Private Sector Participation in Affirmative Action in Malaysia: - Asian ...
Private Sector Participation in Affirmative Action in Malaysia: - Asian ...
Private Sector Participation in Affirmative Action in Malaysia: - Asian ...
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iggest casualty or adversely affected by NEP regime, MCA, the Ch<strong>in</strong>ese political party<br />
mobilized capital to act as buffer. Also the same pool of capital can e used for the<br />
purposes of modernization and consolidation. The MCA’s ma<strong>in</strong> <strong>in</strong>strument to pool<br />
Ch<strong>in</strong>ese resources was Multi-Purpose Hold<strong>in</strong>gs Bhd (MPHB). Fact is that dur<strong>in</strong>g the peak<br />
of NEP implementation and when Ch<strong>in</strong>ese bus<strong>in</strong>ess faced the heat, the MPHB used its<br />
large f<strong>in</strong>ancial base and access to bank loans to acquire a number of publicly listed<br />
companies. By 1982, with<strong>in</strong> just seven years, the company emerged as the second largest<br />
company on the local stock exchange with <strong>in</strong>terests <strong>in</strong> many sectors of the economy.<br />
However, the experiment was short-lived as MPHB after a phenomenal success came<br />
very close to bankruptcy because of oil crisis and economic slow down <strong>in</strong> 1986 (Gomez,<br />
et al 1999). Follow<strong>in</strong>g Ch<strong>in</strong>ese footstep, the <strong>Malaysia</strong>n Indian Congress, the dom<strong>in</strong>ant<br />
political arm of <strong>Malaysia</strong>n Indians formed Maika Hold<strong>in</strong>gs Bhd as a vehicle for<br />
expand<strong>in</strong>g Indian corporate wealth.<br />
To sum up, the Ch<strong>in</strong>ese response to NEP while began with strong opposition and political<br />
mobilization by every means to circumvent its restrictions but ended <strong>in</strong> accommodat<strong>in</strong>g<br />
Malays <strong>in</strong>terests for their own survival. While the Malay leadership succeeded to a great<br />
extent by forc<strong>in</strong>g Ch<strong>in</strong>ese companies to fall <strong>in</strong> l<strong>in</strong>e, the Ch<strong>in</strong>ese bus<strong>in</strong>ess resorted to<br />
pragmatic accommodation of Bumiputeras to manipulations of the NEP through “Ali-<br />
Baba” route. And the Ch<strong>in</strong>ese did not do that bad under NEP regime 14 .<br />
The Foreign <strong>Private</strong> <strong>Sector</strong><br />
How did foreign firms respond to the NEP led affirmative action which <strong>in</strong> a way <strong>in</strong>tended<br />
to reverse their ownership? Were they treated any different compared to the Ch<strong>in</strong>ese? At<br />
the outset, it must be remembered that while Malay leadership wanted to reverse the<br />
dom<strong>in</strong>ance of foreign ownership by means of transferr<strong>in</strong>g a sizeable portion to the<br />
14 Despite many of the dis<strong>in</strong>centives, overwhelm<strong>in</strong>g majority of Ch<strong>in</strong>ese bus<strong>in</strong>essmen made profits. For<br />
<strong>in</strong>stance, non-Malays (brute majority of them were Ch<strong>in</strong>ese) sharehold<strong>in</strong>g actually rose from 34.3 percent<br />
<strong>in</strong> 1970 to 40.1 percent <strong>in</strong> 1980 and 46.2 percent (44.9 owned by Ch<strong>in</strong>ese) <strong>in</strong> 1990 (Fourth <strong>Malaysia</strong> Plan).<br />
In every sense, Ch<strong>in</strong>ese made major economic ga<strong>in</strong>s under the NEP regime. Fact is Malay ownership<br />
growth happened largely at the cost of foreign companies ma<strong>in</strong>ly British (63.3 per cent of share capital <strong>in</strong><br />
1970 to 25.1 <strong>in</strong> 1990) (See: Searle 1999).<br />
20