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International Socialist Review (1900) Vol 17

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i ally<br />

power will not have fallen in vain, because<br />

the brutality of the ruling class will gradu-<br />

awaken the workers. They will see<br />

this series of bloody crimes from Ludlow to<br />

Minnesota and they will note that their leaders<br />

did nothing to prevent or even to protest<br />

seriously. And if the class consciousness<br />

of the workers is not dead, if the workers<br />

are not prepared to be beaten to pieces, one<br />

group after another, they will back up protests<br />

with their masses, if necessary, over<br />

the heads of their leaders.<br />

It is not, in the first place, the difficulty<br />

of understanding what are the real interests<br />

of the workers in the class struggle, it is the<br />

difficulty of how to act, how to break the<br />

old forms of power, including the power<br />

entrusted to leaders, and how to get the<br />

habit of fighting and experience to fight and<br />

to control the fight, both on the political<br />

and economic field. The capitalist class<br />

uses political instruments, militia, judges,<br />

etc., as strong, efficient tools in their class<br />

MANY<br />

CARL WITTMAN 303<br />

struggles; the workers will have to fight<br />

those tools as well as the economic instruments,<br />

but in a manner that suits their purposes<br />

and not according to the methods their<br />

foes invented for them; not in parliamentary<br />

negotiations and hair-splittings, but by<br />

the power of their masses, compelling the<br />

capitalist class to openly oppose or to submit<br />

to their demands.<br />

Fighting, as everything else, has to be<br />

learned in practice, and mass fighting means<br />

that the rank and file has to do some independent<br />

thinking and has to get its own<br />

understanding of important class issues<br />

under imperialism, not resting before there<br />

is organized protest and organized action in<br />

each special case. The form of this mass<br />

action will develop with a growing class<br />

consciousness and a growing international<br />

understanding, and will at the same time<br />

enable the workers to acquire the qualities<br />

necessary to organize a co-operative commonwealth.<br />

The German Minority and tke War<br />

By CARL WITTMAN<br />

comrades left the <strong>Socialist</strong><br />

movement because on August 4,<br />

1914, all the 111 <strong>Socialist</strong> deputies<br />

in the Reichstag failed to do their<br />

duty. Among them are some of the best<br />

members in Germany and also here in<br />

America.<br />

From Comrade Rtihle I received the following<br />

explanation of those critical days at<br />

the beginning of the war: The great majority<br />

of the members of the <strong>Socialist</strong> group<br />

took unconditionally the ground that the<br />

Fatherland must be defended ; once war has<br />

begun, they said, everyone must fight for his<br />

country. Ten members held that everyone<br />

must fight in case the nation is attacked,<br />

in case it is not waging a war of conquest.<br />

These ten are not fundamentally opposed to<br />

war of defense ; their doubts are of purely<br />

opportunistic character. Only four were<br />

definitely, fundamentally, opposed to all<br />

war, even defensive war. These were Liebknecht,<br />

Riihle, Herzfeld (from Rostock),<br />

and Henke (from Bremen). Their view is<br />

that during this imperialistic era all wars<br />

are carried on for the purpose of conquest<br />

that no land is safe as long as there are<br />

capitalist armies ; that for the proletariat of<br />

any nation the army of that nation is the<br />

greatest source of danger.<br />

The fourteen members of the last two<br />

groups were prepared to vote against the<br />

war appropriation in the Reichstag. In order<br />

to prevent this the majority passed a<br />

resolution providing that every member was<br />

to be present and was to vote for the appropriation.<br />

The fourteen faced the alternative<br />

of voting in accordance with the resolution<br />

or splitting the group and the party. The<br />

voting of the appropriation thus became a<br />

subordinate issue. The division of the party<br />

was the great issue up for discussion. The<br />

fourteen had to decide for or against it on<br />

August 4, 1914. The ten opportunists were<br />

unwilling to see the thing thru, to vote as<br />

they wished to do at the expense of a split<br />

in the party. They pleaded with the other<br />

four and threatened them. As their trump<br />

card they said that a movement begun by<br />

only four members would excite nothing but<br />

ridicule. To divide the tiny minority of<br />

fourteen would be to rob it of all influence<br />

with the majority. In order to prevent this<br />

the four yielded to the fourteen. That Lieb-<br />

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