is fully occupied through<br />

the occupancy hours. Since the evaluated<br />

space has no access to daylighting,<br />

<br />

and daylight penetration is “none”.<br />

gency<br />

lighting system therefore lu-<br />

<br />

pt x year consti-<br />

<br />

annually. Total annual lighting energy<br />

<br />

-<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

of the evaluated baseline alternatives<br />

and lighting retrofit proposals fulfil<br />

<br />

<br />

values for evaluated cases in a graphical<br />

expression.<br />

Figure 6. Results of Lighting Energy Numeric Indicator (LENI).


3.4. Discussion of results<br />

<br />

<br />

natives<br />

are considered depending on<br />

the use of diverse lighting technologies.<br />

This application example clearly shows<br />

that it is possible to apply lighting retrofit<br />

proposals that are fully providing<br />

<br />

and lighting energy performance criteria<br />

given the standards. Thus, this study<br />

shows the importance of an integrated<br />

lighting retrofit design process.<br />

When the lighting energy saving<br />

possibilities are investigated, it is found<br />

ergy<br />

consumption is obtained by the<br />

help of lighting retrofit where for cat-<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

energy consumption reduction up to<br />

<br />

<br />

energy consumption is obtained for<br />

gen<br />

spotlights are replaced with a more<br />

<br />

lighting retrofit, a high lighting energy<br />

<br />

Obtained results show the significant<br />

possibility of lighting energy savings by<br />

the help of lighting retrofit proposals.<br />

4. Conclusion<br />

This study aims to emphasize the<br />

importance of an integrated lighting<br />

retrofit project for retail environments<br />

in terms of visual comfort conditions<br />

ducing<br />

the visual comfort criteria for<br />

<br />

gives necessary recommendations related<br />

with illuminance, luminance distribution,<br />

unified glare rating, uniformity,<br />

colour aspects of the space and<br />

light sources on the scope of current<br />

building standards and regulations.<br />

<br />

of different lighting retrofit applica-<br />

<br />

this study on the example of a department<br />

store, demonstrating the most<br />

<br />

layouts in retail environments. Visual<br />

comfort assessment is performed on<br />

<br />

lighting simulation program, which<br />

<br />

performance assessment is performed<br />

based on an up-to-date lighting energy<br />

calculation methodology described<br />

<br />

on the impact of lamp and luminaire<br />

selection on lighting energy efficiency,<br />

this study shows that it is possible to<br />

have energy-efficient lighting solutions<br />

enhancing the retail environments.<br />

<br />

energy-efficient upgrade of lighting<br />

systems can also reduce lighting energy<br />

costs as well as overheating and<br />

cooling costs, which can be investigated<br />

as a future study.<br />

Results of this research provides a<br />

practical retail lighting design retrofit<br />

guidance to retailers, architects and<br />

lighting designers in order to refurbish<br />

existing lighting schemes and develop<br />

new lighting design solutions considering<br />

the use of different lighting technologies<br />

in retail spaces.<br />

The possibility to evaluate visual<br />

comfort conditions and lighting energy<br />

efficiency in retail spaces during<br />

the lighting retrofit phase is necessary<br />

in order to obtain an optimal lighting<br />

design variant. Therefore, this study<br />

shows the importance of using computational<br />

simulations in lighting retrofit<br />

projects so that diverse lighting retrofit<br />

proposals are evaluated practically and<br />

effectively.<br />

This study is limited to the retail<br />

environments without access to day-<br />

<br />

can be expanded to evaluate the impact<br />

of daylighting on visual comfort conditions<br />

and lighting energy efficiency<br />

<br />

of lighting control strategies in retail<br />

lighting retrofits also have direct effects<br />

on lighting energy savings therefore<br />

the lighting retrofit schemes can also<br />

be generated by depending on the in-<br />

<br />

control strategies as a future study.<br />

<br />

to show the potential for energy savings<br />

in retail environments on the example<br />

of a department store lighting<br />

retrofit. With the correct implementation<br />

of diverse lighting schemes during<br />

the lighting retrofit phase, lighting de-<br />

Energy efficient lighting system retrofit for retail environments


signer can help to design a sustainable<br />

and energy efficient retail building ful-<br />

fort<br />

conditions.<br />

References<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

-<br />

,<br />

Vienna.<br />

-<br />

<br />

perception in the real world. <br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

-<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

-<br />

-<br />

<br />

<br />

-<br />

-<br />

<br />

-<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

10 <br />

<br />

-<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

-<br />

ception,<br />

<br />

<br />

-<br />

-<br />

<br />

-<br />

<br />

role does lighting have on consumer’s<br />

perception of atmosphere, emotions<br />

and behaviour?, -<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

-<br />

<br />

-<br />

rate<br />

communication. <br />

<br />

<br />

munication,<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

vices<br />

Engineers.


Contributors<br />

Ebunoluwa Y. AKINGBASO<br />

Ebunoluwa Y. Akingbaso obtained her<br />

Masters in Architecture from Eastern<br />

Mediterranean University in the area<br />

of Urban Design in 2014. Her current<br />

contributions to the field of research<br />

includes Agricultural land use and<br />

land cover changes, Migration and<br />

land use changes, and Socio-economic<br />

drivers of land use/cover changes in<br />

Famagusta.<br />

Halil Z. ALİBABA<br />

Dr. Halil Z. Alibaba obtained his Masters<br />

and Ph.D. in Architecture from<br />

Eastern Mediterranean University in<br />

1998 and 2003 respectively. He is currently<br />

an Assistant Professor at Eastern<br />

Mediterranean University. His current<br />

research areas include Sustainable<br />

Construction, Energy issues in Architecture,<br />

Solar Architecture, Room<br />

Acoustics and Expert systems in Architecture.<br />

Açalya ALLMER<br />

Açalya Allmer is an Associate Professor<br />

of Architecture and the Head of<br />

the Building Design Section at Dokuz<br />

Eylül University, Izmir, where she has<br />

been teaching since 2005. Having received<br />

a national scholarship, Allmer<br />

completed her Masters and PhD degree<br />

in architecture at the University<br />

of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia. She received<br />

her Bachelor’s degree in architecture<br />

from the Middle East Technical<br />

University. She published a number of<br />

essays in edited volumes and in leading<br />

journals including Architectural<br />

Theory Review, Architectural Research<br />

Quarterly, METU Journal of Architecture,<br />

Textile: The Journal of Cloth and<br />

Culture. She also acted as the editor of<br />

Cine-space: Architecture in Cinema<br />

(2010). Allmer’s research focuses on<br />

the history and theory of architectural<br />

representation, architecture in cinema<br />

and literature, contemporary architecture<br />

and its criticism.<br />

Deniz BALIK<br />

Deniz Balık works as a Research Assistant<br />

in the Department of Architecture<br />

at Dokuz Eylül University, Izmir. She<br />

holds a Ph.D. degree in Architectural<br />

Design from Dokuz Eylül University,<br />

a M.Sc. degree in Architectural Design<br />

from Istanbul Technical University,<br />

and a Bachelor’s degree in Architecture<br />

from Dokuz Eylül University.<br />

Lale BERKÖZ<br />

Lale Berköz is a full professor in the<br />

Department of Urban and Regional<br />

Planning, Architectural Faculty of Istanbul<br />

Technical University. She has<br />

a diploma in architecture from I.T.U.,<br />

Faculty of Architecture in 1982. She<br />

has a master degree in urban planning<br />

program from I.T.U. in 1984. She received<br />

her Ph.D. in urban planning<br />

program from I.T.U. in 1991She is interested<br />

in metropolitan development<br />

dynamics, locational behaviors of service<br />

sector activities and foreign direct<br />

investments, user satisfaction in residential<br />

areas.<br />

Fulin BÖLEN<br />

Fulin Bölen is a professor emeritus in<br />

the Department of Urban and Regional<br />

Planning at the Istanbul Technical University.<br />

Her principal research topics<br />

include residential densities, land use<br />

and urban form, land use intensity and<br />

urban quality of life, physical quality of<br />

residential environment and land values.<br />

Warebi Gabriel BRISIBE<br />

I hold BSc and MSc degrees in Architecture<br />

from the University of Jos, Nigeria<br />

and a PhD in Architecture from<br />

Newcastle University, UK. My research<br />

interests are in vernacular architecture<br />

and architectural education. I am a<br />

registered architect and lecturer in the<br />

Department of Architecture, RSUST,<br />

Port-Harcourt and also a consultant<br />

on using local materials in educational<br />

buildings in Tanzania.<br />

Gizem CANER<br />

Gizem Caner has a Ph.D. in Urban<br />

and Regional Planning from Istanbul<br />

Technical University. She has five years<br />

of professional experience in urban regeneration,<br />

risk analysis and management,<br />

and master planning. Her main<br />

research interests include divided/<br />

multicultural societies and planning,


comparative urbanism, socio-spatial<br />

analysis, urban politics, post-conflict<br />

planning, and resilience.<br />

Işıl ÇOKUĞRAŞ<br />

Architect Işıl Çokuğraş is an Assistant<br />

Professor at Bilgi University, Department<br />

of Interior Design. She hold<br />

a MSc Degree in Architectural Design<br />

from Istanbul Technical University<br />

and PhD degree in History and Theory<br />

of Architecture from <strong>Yıl</strong>dız Technical<br />

University. Her field of research<br />

includes urban history and modernization<br />

period of Ottoman State and<br />

Turkey.<br />

Marwa DABAIEH<br />

Marwa Dabaieh is architect and Bio-<br />

Geometry® practitioner. She is a postdoc<br />

researcher at Lund University<br />

in Sweden. Her current research focus<br />

is vernacular architecture passive<br />

low-tech methods and their<br />

adaptation for contemporary zero energy<br />

and zero carbon building practice.<br />

Rully DAMAYANTI<br />

Finished bachelor in architecture in<br />

1996 at Gadjah Mada University- Yogyakarta,<br />

and received M.Art from Curtin<br />

University- Perth. In 2015, received<br />

Ph.D from the University of Shefffield-<br />

UK. Has been teaching architecture in<br />

theory and design studio since 1998 at<br />

Petra Christian University- Surabaya<br />

until today. Has done several research<br />

in Indonesia and India regarding making/creating<br />

places in urban areas.<br />

Ranjith DAYARATNE<br />

Dr. Ranjith Dayaratne teaches Theory<br />

of Architecture at the Department of<br />

Architecture and Interior Design at the<br />

University of Bahrain. He is the editor<br />

of the ISVS e journal dedicated to Vernacular<br />

Architecture and coordinates<br />

the activities of the International Society<br />

for the Study of Vernacular Settlements<br />

(ISVS).<br />

Yüksel DEMİR<br />

Studied Architecture in Istanbul Technical<br />

University, Faculty of Architecture<br />

(1983-1987). Currently works as<br />

an Associate Professor in ITU Department<br />

of Architecture and is the<br />

head of the department of Fine Arts in<br />

ITU (2007-Present). He founded ITU<br />

Mardint Interdisciplinary Research<br />

and Development Center (2005). Assigned<br />

as advisor to the rector(2014-).<br />

He continues to work in the fields of<br />

Architectural Design, Urban Design,<br />

Interior Design, Product Design, ICT<br />

in Design, and Art.<br />

Birgitte Tanderup EYBYE<br />

Birgitte Tanderup Eybye has a master’s<br />

degree in architectural heritage.<br />

At present she is writing her PhD thesis<br />

on sustainable building methods in<br />

Danish vernacular architecture at the<br />

Aarhus School of Architecture in Denmark.<br />

Gül Sibel GEDİK<br />

Gül Sibel Gedik was born in Bursa in<br />

1989. She graduated from the Faculty<br />

of Architecture of Bursa Uludağ University<br />

in 2010. She received her M.Sc.<br />

degree in Architectural Design Program<br />

in 2015 from ITU. Her thesis is<br />

on the subject of sustainable revitalization<br />

in historic urban quarters.<br />

C. İrem GENÇER<br />

Architect İrem Gençer is an Assistant<br />

Professor at Yildiz Technical University,<br />

Department of Architecture.<br />

She holds a PhD and MSc degree in<br />

Architecture from Istanbul Technical<br />

University Restoration Program. Her<br />

field of research includes urban preservation,<br />

vernacular architecture and<br />

planning history in Mediterranean<br />

towns.<br />

Esin HASGÜL<br />

Esin Hasgül was born in Istanbul. She<br />

graduated from ITU Faculty of Architecture<br />

in 2009. She completed her<br />

master in ITU, IMIAD (International<br />

Master of Interior Architecture Design)<br />

in 2011. After working in design<br />

offices; she is now doing doctorate in<br />

ITU and working as a research assistant<br />

in IKU.<br />

Maria I HIDAYATUN<br />

Finished undergraduate in architecture<br />

in 1983 at Gadjah Mada University-Yogyakarta,<br />

and received Magister Antropology<br />

from Indonesia University,<br />

Jakarta in 1994, received Dr. from the<br />

Institut Teknologi Sepuluh Nopember


Surabaya in 2015. Has been teaching<br />

architecture in theory, history and design<br />

studio since 1985 at Petra Christian<br />

University-Surabaya until today.<br />

Has done several research in Indonesia<br />

related to the architecture of the Archipelago,<br />

vernacular and regionalism.<br />

Timothy O. IYENDO<br />

Timothy O. Iyendo obtained his Masters<br />

in the field of Architectural Acoustic<br />

from Eastern Mediterranean University<br />

in August 2011. He is presently<br />

pursuing a Ph.D. in Architecture at the<br />

aforementioned University. His research<br />

interests include Architectural<br />

Acoustics, Design education, Climate<br />

responsive building, Sound perception<br />

and visual articulation of architectural<br />

space.<br />

Florian KOSSAK<br />

Studied architecture at the Technical<br />

University Berlin and received M.Arch<br />

from the University of Strathclyde<br />

(1997). After a collaboration with the<br />

Munich-based architect Otto Steidle,<br />

co-founded of the workers co-operative<br />

GLAS – Glasgow Letters on Architecture<br />

and Space (2001). Teaching<br />

architecture and urbanism in the<br />

design studio since 1997, first at the<br />

Academy of Fine Arts in Munich, then<br />

Strathclyde University and, since 2006,<br />

at the University of Sheffield. In 2008<br />

he received PhD from the Edinburgh<br />

College of Art.<br />

Selin KÜÇÜK<br />

She has a bachelor’s degree from ITU<br />

Department of Architecture and studies<br />

in ‘Environmental Control and<br />

Construction Technology’ Master Program<br />

in ITU. On Hattusha and Kültepe<br />

Archaeological Excavation Projects<br />

she had labored as excavation architect,<br />

managed an architectural office in<br />

İstanbul. She has academic studies on<br />

archaeoacoustics, architectural documentation<br />

on archaeological sites and<br />

traditional architecture subjects.<br />

Mesut B. ÖZDENİZ<br />

Professor Mesut B. Özdeniz obtained<br />

his Ph.D. in Architecture from Istanbul<br />

Technical University in 1979. After<br />

many years of teaching/research experience,<br />

he joined Eastern Mediterranean<br />

University in 1988. He is presently<br />

the dean, Faculty of Architecture,<br />

European University of Lefke. His research<br />

area includes Climatic Design,<br />

Architectural Acoustics and Lighting.<br />

Shikha PATIDAR<br />

Practicing Architect and visiting faculty<br />

in School of Planning and Architecture,<br />

Bhopal. Associate member of<br />

Indian Institute of Architects. Occasionally<br />

writes in newspapers and journals.<br />

Participated and presented papers<br />

in International conferences. She has<br />

deep concern for low cost building<br />

techniques, vernacular practices and<br />

traditional knowledge systems.<br />

Attilio PETRUCCIOLI<br />

Attilio Petruccioli is Professor of Landscape<br />

Architecture and Dean of the<br />

School of Architecture at the Polytechnic<br />

University of Bari, Italy. From 1994<br />

to 1998 he was the Aga Khan Professor<br />

of Design for Islamic Societies at the<br />

Aga Khan Program for Islamic Architecture<br />

at the Massachusetts Institute<br />

of Technology. His research interests<br />

are the methodology of design (landscape<br />

and contextual design, typological<br />

research and the work of modern<br />

architects), traditional settlements and<br />

housing, Islamic architecture, town<br />

and territory and Mediterranean landscape<br />

architecture.<br />

Josef PRIJOTOMO<br />

Studied architecture at the Institut Teknologi<br />

Sepuluh Nopember and fineshed<br />

at 1976 and received M.Arch<br />

from the Iowa State University (1982).<br />

In 2006 he received Dr. from the Institut<br />

Teknologi Sepuluh Nopember.<br />

He had also teaching architecture in<br />

theory, History and Critics since 1977<br />

at Institut Teknologi Sepuluh Nopember<br />

until today. In 2008 he received<br />

to get the title of Professor from the<br />

Government by giving a speech about<br />

the Archipelago/Nusantara Architecture<br />

and in 2015 he was awarded the<br />

culture as a pioneering architecture of<br />

the Archipelago/Nusantara. Has several<br />

research in Indonesia related to the<br />

History of Architecture, Theory about<br />

Architecture and Culture to do with<br />

Architecture.


Brishbhanlali RAGHUWANSHI<br />

She is an Asst. Professor in School of<br />

Planning and Architecture Bhopal, India.<br />

Her career objective is to work for<br />

sustainable development through vernacular<br />

architecture principles and to<br />

evolve an innovative and creative approach<br />

integrating traditional knowledge<br />

and modern technology. She has<br />

publications in journal and presented<br />

papers in conferences.<br />

Murni RACHMAWATI<br />

Studied architecture and fineshed in<br />

1985, received Magister Teknik in 1999,<br />

and in 2009 she received Dr. from the<br />

Institut Teknologi Sepuluh Nopember.<br />

She had also teaching architecture in<br />

theory, History and Critics since 1986<br />

at Institut Teknologi Sepuluh Nopember<br />

until today. Has several research<br />

in Indonesia related to the History of<br />

Architecture, Theory about Architecture<br />

with several cases architecture in<br />

Indonesia.<br />

Pınar SIVALIOĞLU<br />

Pınar Sıvalıoğlu, has a diploma in<br />

Landscape Architecture from I.U., Faculty<br />

of Forestry in 1992. She has a master<br />

degree in Landscape Architecture,<br />

from I.T.U in 1997. She received her<br />

Ph.D. in City and Regional Planning<br />

from I.T.U. in 2012. She is interested<br />

in environmental psychology, environmental<br />

behavior, perception, satisfaction<br />

and place attachment.<br />

Feride ŞENER YILMAZ<br />

Feride Şener <strong>Yıl</strong>maz (PhD) is a research<br />

assistant at Istanbul Technical<br />

University Faculty of Architecture. She<br />

is graduated from Gazi University Department<br />

of Architecture in 2006 and<br />

in 2009 she completed her Masters education<br />

at Istanbul Technical University.<br />

She received her PhD degree from ITU<br />

Building Science Doctorate Program.<br />

She participated in Stuttgart University<br />

of Applied Science, Department<br />

of Building Physics as a researcher in<br />

2008 and she was a visiting researcher<br />

at Building Research Establishment-<br />

BRE in England between 2012-20<strong>13</strong>.<br />

Her primary areas of expertise are sustainable<br />

lighting design in architecture,<br />

daylighting and artificial lighting, visual<br />

comfort, lighting simulation and<br />

energy efficiency in buildings.<br />

Emre TORBAOĞLU<br />

Graduate of MSGSU Department of<br />

Architecture (2004). Earned master’s<br />

degree from ITU Department of Architecture<br />

(2010). After winning “Bolu<br />

Chamber of Commerce Building Architectural<br />

Project Competition” he<br />

established Atölye Kolektif (2007). He<br />

contributes to the educational processes<br />

either as a lecturer, tutor or as a jury<br />

member. He is a board member of 44th<br />

term of Chamber of Architects Istanbul<br />

Metropolitan Branch. Continuing<br />

his professional work as a partner of<br />

Atölye Kolektif.<br />

Dilek YILDIZ<br />

Dilek <strong>Yıl</strong>dız is an architect, researcher<br />

and lecturer in the Department of Architecture<br />

at Istanbul Technical University<br />

(ITU) since 1995. She received<br />

her Ph.D. degree in Architectural Design<br />

Program in 2005 from ITU. Her<br />

research is focused on design theory,<br />

research methods, housing design, gated<br />

communities, sustainability, urban<br />

design, urban architecture and environment-behavior<br />

studies.


Guide for authors<br />

Authors must follow these instructions carefully to avoid delays in submission,<br />

peer-review and publication processes.<br />

1. Submission of manuscripts<br />

The language of the journal is English. The digital copy of the manuscript, prepared<br />

by Microsoft Word, together with original figures and tables must be submitted to<br />

the journal only via e-mail (az@itu.edu.tr). After the submission, the manuscripts<br />

will be edited according to the journal submission format and authors may be<br />

requested for some corrections or for addition of any missing information. All<br />

papers will be blind reviewed and assessed by two referees. During the publication<br />

process, camera-ready manuscripts will be sent to the authors for approval.<br />

2. Preparation of manuscripts<br />

The manuscript must be prepared by following the order of cover letter, title page,<br />

abstract(s), keywords, article, acknowledgement (if any), references, tables and a<br />

list of figure captions in one single Word document. The manuscript must be typed<br />

in double spacing by using Arial font with 12 points. All pages must be numbered<br />

consecutively.<br />

2.1. Cover Letter<br />

The cover letter must state that the manuscript has been written and approved by all<br />

authors, that it presents an original and unpublished work; and it has not been<br />

submitted to, or is not under review process in another journal. It must contain the<br />

names and signatures of all authors. The scan of the cover letter is acceptable.<br />

2.2. Title Page<br />

The cover page must contain a concise and informative title; names, affiliations<br />

(department, faculty, university, city and country) and e-mail addresses of all<br />

authors, and identify the corresponding author.<br />

2.3. Abstract(s)<br />

A concise and informative abstract in English must not exceed 250 words in length,<br />

must summarize the purpose, methods and major findings of the paper. National<br />

contributors have to submit an additional abstract in Turkish, which must not<br />

exceed 1000 words in length and include the title of the article in Turkish.<br />

2.4. Keywords<br />

The article must have maximum 5 keywords which must be sorted in alphabetical<br />

order and separated by comma. Keywords must be carefully selected to facilitate<br />

the readers’ search.<br />

2.5. Article<br />

Articles must not exceed 7000 words. All headings must be numbered consecutively<br />

and hierarchically. Authors, for whose English is not the native language, are<br />

strongly encouraged to have their manuscript carefully edited prior to submission.<br />

Also, authors are recommended to perform spell checking of the article. Within the<br />

article, avoid the use of footnotes and endnotes, if unavoidable, label as (1), (2) and<br />

list all together at the end of the page where they occur.<br />

2.6. Acknowledgement<br />

If necessary, acknowledgements can be provided.<br />

2.7. References<br />

The style and punctuation of the references must follow the APA referencing style.<br />

References in the manuscript must give the surname of the author and the year of<br />

publication in brackets. The references must be listed in alphabetical order of<br />

authors’ names and in chronological order for each author. The upper and lower<br />

case rules and punctuation types of APA style must be carefully followed. Further<br />

details about APA referencing style can be seen from http://www.apastyle.org/.<br />

Some examples of reference citation are given below.<br />

Books<br />

Author, A. (2014). Title of the book. London: Mitchell.<br />

Journals<br />

Author, A. A., Author, B. (2012). Title of the article. Title of Journal, 12(4), 187–195.<br />

Conference Proceedings<br />

Author, A. A., Author, B. (2014). Title of paper. Paper presented at the meeting of<br />

Organization Name, Location.<br />

Thesis<br />

Author, A. A. (2008). Title of thesis (Unpublished doctoral dissertation or master's<br />

thesis). Name of Institution, Location.<br />

Websites<br />

The BBC (http://www.bbc.co.uk).<br />

Author, A. (2011). Title of document [Format description]. Retrieved from<br />

http://URL<br />

Report<br />

Author, A. A. (2012). Title of work (Report No. 123). Location: Publisher.<br />

Author, A. A. (2012). Title of work (Report No. 123). Retrieved from Name website:<br />

http://www.xxxxxxxx.pdf<br />

3. Preparation of tables and figures<br />

Tables and figures must not be embedded in the article. The proposed location of<br />

figures and tables must be indicated in the article by using format.<br />

Tables must be provided after the references. They must be double spaced,<br />

consecutively numbered and must have a brief informative caption. The caption<br />

must be provided before the table and written in “Table 1. Name of the table”<br />

format. If necessary, explanatory footnotes must be brief, placed beneath the table<br />

and indicated by (*).<br />

Figures must be numbered consecutively throughout the paper and provided in a<br />

separate file. Figures must be in grayscale or in black-and-white with minimum 300<br />

dpi resolution as jpeg format. Figures must be named as they named in the article<br />

in “Figure 1. Name of the figure” format. Figure captions must also be listed at the<br />

end of the article, after the tables.<br />

4. Symbols, abbreviations and conventions<br />

Symbols, abbreviations and conventions in papers must follow the recommended<br />

SI Units. Abbreviations must be defined in brackets after their first mention in the<br />

text in accordance with internationally agreed rules.<br />

5. Mathematical expressions<br />

Mathematical symbols and formulae must be typed and any other application or<br />

program must not be used. Particular care must be exercised in identifying all<br />

symbols and avoiding ambiguities. Distinction must be made between the number<br />

one (1) and letter (I) and between the number (0) and the letter (O). Equation<br />

numbers must appear in parentheses and numbered consecutively. All equation<br />

numbers must appear on the right hand side of the equation and must be referred<br />

to within the text.<br />

6. Final submission<br />

After the acceptance of the manuscripts for publication, authors must send the final<br />

version of their manuscript and figures to the journal e-mail<br />

7. Copyright and originality<br />

It is the author’s responsibility to obtain written permission from authors and<br />

publishers of any previously published material; text, tables, figures, etc.<br />

8. Book reviews and notes<br />

A book review must run between 500-1000 words, which give scope for an<br />

assessment of the book and its contribution to knowledge and discussion within<br />

the broad field of architecture, planning and design. Reviews must be typed in<br />

double spacing by using Arial font with 12 points. Name, affiliation and e-mail<br />

address of the reviewer must be given. A photograph of book cover must be<br />

provided in jpeg format. The title, author, origin, publisher, date, number of pages,<br />

price and ISBN number must be provided as in the following example.<br />

The Search for Form in Art and Architecture<br />

Eliel Saarinen, 1985<br />

Dover Publications Inc.: New York<br />

354 pp 8.95 US $ Paperback<br />

ISBN 0-486-24907-7<br />

9. Publication charges<br />

There is no submission and page fee for A|Z ITU Journal of the Faculty of<br />

Architecture.


Y. Çağatay Seçkin ∞ Editor<br />

Editorial<br />

Dossier: Vernacular architecture<br />

Yurdanur Dülgeroğlu Yüksel<br />

Dossier Editorial<br />

Attilio Petruccioli<br />

Keynote: Vernacular architecture and typology<br />

Esin Hasgül<br />

Incremental housing: A participation process solution for informal housing<br />

Marwa Dabaieh, Birgitte Tanderup Eybye<br />

A comparative study of human aspects in acclimatization of adobe vernacular architecture: A case from Denmark and Egypt<br />

Emre Torbaoğlu, Yüksel Demir<br />

A research on the continuity of the original settlements: A case study on Kemaliye/Erzincan<br />

Rully Damayanti, Florian Kossak<br />

Extending Kevin Lynch’s concept of imageability in third space reading; case study of Kampungs, Surabaya–Indonesia<br />

Timothy O. Iyendo, Ebunoluwa Y. Akingbaso, Halil Z. Alibaba, Mesut B. Özdeniz<br />

A relative study of microclimate responsive design approaches to buildings in Cypriot settlements<br />

Warebi Gabriel Brisibe<br />

Lessons from ‘archaeotecture’: Analysing variations in vernacular architecture using methods from archaeology<br />

Selin Küçük<br />

Structural transformations of traditional architecture from Hittites to Ottomans in Bogazkoy<br />

Maria I Hidayatun, Josef Prijotomo, Murni Rachmawati<br />

Vernacular architecture as an alternative design approach with interpretation of Paul Ricoeur’s critical theory<br />

Shikha Patidar, Brishbhanlali Raghuwanshi<br />

Vernacular to modern in the search of sustainable development<br />

Ranjith Dayaratne<br />

Re-dignifying vernacular for constructing national identity: Elitism, grand traditions and cultural revival in Bahrain<br />

Theory<br />

Gizem Caner, Fulin Bölen<br />

Urban planning approaches in divided cities<br />

Deniz Balık, Açalya Allmer<br />

A critical review of ornament in contemporary architectural theory and practice<br />

Pınar Sıvalıoğlu, Lale Berköz<br />

Relationship between place attachment and user satisfaction at some national parks in Turkey<br />

Işıl Çokuğraş, C. İrem Gençer<br />

Urban regulations in 18 th century Istanbul: Natural disasters and public dispute<br />

Gül Sibel Gedik, Dilek <strong>Yıl</strong>dız<br />

Assessing the role of users in sustainable revitalization of historic urban quarters: The case of Bursa-Khans District<br />

Feride Şener <strong>Yıl</strong>maz<br />

Energy efficient lighting system retrofit for retail environments<br />

Vol <strong>13</strong> No 1 ∞ March <strong>2016</strong><br />

az.itu.edu.tr<br />

ISSN <strong>13</strong>02-8324

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