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International Socialist Review (1900) Vol 17

International Socialist Review (1900) Vol 17

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INTERNATIONAL SOCIALIST REVIEW 21<br />

of industrial departments, each of which<br />

shall include many and closely-related<br />

grades of labor. This is the only real embodiment<br />

of the idea of solidarity of labor.<br />

Under such a form of organization<br />

"an injury to one would be regarded as an<br />

injury to all," and rightly so. The capitalists<br />

strive to drive the wages of the<br />

workers down to the standard of the lowest-paid<br />

man, and strive to depress the<br />

wages of the lowest-paid man still lower.<br />

The cost of female labor becomes the<br />

standard to which the cost of male labor<br />

continually tends, just as the cost of a<br />

Chinese proletarian or wage-slave becomes<br />

the level to which the cost of the<br />

European worker's subsistence gradually<br />

falls. The industrial union would permit<br />

of and promote the strike of a whole industry,<br />

embracing many crafts, or, if necessary,<br />

the strike of a whole series of<br />

industries, in order to defend the workers,<br />

or to promote their interests. The industrial<br />

union is a class union.<br />

Third—the advocates of industrial unionism<br />

hold that the ultimate and neverto-be-forgotten<br />

object of the working<br />

men's industrial movement must be to<br />

seize and to hold as their own collective<br />

property, all the means of production.<br />

Capitalism, even for the highest paid<br />

worker, is a system of robbery and a social<br />

crime. Its main feature, private or<br />

class ownership of the -materials and instruments<br />

of production, is the outcome<br />

of successive acts of theft by the ruling<br />

class of the past, and is the means whereby<br />

the capitalists force the workers to<br />

hand over their labor power for a pittance.<br />

Capitalism condemns the worker to the<br />

# try, and, by that means, raise their ability<br />

life of a slave, whose burden becomes<br />

heavier, and whose reward grows ever<br />

smaller. Never will the workers be masters<br />

of their products until they are masters<br />

of the tools. To that consummation<br />

society must move. Rapidly and inevitably<br />

the industries of the land are becoming<br />

centralized in fewer and fewer hands,<br />

while the labor of the wage-slaves in field<br />

or factory, in workshop, mill and mine,<br />

becomes more co-operative and interlinked<br />

than ever. Industrial unionism prepares<br />

the way for and lays the sure foundation<br />

of the <strong>Socialist</strong> Republic, by producing<br />

a working class industrially organized<br />

throughout the length and breadth<br />

of the land, and round the globe.<br />

Industrial unionism combines the workers<br />

that they may run the plants themselves,<br />

that they may directly control the<br />

various industries under the truest form<br />

of democracy. Under the new economic<br />

regime, the central directing authority<br />

will be a parliament of industry, composed<br />

of representatives of the various<br />

departments of production, and will be<br />

elected from below.<br />

Fourth—industrial unionism, based as<br />

it is on the fact of the class struggle, promotes<br />

the political unity of labor by<br />

achieving labor's industrial unity. The<br />

new union will establish itself simply as<br />

the economic organization of the working<br />

class, it will proclaim the necessity for<br />

political as well as industrial unity, it will<br />

marshal the workers on the field of indus-<br />

for unified action against capital in<br />

the arena of politics.—The Maoriland<br />

Worker.<br />

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