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MODERN GREECE: A History since 1821 - Amazon Web Services

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RETURN TO DEMOCRACY (1974–2009) 169<br />

honest broker in the region, Papandreou pursued his own idiosyncratic<br />

multilateralism. He began his Balkan initiatives by reviving an old<br />

Romanian proposal for a regional nuclear- weapons-free-zone and<br />

gradually became an exponent of all forms of regional cooperation. 14<br />

With Mikhail Gorbachev’s devolution underway, the meeting of six<br />

Balkan foreign ministers in Belgrade in February 1988, dealing with<br />

confidence- and security-building measures and minority questions,<br />

heralded a new period of inter-Balkan relations. The meeting of Balkan<br />

foreign ministers held in Tirana during January 18–20, 1989, examined<br />

guidelines to govern relations between Balkan neighbors, while the<br />

meeting of experts in Bucharest, on May 23–24, 1989, dealt with confidence-<br />

and security-building measures. 15<br />

PASOK’s fall from grace was not unexpected. The 1985 elections had<br />

already contained early signs of dissatisfaction of the electorate. The<br />

party’s poor performance in conjunction with allegations of corruption<br />

and favoritism caused the loss of a number of voters in Athens. When<br />

Andreas realized that his appeal was slipping he tried to boost his position<br />

by bringing about institutional changes to strengthen his grip on<br />

power. So in 1986 he changed the constitution to restrict considerably<br />

the president’s powers, turning him into a ceremonial figure who could<br />

no longer dissolve parliament, dismiss the government, proclaim<br />

elections, suspend certain articles of the constitution, or declare a state<br />

of siege. Papandreou thus made sure that any future president of whatever<br />

hue would never be in a position to endanger a Socialist government,<br />

even though Karamanlis had never opposed any of Papandreou’s<br />

moves and had never used the powers that he held under the 1975<br />

constitution to create problems for the government. In fact the Greek<br />

version of “cohabitation” proved smooth enough for Papandreou to<br />

have acknowledged as much publicly, more than once.<br />

Any extra powers that the new constitution gave Andreas proved of<br />

little use to him, however. By the late 1980s Greece had fallen behind<br />

both Portugal and Ireland in the movement toward convergence with<br />

the EEC average GDP while the IMF, the OECD, and the Commission<br />

were producing alarming reports on Greece. The economy, they all<br />

noted, seemed stuck in a vicious circle of low investment, sluggish<br />

growth, dependence on state subsidies, deficit financing by the government,<br />

high inflation, and tight credit.<br />

The turning point in PASOK’s fortunes was the illness of Papandreou<br />

and his absence from the administration of power during the summer

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