American Educator, Winter 2010-11, Vol. 34, No. 4, AFT

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Mathematical Ability Relies on Knowledge, Too By JOHN SWELLER, RICHARD E. CLARK, AND PAUL A. KIRSCHNER Problem solving is central to mathematics. Yet problem-solving skill is not what it seems. Indeed, the fi eld of problem solving has recently undergone a surge in research interest and insight, but many of the results of this research are both counterintuitive and contrary to many widely held views. For example, many educators assume that general problemsolving strategies are not only learnable and teachable but are a critical adjunct to mathematical knowledge. The bestknown exposition of this view was provided by the mathematician George Pólya. 1 He discussed a range of general problem-solving strategies, such as encouraging mathematics students to think of a related problem and then solve the current problem by analogy, or to think of a simpler problem and then extrapolate to the current problem. The examples Pólya used to demonstrate his problem-solving strategies are fascinating, and his infl uence probably can be sourced, at least in part, to those examples. Nevertheless, in over a half century, no systematic body of evidence demonstrating the effectiveness of any John Sweller is an emeritus professor of education at the School of Education at the University of New South Wales. Richard E. Clark is a professor of educational psychology, clinical research professor of surgery, and director of the Center for Cognitive Technology at the University of Southern California. Paul A. Kirschner is a professor of educational psychology at the Centre for Learning Sciences and Technologies at the Open University of the Netherlands. This article is adapted, with permission from the American Mathematical Society, from John Sweller, Richard Clark, and Paul Kirschner, “Teaching General Problem-Solving Skills Is Not a Substitute for, or a Viable Addition to, Teaching Mathematics,” which appeared in the Notices of the American Mathematical Society 57, no. 10 (November 2010), 1303–1304, © copyright 2010. 34 AMERICAN EDUCATOR | WINTER 2010–2011 general problem-solving strategies has emerged. It is possible to teach learners to use general strategies such as those suggested by Pólya, 2 but that is insuffi cient. There is no body of research based on randomized, controlled experiments indicating that such teaching leads to better problem solving. Recent “reform” curricula both ignore the absence of supporting data and completely misunderstand the role of problem solving in cognition. If, the argument goes, we are not really teaching people mathematics but rather are teaching them some form of general problem solving, then mathematical content can be reduced in importance. According to this argument, we can teach students how to solve problems in general, and that will make them good mathematicians able to discover novel solutions irrespective of the content. We believe this argument ignores all the empirical evidence about mathematics learning. Although some mathematicians, in the absence of adequate instruction, may have learned to solve mathematics problems by discovering solutions without explicit guidance, this approach has never been the most effective or effi cient way to learn mathematics. The alternative route to acquiring problem-solving skill in mathematics derives from the work of a Dutch psychologist, Adriaan de Groot, 3 investigating the source of skill in chess. Researching why chess masters always defeated weekend players, de Groot managed to fi nd only one difference. He showed masters and weekend players a board confi guration from a real game, removed it after fi ve seconds, and asked them to reproduce the board. Masters could do so with an accuracy rate of about 70 percent compared with 30 percent for weekend players. Other researchers replicated these results and additionally demonstrated that when the experiment was repeated with random confi gurations, rather than real-game confi gurations, masters and weekend players had equal accuracy (roughly 30 percent). 4 Masters were superior only for confi gurations taken from real games. Chess is a problem-solving game whose rules can be learned in about 30 minutes. Yet it takes at least 10 years to become a chess master. What occurs during this period? When studying previous games, chess masters learn to recognize tens of thousands of board confi gurations and the best moves associated with each confi guration. 5 The superiority of chess masters comes not from having acquired clever, sophisticated, general problemsolving strategies, but rather from having Even with other adverse infl uences factored out, children who changed schools often were much more likely than those who did not to exhibit behavioral problems and to fail a grade. 10 elephant in the middle of the parlor is less relevant or important than other concerns, such as the supposed dangers of encourag- Th e ing uniformity or of allowing an “outsider” to decide what sub- researchers found that the adverse eff ects of such social and academic incoherence are greatly intensifi ed when parents have low educational levels and when compensatory education is not available in the home. But this big fact of student mobility is generally ignored in discussions of school reform. It is as if that jects are to be taught at which grade level. In a typical American school district, the average rate at which students transfer in and out of schools during the academic year is about one-third. 11 In a typical inner-city school, only about half the students who start in the fall are still there in
stored innumerable configurations and the best moves associated with each in long-term memory. De Groot’s results have been replicated in a variety of educationally relevant fields, including mathematics. 6 They tell us that long-term memory, a critical component of human cognitive architecture, is not used to store random, isolated facts, but rather to store huge complexes of closely integrated information that results in problem-solving skill. That skill is knowledge domain-specific, not domain-general. An experienced problem solver in any domain has constructed and stored huge numbers of schemas in long-term memory that allow problems in that domain to be categorized according to their solution moves. In short, the research suggests that we can teach aspiring mathematicians to be effective problem solvers only by helping them memorize a large store of domain-specific schemas. Mathematical problem-solving skill is acquired through a large number of specific mathematical problem-solving strategies relevant to particular problems. There are no separate, general problemsolving strategies that can be learned. How do people solve problems that they have not previously encountered? Most employ a version of means-ends analysis in which differences between a current problem-state and goal-state are identified and problem-solving operators are found to reduce those differences. There is no evidence that this strategy is teachable or learnable because we use it automatically. But domain-specific mathematical problem-solving skills can be taught. How? One simple answer is by emphasizing worked examples of problem-solution strategies. A worked example provides problem-solving steps and a solution for students. 7 There is now a large body of Long-term memory is not used to store isolated facts, but to store huge complexes of integrated information that results in problem-solving skill. That skill is knowledge domain-specific, not domain-general. the spring—a mobility rate of 50 percent. 12 Given the curricular incoherence in a typical American school (in which two fourthgrade classrooms may cover completely different content), the education provided to frequently moving students is tragically fragmented. The high mobility of low-income parents guarantees that disadvantaged children will be most severely affected by the educational handicaps of changing schools, and that they will be the ones who are most adversely affected by lack of com- evidence showing that studying worked examples is a more effective and efficient way of learning to solve problems than simply practicing problem solving without reference to worked examples. 8 Studying worked examples interleaved with practice solving the type of problem described in the example reduces unnecessary working-memory load that prevents the transfer of knowledge to long-term memory. The improvement in subsequent problem-solving performance after studying worked examples rather than solving problems is known as the worked-example effect. 9 Whereas a lack of empirical evidence supporting the teaching of general problem-solving strategies in mathematics is telling, there is ample empirical evidence of the validity of the workedexample effect. A large number of randomized controlled experiments demonstrate this effect. 10 For novice mathematics learners, the evidence is overwhelming that studying worked examples rather than solving the equivalent problems facilitates learning. Studying worked examples is a form of direct, explicit instruction that is vital in all curriculum areas, especially areas that many students find difficult and that are critical to modern societies. Mathematics is such a discipline. Minimal instructional guidance in mathematics leads to minimal learning. 11 Reformers’ zeal to improve mathematics teaching and increase students’ mathematical problem solving is laudatory. But instead of continuing Endnotes to waste time devising “reform” curricula based on faulty ideas, mathematicians and math educators should work together to develop a sound K–12 curriculum that builds students’ mathematical knowledge through carefully selected and sequenced worked examples. ☐ 1. George Pólya, How to Solve It: A New Aspect of Mathematical Method, 2nd ed. (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1957). 2. Alan H. Schoenfeld, Mathematical Problem Solving (Orlando: Academic Press, 1985). 3. Adriaan D. de Groot, Thought and Choice in Chess (The Hague, Netherlands: Mouton Publishers, 1965). 4. William G. Chase and Herbert A. Simon, “Perception in Chess,” Cognitive Psychology 4, no. 1 (January 1973): 55–81. 5. Herbert A. Simon and Kevin Gilmartin, “A Simulation of Memory for Chess Positions,” Cognitive Psychology 5, no. 1 (July 1973): 29–46. 6. John Sweller and Graham A. Cooper, “The Use of Worked Examples as a Substitute for Problem Solving in Learning Algebra,” Cognition and Instruction 2, no. 1 (1985), 59–89. 7. Jeroen J. G. van Merriënboer and Paul A. Kirschner, Ten Steps to Complex Learning: A Systematic Approach to Four-Component Instructional Design (Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum, 2007). 8. Fred Paas and Tamara van Gog, “Optimising Worked Example Instruction: Different Ways to Increase Germane Cognitive Load,” Learning and Instruction 16, no. 2 (2006): 87–91. 9. Paas and van Gog, “Optimising Worked Example Instruction.” 10. Rolf Schwonke, Alexander Renkl, Carmen Krieg, Jorg Wittwer, Vincent Aleven, and Ron Salden, “The Worked- Example Effect: Not an Artefact of Lousy Control Conditions,” Computers in Human Behavior 25, no. 2 (2009): 258–266; and Sweller and Cooper, “The Use of Worked Examples.” 11. Paul A. Kirschner, John Sweller, and Richard E. Clark, “Why Minimal Guidance during Instruction Does Not Work: An Analysis of the Failure of Constructivist, Discovery, Problem-Based, Experiential, and Inquiry-Based Teaching,” Educational Psychologist 41, no. 2 (2006), 75–86. monality across schools. The finding that our mobile students (who are preponderantly from low-income families) perform worse than stable ones does not mean that their lower performance is a consequence of poverty. That is to commit the fallacy of social determinism. Where there is greater commonality of the curriculum, the effects of mobility are less severe. In a summary of research on student mobility, Herbert Walberg states that “common learning goals, AMERICAN EDUCATOR | WINTER 2010–2011 35
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American Educator, Winter 2010-11, Vol. 34, No. 4, AFT

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