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Enabling Private Ordering - the University of Minnesota Law School

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2009] UMBRELLA CLAUSES 21<br />

to shield <strong>the</strong> State against interferences by o<strong>the</strong>r States and to<br />

justify internally <strong>the</strong> State’s power to impose binding decisions<br />

and, if necessary, enforce <strong>the</strong>m. When understood broadly as <strong>the</strong><br />

State’s ultimate power, sovereignty clashes with <strong>the</strong> necessity<br />

for <strong>the</strong> host State to make credible and enforceable<br />

commitments so as to enter into binding agreements vis-à-vis<br />

foreign investors. It constitutes an impediment to efficient<br />

investor-State cooperation, instead <strong>of</strong> empowering States in<br />

<strong>the</strong>ir relationship with foreign investors. As will be argued in<br />

this section, effective third-party dispute settlement and<br />

enforcement mechanisms for host State promises are <strong>of</strong>ten<br />

lacking, both on <strong>the</strong> domestic level and under <strong>the</strong> traditional<br />

customary international law framework. As will be shown, <strong>the</strong><br />

latter is particularly incapable <strong>of</strong> stabilizing investor-State<br />

contracts both substantively and procedurally. Finally, this<br />

section argues that <strong>the</strong>se shortcomings can only be alleviated<br />

imperfectly in <strong>the</strong> absence <strong>of</strong> efficient enforcement mechanisms<br />

based on contractual arrangements between investors and host<br />

States.<br />

1. Enforcement <strong>of</strong> Host State Promises in Domestic Courts<br />

The courts <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> host State will <strong>of</strong>ten not be well positioned<br />

to enforce <strong>the</strong> State’s promises as <strong>the</strong>y relate to foreign<br />

investors. Existing or perceived bias against foreign investors,<br />

or even <strong>the</strong> lack <strong>of</strong> an independent and efficient judiciary, may<br />

diminish <strong>the</strong> ability <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> courts <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> host State to serve as<br />

efficient and effective institutions to enforce host State promises<br />

and counter opportunistic host State behavior. Judicial<br />

independence is particularly compromised by close institutional<br />

ties between courts and <strong>the</strong> executive, and missing safeguards<br />

against political influence on court proceedings. Fur<strong>the</strong>rmore,<br />

particularly in many developing countries, <strong>the</strong> low income <strong>of</strong><br />

judges and <strong>the</strong> insufficient financial support <strong>of</strong> courts <strong>of</strong>ten not<br />

only aid and abet corruption, 43 but also result in lengthy and<br />

ineffective dispute resolution. Such factors may compromise <strong>the</strong><br />

ability <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> host State’s domestic courts to function as<br />

independent and efficient dispute resolvers that effectively back<br />

43. On corruption in <strong>the</strong> judiciary, see Eduardo Buscaglia & Maria Dakolias,<br />

An Analysis <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Causes <strong>of</strong> Corruption in <strong>the</strong> Judiciary, 30 LAW & POL’Y INT’L BUS.<br />

95 (1999); Maria Dakolias & Kimberley Thachuk, The Problem <strong>of</strong> Eradicating<br />

Corruption from <strong>the</strong> Judiciary: Attacking Corruption in <strong>the</strong> Judiciary: A Critical<br />

Process in Judicial Reform, 18 WIS. INT’L L.J. 353 (2000).

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