The Mamanda Theater and the Redefinition of the Banjar Identity

The Mamanda Theater and the Redefinition of 

the Banjar Identity 1 

Ninuk Kleden-Probonegoro 

(Indonesian Institute of Sciences) 

Abstrak 

Artikel ini mengkaji pendefinisian kembali identitas orang Banjar di Kalimantan Selatan 

melalui teater Mamanda. Mamanda dipandang sebagai suatu tanda budaya dalam artian 

semiotik yang mempersoalkan hubungan tanda dengan penanda, tetapi tidak dalam artian 

linier. Identitas yang merupakan penanda selalu merupakan kontestasi makna dari berbagai 

kekuasaan, sehingga Mamanda dapat menjadi identitas orang Banjar Hulu, orang Banjar Kuala, 

orang Banjar, dan identitas provinsi. Mamanda juga menjadi tanda perlawanan bagi Belanda, 

tetapi menjadi tanda kesatuan bagi orang Indonesia. Dengan demikian, identitas selalu akan 

didefinisikan kembali, tergantung dari suasana politik dan siapa yang menjadi pemenang dalam 

perebutan kekuasaan. 

Signs in local cultures 

Ethnic identity within the scope of local 

cultures has become a public issue, due to two 

main causes. First, ethnic identity is the result 

of national politics; and second, it is the impact 

of globalization. 

First, during the New Order regime, the 

Bhinneka Tunggal Ika slogan meaning unity 

in diversity, was propagated as the glue that 

binds the nation which consists of diverse eth- 

1 The original version of this paper was presented at the 

panel on ‘Identity and Representation in Art’, in the 2 nd 

International Symposium of the Journal ANTROPOLOGI 

INDONESIA: ‘Globalization and Local Cultures: A Dialectic 

Towards a New Indonesia’, Limau Manis Campus, 

Andalas University, Padang, July 18–21, 2001. This paper 

was translated into English by Mariana M.G. Warokka 

from the Indonesian version published in the Journal 

nic groups. As the emphasis was on its tunggal 

(sole; unity) aspect, this slogan and its operational 

practice resulted in the perception of a 

homogenous culture. In the ongoing reform era, 

people have started to express their desire to 

be different openly—causing the bhinneka (diversity) 

aspect to come to the surface. For example: 

in government, Regional Autonomy has 

been incorporated in Law No.22/1999 and 

complemented by Law No.25/1999 regarding 

the financial balance between the central and 

ANTROPOLOGI INDONESIA, 2002 26 (69):10–23. 

Some parts of the paper’s data were taken from a researched 

conducted by me and my colleagues for LIPI in 

2000, and reported under the title of ‘The Redefinition of 

Traditions and Ethnic Identities’, Jakarta: PMB-LIPI, 

2000. Other data were cited from my personal research 

conducted in 1999 and February–March, 2001 (funded 

by The Toyota Foundation). 

ANTROPOLOGI INDONESIA Special Volume, 2002 65

egional governments. Therefore, regional autonomy, 

cultural plurality, heterogeneity, and 

ethnicity have become heated issues. 

Second, globalization is a cultural movement 

stimulated by economic development and 

global communication. Therefore, on the one 

hand, globalization can be seen as a phenomenon 

that tends to be universal but, on the other 

hand, it stimulates responses towards strengthening 

local identities. This is quite understandable 

due to the dialectic relationship between 

the global and local worlds. For example, it is 

because there are local cultures that could be 

turned into tourist objects that foreign tourists 

visit Indonesia. 

Since local identities are becoming stronger, 

whereas differences in each local culture 

should be preserved and even created if necessary, 

cultural differences can motivate and 

stimulate the learning process for a better understanding 

of ourselves. The emergence of 

cultural plurality, heterogeneity, and ethnicity 

will counterbalance the impacts of globalization. 

One of the forms of local cultures is the 

Mamanda Theater of the Banjar people 2 , which 

can be treated as a cultural sign. This opinion 

derives from a semiotic approach 3 questioning 

the relationship between sign and signifier. 

Semiotics questions the relationship between 

a sign and what is signified by such sign. Placing 

the Mamanda Theater as a cultural sign has 

a theoretical consequence requiring people to 

2 South Kalimantan, where Banjar people live, has large 

rivers with many tributaries. These rivers run from the 

inland to the estuary. Therefore, Banjar people are also 

geographically classified, namely Banjar Kuala people 

living in the estuary, the intersections of two rivers, and 

along the Martapura River in Martapura, Banjarmasin and 

Pleihari, and Banjar Hulu people that can be found in the 

regencies of Tapin, Hulu Sungai Selatan, Hulu Sungai 

Tengah, Hulu Sungai Utara, and in the administrative area 

of Tabalong regency. 

3 In linguistics, semiotics is known as a science of signs 

that differs from the science of meaning (Mulyono 

1980:805,909). 

relate it to signifier and the signified. The relationship 

between a signifier and the signified 

does not denote a singular and linear 

meaning. 4 However, the meaning obtained depends 

on ‘the act of signifying’ (Derrida 1984). 

This means that the signifying process becomes 

essential in defining the relationship between 

the signifier and the signified party. Such relationship 

is neither linear nor final that cannot 

be interpreted. Friedman (1994) sees the importance 

of reinterpreting the meaning of a 

cultural sign that is subsequently considered 

as identity. In other words, identity is always a 

contest of discourses. We could say that the 

repositioning of cultural signs treated as identity 

is always of political nature. 

This paper examines the way the Mamanda 

Theater—as a cultural sign—plays its role in 

the redefinition process of the Banjar people’s 

identity. This analysis departs from the national 

issue on regional autonomy. Ever since the regional 

autonomy issue emerged, regions have 

started to display their regional identities; even 

at the Regency or Municipality levels. 5 The 

analysis regarding identity begins with the review 

of two important events considered as the 

turning point for the Banjar people in discussing 

their identity. The discussion goes on by 

examining Mamanda as a Banjar theater, questioning 

‘what’ is Mamanda and ‘why’ was 

Mamanda born in the Banjar culture. One of 

the main factors in this regard is the touch of 

power on Mamanda. In this paper, the redefinition 

process of the Banjar identity through 

Mamanda is an unfinished contestation of 

meaning. 

4 Such as the word ‘table’ that can be directly related to 

its signifier in the form of a four-legged flat object the top 

of which can be used for working (writing, drawing, eating, 

etc.). 

5 As an example, in mid 2001, the Mataram Municipality 

Tourism and Cultural Service Office, assisted by its artists, 

was occupied with inventing a dance that can be used 

as an identity characteristic for Mataram Municipality. 


‘Dialogue between generations’ and 

Aruh Ganal: the debated identity turning 

points 

At the time this research was conducted, 

the Regional Government of South Kalimantan 

was busy preparing itself for introducing Regional 

Autonomy. One of the measures taken 

by the Regional Government of South 

Kalimantan was gathering ideas from Banjar 

people living outside South Kalimantan cities. 

This was related to a series of activities commemorating 

Indonesian Independence Day and 

the anniversary of the City of Banjarmasin. 

There were two important events in relation to 

the aforementioned plan of the Regional Government 

related indirectly to the identity of the 

Banjar people, namely the ‘Dialogue between 

Generations’ seminar (August 8, 2000), and a 

grand convention among the Banjar people, in 

local terms called Aruh Ganal (August 10, 

2000). Literally, Aruh Ganal means a grand 

feast—aruh means feast or party, and ganal 

means grand. 

Aruh Ganal was attended by the Banjar 

people not only from major cities in Java such 

as Jakarta, Yogyakarta, and Surabaya, but also 

by people from various places in Sumatra, particularly 

from Tembilahan. Banjar people have 

settled for several generations in Tembilahan. 

Banjar people from Malaysia, Singapore, and 

Brunei also attended. 

The Aruh Ganal, which was opened by the 

President, did raise controversies among the 

Banjar people themselves. Several groups opposed 

Aruh Ganal for two reasons, namely 

funding and ethnic sentiments. Several parties 

were of the opinion that the convention was 

only a waste of money. If it was intended to 

gather ideas from the Banjar people, why 

couldn’t they just hold a discussion with opinion 

leaders living in South Kalimantan, including 

lecturers at Lambung Mangkurat University? 

Others thought that the Organizing Com- 

mittee was not being sufficiently transparent. 

They were concerned that the expenses of the 

convention would affect the Regional Budget 

(Anggaran Pendapatan dan Belanja Daerah, 

APBD). OKP and public organizations were 

not in favor of the organizing committee of the 

grand convention either, saying that they ‘were 

not indigenous Banjar people’. Some student 

groups even asked for approval to hold protests 

against the grand convention. ( Komandan 

Komando Resimen, DANREM) had no objection 

to approve the anti Aruh Ganal protests, 

provided that they would not disrupt the 

President’s visit. However, he did not approve 

any counter protest groups. 

Governor H.M. Syahriel Darhan, accompanied 

by the chairperson of the organizing 

committee for the grand convention, visited 

K.H. Zaini Abdul Ghani, also known as Guru 

Ijai (Master Ijai). This teacher from Sekumpul 

Village is well known for his charisma and supernatural 

power, 6 so that many officials, not 

only from South Kalimantan, but also from 

Jakarta, came to ask for his blessings. Guru Ijai 

advised the Governor and the organizing committee 

on the convention: ‘Aruh Ganal Positif 

Asalkan Jangan Bahiri-hirian’ as reported by 

the Kalimantan Post daily newspaper (Tuesday, 

August 8, 2000). Guru Ijai blessed the 

grand convention as long as there was no jealousy 

among the people. Bahiri-hirian means 

jealousy among various groups. For example, 

between Banjar people living outside 

Kalimantan (who were being asked for their 

contribution of ideas) and those living in 

Banjarmasin; between those sitting and not sitting 

in the organizing committee; between those 

who consider themselves as indigenous Banjar 

people and those who are not indigenous Banjar 

people. 

6 See, for instance, the chapter on ‘Tuan Guru and Habib’, 

in Kleden-Probonegoro and Zultanawar (1996:80–84). 


The relation between the seminar, the convention 

and the identity of Banjar people is 

evident from the subject of the debate. The 

seminar on the ‘Dialogue between Generations’ 

included the theme of Baimbai Manyusuri Sisi 

Tapih 7 , which literally means tying the edges 

of a sarong together. The one-day seminar, organized 

by the organizing committee for the 

anniversary of South Kalimantan Province in 

collaboration with Lembaga Budaya Banjar 

(Banjar Cultural Institution), spelled out the 

aforementioned theme in the form of papers 

regarding cultural issues, particularly Banjar 

ethics. The papers, mostly written by members 

of the older generation, generally revealed their 

concern of the younger generation, who are 

considered to be ignorant of the Banjar traditions 

and customs, including its courtesy. 

8 Representatives of the younger generation, 

unlike the previous three paper presenters, 

were not concerned about the cultural 

changes in line with newer, more pragmatic 

values. There were five commission sessions 

(economy, business and the environment, 

socio-politics and law, socio-cultural affairs, 

education and health, as well as religion) and a 

plenary session in the two-day Aruh Ganal. 

One of the issues raised in the socio-cultural 

commission was the concern that globalization 

7 Banjarmasin Municipality has a jargon easily read in 

many places: at the office of the Regional Government, 

hotels, signs of small sasirangan (South Kalimantan batik) 

industries, namely Kayuh Baimbai, meaning rowing 

the boat together. 

8 As said by one of the paper presenters, in his neighborhood, 

children do not obey their parents anymore. Contrarily, 

he and his generation respected their parents very 

much. One of the younger participants answered: did it 

not pass in the mind of the speaker that young villagers 

are applying democracy starting to be taught in school, 

for instance: arguing opinions which is considered by the 

parents as being disobedient and breaching the courtesy? 

Some people were also concerned about the Internet technology 

because the younger generation could easily open 

pornographic sites. 

could eliminate Banjar cultural assets. The 

public fear that their culture would change was 

similar to the concern of the older generation 

in the ‘Dialogue between Generations’ seminar. 

The seminar with the Baimbai Manyusuri 

Tapih theme and the grand convention of the 

Banjar people demonstrated that the public are 

still discussing Banjar traditions and customs 

considered—by the older generation—as no 

longer understood by the younger generation. 

On the other hand, the younger generation was 

of the opinion that Banjar traditions and customs 

had to undergo changes. Actually, such 

changes have already occurred. This is obvious 

from how bubuhan 9 , as the basic concept 

of the Banjar kinship system, has undergone a 

change of meaning. Today, people recognize 

the bubuhan of traders, farmers, aristocrats, and 

so forth, as stated by one of the speakers: 

‘Kalau kebetulan tampulu bakuasa, maka 

membentuk kroni bubuhan sendiri. Secara 

samar-samar keadaannya menjadi bubuhan 

nang sugih-sugih, nang badahi-dahi, nang 

ningrat-ningrat, nang pagawai nagri, nang 

alim-alim. Berikutnya menyusul bubuhan urang 

jaba, bubuhan tani, bubuhan paiwakan, 

panurih gatah.’ 

‘If you happen to gain power, you will create 

your own bubuhan crony. Indistinctly, it will 

become the bubuhan of the wealthy, the high 

society, the aristocrats, the civil servants, the 

pious people. Then follows the bububan of 

urang jaba, farmers, fishermen, rubber tappers.’ 

If the ‘Dialogue between Generations’ and 

the Aruh Ganal are considered as cultural signs, 

the meaning of Banjar traditions and customs 

was being reinterpreted in these two events. As 

Friedman (1994) said, the contestation of discourses, 

such as these, must be observed in 

9 Literally, bubuhan means citizens or group. In Anthropology, 

those in one nuclear family, one extended family, 

or one village are usually called sebubuhan. 


order to analyze identity. Identity awareness 

does not seem to be a given object, but a discourse 

continuously open to interpretation and 

debate by the community concerned. 

Mamanda as the Banjar theater 

Mamanda has always been acknowledged 

as the theater of the Banjar people, as often 

stated in various performance art festivals, organized 

both in South Kalimantan Province as 

well as in Jakarta. Before we answer the question 

why the Mamanda theater has grown in 

the Banjar culture (and not, for example, in the 

Betawi culture) we have to understand the genealogy 

and characteristics of this theater. 

Viewed from the aspect of etymology, the 

word mamanda originates from the word mama 

and the suffix -nda. Mama is the affectionate 

form of the word marina, which in the Banjar 

language means Uncle. In the performance, the 

word mamanda is used by the King whenever 

he addresses the mangkubumi and the wazir 

(prime minister); mamanda mangkubumi and 

mamanda wazir. 

We can say that this theater shares the same 

roots with various forms of theaters in the Riau 

Islands; Wayang Bangsawan (PMB-LIPI 

1996), and the Mendu theater in Natuna Island, 

Riau (PMB-LIPI 1996) that, according to information, 

is also found in West Kalimantan. 

Mendu uses a ladun (ladon in Mamanda). Both 

Mamanda and Mendu use similar properties. 

Both are performed in an arena, without a stage, 

using a table and two chairs to create an atmosphere, 

as well as a kingdom setting. These 

characteristics are similar to those of the Mak 

Yong theater (Syamsuddin 1981/1982; Pudentia 

2000), especially in the Riau Islands. We can 

also say that Mamanda shares the same roots 

with the Lenong theater, particularly the 

Lenong Denes (now extinct) of the Betawi 

people (Kleden-Probonegoro 1997). The simi- 

larity is in the usage of narration of the Arabian 

Nights with equipment similar to the 

Mendu theater. Mamanda is considered as sharing 

the same roots with Rudat Theater, also 

known as Kemidi Rudat (Suparman 1990; 

Kleden-Probonegoro 2000) in Lombok, because 

their narration consist of excerpts from 

hikayat (tales), such as Siti Zubaedah, Si Miskin 

(the Poor), and Raja Bagdad (the King of 

Baghdad). In all of those theaters considered 

to be sharing the same roots, the actors wear 

clothes like those worn by Malay royalty. 

Tan Sooi Beng (1993), an ethnomusicologist 

conducting a research on the Bangsawan 

theater said that, being popular in the Malacca 

Peninsula around the 1880s, this Persian Theater 

influenced the nobility. At that time, there 

lived a wealthy Persian man in Penang who 

established the Pushi Indra Bangsawan theater 

company. Around the 1890s, there were 

many types of theaters, originating from the 

Bangsawan theater and scattered throughout 

the Malacca Peninsula (Tan Sooie Beng 

1993:16). It is most likely that the Persian theater 

influenced Komidi Bangsawan, the embryo 

of the Mamanda theater. At the end of the 19 th 

century, the Malaccan Komedi Indra 

Bangsawan arrived in Banjarmasin under the 

leadership of Encik Ibrahim bin Wangsa and 

his wife, Encik Hawa, to hold a one-month 

performance (Sanderta 1997:2). In South 

Kalimantan—particularly in the Hulu Sungai 

area where the Banjar Hulu people live—the 

Mamanda, originating from the aforementioned 

Komedi Bangsawan and the Persian theater, 

appeared in two forms, namely Pariuk and 

Tubau. Therefore, Mamanda was initially 

known to come from the Banjar Hulu people, 

although it also developed in Banjarmasin 

thereafter. 

Mamanda Pariuk, also known as Mamanda 

Margasari (the name of the village considered 

to be the center of Mamanda), can be found in 


Tapin Regency, while Mamanda Tubau is concentrated 

in Tubau Village, Barabai, Hulu 

Sungai Tengah Regency. There was an interesting, 

noteworthy field experience regarding 

the identity of the Pancar Rindang Banawa 

group in Pagat Village, Hulu Sungai Tengah 

Regency. The performance of this group is classified 

as a Mamanda Tubau, but when this 

matter was confirmed to an artist of Pancar 

Rindang Banawa, he refused to admit that. He 

said, ‘Well, our Mamanda is the local 

Mamanda, not Tubau’s.’ He seemed to feel 

quite proud of his village. The differences between 

Mamanda Pariuk and Mamanda Tubau 

are described in Table 1. 

Mamanda Pariuk—according to Banjar 

people—originates from Pariuk Village, 

Margasari, and Tapin Regency. This area is located 

on the riverbank, unlike Tubau Village 

in Hulu Sungai Tengah Regency, which is an 

inland area and does not have rivers. The natural 

environment affects the forms of the 

Mamanda theater. Mamanda Pariuk, originating 

from the riverbank area, has winding background 

music, just like the river that flows 

through this area. The background music of the 

inland Mamanda Tubau is short and mounting; 

just like the pace of people walking through 

the inland. Differences are also found in the 

types of narration. 

The narration of the Mamanda Pariuk theater 

originates from hikayat, such as the Ara- 

Table 1 

Mamanda Pariuk and Mamanda Tubau 

bian Nights, Siti Zubaedah, Si Miskin (the 

Poor), and Raja Bagdad (the King of 

Baghdad). These types of narration also appear 

in theater performances in Riau Islands, such 

as Mak Yong and Bangsawan Theaters, Lenong 

Denes of the Betawi people and Kemidi Rudat 

in Lombok Island. The aforementioned types 

of narration obviously have an Islamic nuance 

in line with the religious conduct of the Banjar 

people, the Mamanda Pariuk community. 

The Mamanda Pariuk community in Tapin 

Regency has different religious conducts compared 

to the Mamanda Tubau community, although 

they are both Moslem communities. The 

Tapin community lives not far from Tuan-tuan 

Mamanda Pariuk Mamanda Tubau 

Distribution area Near the rivers Inland 

Tune of background music Winding Short, mounting 

Narration Hikayat, Poems Carang kanda 

Setting Kingdom Kingdom 

Performance structure Uses ladon 

Introduction by the company 

leader 

Guru Besar (religious mentors) and wellknown 

pesantren (Islamic boarding schools), 

as well as hallowed cemeteries of prominent 

figures around Martapura. In this area, people 

do not apply fundraising methods such as those 

practiced by the Pagat community (the 

Mamanda Tubau community). 10 

Mamanda Tubau more often stages carang 

kanda, which is a narration prepared by the 

director, although the community is familiar 

10 Fund raising is performed, for example, when repairing 

a mushola (small mosque) and a mosque by auctioning 

cakes and ending it with karaoke. Karaoke singers wear 

mini skirts or long tights with spaghetti-lined tank tops 

covering the upper part of their bodies. Cake buyers paying 

the most are allowed to dance with the karaoke singers. 


with the performed plot. 11 For example, 

Bergetarnya Tiang Aras, a legend in Hulu 

Sungai Tengah, was once performed by the 

Pancar Rindang Banawa group to celebrate 

the 2001 Independence Day festival in Pagat. 

Mamanda Pariuk and Tubau use the same 

setting, namely a kingdom. This is easily understood 

because the areas where both 

Mamanda types come from used to be kingdoms. 

Tanjung Pura Kingdom, having its capital 

in Tanjung city (its contemporary name) was 

the oldest kingdom (7 th century) with an area 

covering the northern part of South Kalimantan. 

There were also Negara Dipa Kingdom (13 th 

century), Candi Agung in the Amuntai area, 

and Negara Daha related to Majapahit in Java; 

all of them are the locations where Mamanda 

Tubau is well-known. The area of the former 

kingdom of Candi Laras is the area of 

Mamanda Pariuk. 

The aforementioned two types of Mamanda 

have different ways of starting their performance. 

Mamanda Pariuk theater uses the character 

of a ladon. Ladon is used as a noun, while 

the verb form is baladon, performed by three 

artists (five are also possible). In baladon, the 

actors talk about the narration to be presented. 

In Pagat District (Hulu Sungai Tengah Regency), 

the Mamanda performance does not 

use a ladon. On the contrary, a person, usually 

the leader of the theater company, narrates the 

story to be performed in the play. This person 

mentions the names of the artists at the same 

time. 

It is attempted to underline the following 

matters in the aforementioned description: 

• there are two types of Mamanda theaters, 

each having its own community; 

• there is an Islamic nuance in the Mamanda 

11 This form of narration is also known at the Lenong Theater 

of the Betawi people. Lenong has cerita karangan 

(different from cerita riwayat) just like the Kemidi Rudat 

in Lombok that also recognizes both types of narration. 

Theater, although in Mamanda Pariuk it 

seems to be more dominant compared to 

Mamanda Tubau; 

• geographical conditions also influence the 

types of Mamanda; and 

• the kingdom setting is an inseparable part 

of the theater’s characteristics. 

Therefore, it is obvious that the Mamanda 

theater would not emerge in the Irian culture 

or the Betawi culture which do not have kingdoms; 

or in the Sundanese culture, never directly 

touched by the Malay culture in its development 

process (either through religion or 

the Persian and Bangsawan theater traditions). 

Both forms of Mamanda theater traditions 

can be found in the Hulu Sungai area, although 

since a traditional performance art festival held 

in Taman Ismail Marzuki (1970), the South 

Kalimantan Province has been sending a 

Mamanda form that is neither classified as 

Pariuk nor Tubau. This form can usually be 

found in Banjarmasin such as the Teater 

Banjarmasin Group, groups of Universitas 

Lambung Mangkurat students, etc. The form 

of this theater performance is characterized by 

the constant use of ladon (a Pariuk characteristic) 

with a carang kanda narration (the Tubau 

characteristic, for example Gandut Bariah and 

Ilmu Wan Tahta 12 ), whereas its specific feature 

is that the performance never exceeds one 

hour. 13 

12 Gandut Bariah is a story of a gandut (a folkdancer, 

such as a ledek in Java or wayang cokek in Tangerang) 

usually valued negatively by the community, but she 

helped the struggle of the Indonesian armies by spying 

her Dutch master. Ilmu Wan Tahta is a story of a princess 

ready to be wed to a Mangkubumi, but she refuses since 

she still desires to continue her study. Suddenly, her school 

is burned down and, following investigation, it proves to 

have been the act of the Mangkubumi. 

13 Performances by Banjarmasin groups tend to describe 

the Banjar identity when confronting other ethnic groups 

(See: ’Sentuhan Kekuasaan dan Identitas’). 


The Mamanda theater in the touch of 

power 

History shows that art, particularly theaters, 

is closely related to power and, moreover, it is 

often used to practice political (and economic) 

powers. It is stated by an artist of Rukun Astari 

ludruk theater company as cited by James Peacock 

(1968:41) that, in his area, ludruk groups 

were classified in accordance with the current 

political beliefs. The Marhaen ludruk inclined 

to the leftists’ struggle, while the Tresna Enggal 

ludruk showed an inclination towards nationalism, 

cooperating with URIL (the Army’s 

Brawijaya Military Command VIII). 

Unlike the ludruk theater, the Mamanda 

theater and performance art in South 

Kalimantan does not have an extreme and obvious 

relation with power. Nevertheless, the 

political condition in South Kalimantan is 

closely related to national and international 

political issues. There are three political periods 

in Indonesia that can be related to the development 

of the Mamanda theater. First, from 

the outset of independence and the Old Order 

regime up to 1965; second, during the New 

Order era; and third, during the era after the 

New Order’s downfall, beginning with the ongoing 

reform era. 

Outset of independence struggle and the 

Old Order regime 

During the early years of independence, 

when Indonesia’s economic conditions were 

still uncertain, the Mamanda theater flourished. 

In the Hulu Sungai Tengah Regency, children 

often performed Mamanda in an arena previously 

used for Mamanda performances. In 

those days, almost every child could play the 

characters of the Mamanda theater: kings, princesses, 

generals, and commanders. Such was 

the experience of an elderly respondent who 

up to the time of this research still played a 

role as a wazir. 

The flourishing condition of Mamanda 

during that time was related to the customs of 

the local community. First, in the Hulu Sungai 

area, there was a custom to celebrate the grand 

harvest. After the harvest, people carried out 

jumputan, namely a cooverative effort to collect 

funds for holding a feast. The feast started 

with Layang-layang Dandang, a competition 

of large kites of various animal shapes accompanied 

by tunes, and it was closed with a 

Mamanda play in the evening. In addition to 

that, the ticket for a Mamanda performance 

could be paid with rice, instead of money. Second, 

parties organizing the event still liked to 

use Mamanda to heat up their feast. 

What was the Dutch attitude in facing the 

flourishing Mamanda? The leader of a 

Mamanda group in Karang Jawa Village, Hulu 

Sungai Tengah Regency, explained that in the 

early years of independence, the play was always 

performed secretly because otherwise the 

Dutch would break it up. Actually, the Dutch 

did not ban people from staging performances. 

However, they were worried about the impact 

of the performance, such as mass gathering, as 

when the Sampuraga Group, domiciled in 

Karang Jawa Village—which was the demarcation 

area of the Dutch—performed. 

In the 1950s, religious parties opposed performing 

arts. The Islamic ‘conservative’ group 

at that time considered art as immoral. Therefore, 

people were prohibited from watching it, 

and women were prohibited from performing 

on stage. This explains the absence of actresses 

in the Mamanda play. Female characters were 

always playing by men dressing up as women. 

Several elders in Barabai, Hulu Sungai Tengah 

Regency, or in Kandangan which is a part of 

Hulu Sungai Selatan Regency, could tell how 

funny these female characters were. 

Since the Guided Democracy era around 

the 1960s, there was State control marked by 

military intervention in civil life. For example, 


a military officer was elected as the Governor 

of South Kalimantan in 1963 (Erwiza 2000). 

Since then, every time people wanted to perform 

a Mamanda, they had to obtain an approval 

from the District Military Command. 14 

Mamanda seemed to unite with public life. 

Almost every person above the age of 50 can 

tell us about his/her childhood closely related 

to Mamanda, grand harvests, and wedding ceremonies. 

The close relationship of Mamanda with 

the Banjar culture at that time seemed to come 

out naturally. There is no indication of any 

mamanda involvement with political affairs 

related to communism during the period. 

The New Order era 

Around 1965, Mamanda started to be used 

for fundraising, namely through batapak and 

pahadring. Economic problems on the one side 

and the popularity of Mamanda on the other 

resulted in the frequent use of Mamanda to 

raise money. While batapak was a fundraising 

performed by a community, such as a rural community, 

pahadring was more of an individual 

nature. Batapak and pahadring accommodated 

the jumputan custom in order to perform the 

Mamanda play. Nowadays, the jumputan custom 

is no longer practised. 

Batapak was performed to supplement inadequate 

village development funds, such as 

for financing road construction, mosque constructions, 

or the repairs of small mosques. 

Village or mosque administrators, through deliberation, 

would invite a Mamanda group in 

order to perform a play in the village concerned. 

The performance arena would be fenced. The 

audience had to pay to obtain a seat according 

to the price of the ticket. 

14 Compare this condition with art groups in Greater 

Jakarta area (Betawi people) that also have to obtain permission 

if they want to perform (Kleden-Probonegoro 

1987). 

The revival of the Mamanda theater in the 

1970s was closely related to the traditional theater 

festival organized by TIM in Jakarta upon 

the initiative of the late Soemantri and Jaya, 

who included Mamanda in the series of programs. 

This event was continued in Banjarmasin, 

and a Mamanda Workshop was held on 

March 16 and 17, 1977. 

In the 1980s, as the New Order achieved 

political stability, Haryati Soebadio, the then 

Director General of Cultural Affairs, organized 

a cultural conservation program under the 

Jarahnitra (Sejarah dan Nilai Tradisional) 

Program. At regional levels, the Regional Offices 

of the Ministry of Education and 

Culture 15 that supported the program conducted 

a research and ‘standardization’ of cultures. 

Mamanda was among the theaters subject to 

such research and conservation under the program. 

In addition to the conservation by the Regional 

Offices of the Ministry of Education and 

Culture, the Regional Offices of the Ministry 

of Information played a rather significant role 

in the conservation of Mamanda. The Ministry 

of Information was an institution actively 

using traditional theaters, including Mamanda, 

as media for disseminating the Government’s 

programs (for example, family planning and 

the application of prime rice seed). The 

Senggada Group in Kandangan, is owned by 

the Information Service Office, performed 

plays in remote inland areas. This institution 

also held annual open-air stage folk festivals 

in commemoration of Independence Day. This 

event was held in Banjarmasin and art companies 

representing their regencies participated 

in it. The ‘Teater Banjarmasin’ Mamanda 

Group, in its several performances at such fes- 

15 The Regional Offices of the Ministry of Education and 

Culture has later become the Regional Offices of the Ministry 

of National Education. 


tivals, represented Banjarmasin Municipality. 

In 1999, the group left by bus to perform in 

Tembilahan (Riau), the settlement of Banjar 

emigrants. The Banjar culture was quite obvious 

and even pedicab drivers were speaking 

Banjar language. This group also visited TIM 

in Jakarta and was called the Mamanda theater 

of the Banjar people, as in Tembilahan. In 

Jakarta and Tembilahan, Teater Banjarmasin 

no longer represented the Banjarmasin Municipality, 

but South Kalimantan and the Banjar 

people instead. 

During general elections, the Mamanda 

theater participated in the campaigns. Unlike 

the ludruk theaters that were fragmented in 

political parties, the Mamanda theaters, such 

as Ading Bastari from Hulu Sungai Tengah, 

performed plays merely because they were requested 

by the campaigning parties, such as 

Golkar, The Indonesian Democratic Party 

(PDI), and the National Awakening Party 

(PKB). 16 

During the last years of the New Order government, 

Mamanda experienced many 

changes. Pahadring was no longer popular although 

batapak could still be found in the 

northern areas of the Mamanda Tubau community. 

Gradually, the grand harvest, previously 

celebrated once a year, disappeared because 

farmers were using new variety seeds 

harvested two or three times a year. The disappearance 

of the harvest ritual reduced the opportunities 

for Mamanda to perform as a local 

ritual. It was replaced by a national ritual in 

the provincial capital that used the Mamanda. 

The reform era 

There is not much that can be said about 

this era, except that many of its customs have 

16 Compare this with the situation in Jakarta, where art 

groups (for example, the Setia Warga Topeng theater 

group) ‘had to’ affiliate with Golkar to be able to perform 

on television. 

been inherited from the New Order era. For 

example, performing arts festivals are not organized 

by the Regional Offices of the Ministry 

of Information, but by the Regional Government. 

The Ministry of Information was dissolved 

by Gus Dur’s government. The Regional 

Offices of the Ministry of Information at the 

provincial level and the Information Service 

Offices at the municipality and regency levels 

have been replaced by the Information and 

Communication Service Offices. However, 

some of level II regions have such service offices, 

while the regions that have Information 

and Communication Service Offices no longer 

organize programs of disseminating the 

Government’s issues through Mamanda performances. 

The touch of power and identity 

During Dutch colonialism and the Old Order 

regime, the Mamanda theater was a sign 

of threat (implicating resistance). For the 

Dutch, the Mamanda performance was an opportunity 

for public gathering. This was 

deemed very dangerous for security reasons. 

Moslems considered the Mamanda performance 

immoral. This consideration was completed 

by banning women from entering the 

performance arena. In those days, female characters 

were played by men wearing women’s 

clothes. 

The battle of discourses regarding the 

Mamanda is evident in its role as a (cultural) 

sign of threaten as well as a binding sign for 

the Banjar people. Although prosecuted by the 

Dutch and considered as immoral by the Moslems, 

the Moslem community still wanted to 

watch Mamanda even though by means of 

jumputan method. 

In the early years of the New Order era, 

when economic conditions were hard, people 

used Mamanda for the purpose of batapak and 

pahadring. The battle as identity representa- 


tion was obvious during the administration of 

Director General Hurustiati Soebadio with her 

cultural conservation and standardization programs. 

At that moment, particularly in South 

Kalimantan, Mamanda was beginning to lose 

its popularity because people preferred musical 

bands in ceremonial feasts. Television was 

beginning to reach the remote inland areas as 

entertainment. However, there were efforts 

made by Mamanda groups to weather the threat 

of musical bands and television by performing 

an artis (a Banjar Hulu term for referring to a 

female band artist) in the Mamanda performance. 

On the other hand, government institutions 

such as the Cultural Centers and 

Jarahnitra carried out the Central Government’s 

conservation program. This was implemented 

by ‘returning’ Mamanda into its ‘original’ 

form. The measures taken, among others, 

were by not involving artis, and preparing 

guidelines regarding the definition of 

Mamanda based on the criteria used by 

Mamanda festival juries. 

Ismaildina: dialogue between actors 

and policies 

Ismaildina is a cultural observer from 

Angkinang District, at the borders of Hulu 

Sungai Selatan and Hulu Sungai Tengah Regencies. 

He is often involved in Mamanda activities 

organized by groups in Kandangan 

City. 17 In addition to that, he once joined the 

Pewarta Group owned by the Regional Office 

of the Ministry of Information, and also joined 

the Posko Group, a group under the guidance 

of the Regional Art Council. Ismaildina has 

been a Mamanda artist since the age of 17 and 

had a group actively performing from 1970 

until 1999, the last performance of which was 

17 Around that time, the Art Section of the Ministry of 

National Education had not fused into the Tourism and 

Culture Office. 

on the Independence Day celebration. In August 

2000, Ismaildina was absent from the 

Mamanda theater company of Hulu Sungai 

Selatan which was participating in the Cultural 

Fair commemorating the Anniversary of the 

Republic of Indonesia. 

The case in which Ismaildina did not appear 

in the Hulu Sungai Tengah Mamanda is 

an example of the contest of discourses. On 

the one hand, he felt that he had been mistreated 

by the Regional Art Council selecting the 

groups and artists to perform out of their region. 

On the other hand, the Regional Art Council 

found it difficult to cooperate with him, as 

he was considered persistent and unwilling to 

change several aspects of Mamanda considered 

as damaging to the Mamanda image. According 

to Ismaildina, the Regional Art Council 

only paid attention to the Posko Group. He 

said: 

…seharusnya Dewan Kesenian daerah 

membina kelompok-kelompok kesenian sampai 

ke tingkat kecamatan sehingga kami tahu apa 

yang dimodernkan dan apa yang diubah, karena 

kami juga ingin tampil di Banjarmasin. 

Indeed, the Posko Group from Kandangan 

has always represented Hulu Sungai Tengah 

Regency in Banjarmasin, the provincial capital. 

Ismaildina also expressed his dissatisfaction 

of the performances held under the cooperation 

of the Regional Art Council and the 

Ministry of the National Education. At that 

time, the group from Kandangan was asked to 

appear on a Mamanda television program in 

Banjarmasin. Ismaildina was of the opinion that 

there were other, more professional Mamanda 

artists compared to the teachers trained by the 

Regional Art Council to perform a narration 

under the title of Amuk Hantarukung on television. 

Ismaildina is an example of artists who are 

not able to accept changes from the Regional 


Art Council deemed to be biased. The Mamanda 

image has been distorted as its artists 

have not been involved in it since their childhood. 

The Regional Art Council felt it necessary 

to make changes by reducing the duration 

of the performance to fit television format. 

Artists’ improvisation has also been limited, 

and there is a screenplay that has to be read by 

the actors before the performance. 

This case indicates that there are discourses 

on Mamanda as identity. The ‘original’ Mamanda 

and the ‘renewed’ Mamanda have been 

publicly accepted, even outside the Banjar 

community. 

Identity and changes 

As a cultural sign, the Mamanda is involved 

in an identity formation process. The representation 

of identity is a contest of interests to attach 

a meaning to Mamanda. The Dutch considered 

it as a sign of threat, while the Banjar 

people consider it as a means to bind the groups 

together. The Banjar Moslems, too, struggle 

within their own group trying to attach a meaning 

to Mamanda. There are groups defining 

Mamanda as immoral, while others want it saying 

that Mamanda still has an Islamic nuance 

(as indicated by the Arabian Nights fairytale 

and the background music using drums and 

percussion). In addition to the above, there are 

people who want Mamanda to become ‘modern’ 

by involving artis, whereas there are other 

groups wanting to preserve its ‘originality’. 

‘The contest’ also occurred in the case of 

Ismaildina, who had to face the Regional Art 

Council’s ‘cultural standardization’ discourse 

What can actually be said about such identity 

materialization? It is obvious that identity 

is continuously reconstructed through dichotomies 

as well as the emergence of metaphors 

refusing changes. In this matter, the Dutch’s 

fear of Mamanda was nothing else but a meta- 

phor refusing changes. After Indonesia had 

gained its independence, the metaphor refusing 

changes took the form of the consideration 

of the Mamanda as immoral. The same thing 

is evident in the attitude of proponents of the 

‘originality’ of Mamanda as demonstrated by 

Ismaildina. This means that construction is 

being deconstructed and reconstructed all over 

again. 

Identity emerges from the winner of such 

contest of meaning. In the meantime, Mamanda 

is capable of uniting the Banjar people (not 

serving as a sign of threat). Mamanda also indicates 

that it has Islamic nuances and that it is 

not immoral, and can show the ‘original’ Banjar 

characteristics. The identity itself cannot be 

defined by the winners. The definition must also 

be related to ‘the other parties’. In this case, 

‘the other parties’ are the Dutch, the Hulu Utara 

and Hulu Selatan people (remember the festival 

held in Banjarmasin as the provincial capital), 

Jakartans, and Tembilahan people. In addition 

to ‘the other parties’, ‘power’ must also 

be taken into consideration in determining identity. 

The relation to power (in this case the Government) 

determines which group would be 

sent to festivals in Jakarta to represent the 

Banjar people in South Kalimantan. All of these 

various factors require the constant redefinition 

of Mamanda enabling it to become a sign 

representing the identity of the Banjar people. 


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The Mamanda Theater and the Redefinition of the Banjar Identity

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