The Young Turk Period, 1908-1918 - PSI424
The Young Turk Period, 1908-1918 - PSI424
The Young Turk Period, 1908-1918 - PSI424
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292 <strong>The</strong> Rise of Modern <strong>Turk</strong>ey, 1808-1975<br />
mainly by former officers sympathizing with the Liberating Officers. This was followed<br />
with an amendment to article 43 to provide that if Parliament was dissolved,<br />
the new Chamber of Deputies could be called to an extraordinary session for two<br />
months and that this in turn could be prolonged if necessary. <strong>The</strong> sultan then dissolved<br />
the Parliament (August 5), and new elections were called, with the general<br />
feeling being that this was the end of the CUP. 76 Now it was the CUP that was<br />
restricted by the government during the campaign. Its principal newspaper, Tanin,<br />
was suspended entirely. <strong>The</strong> CUP at first considered condemning the entire procedure<br />
as illegal and refusing to participate in the election, but when Talat convinced<br />
his colleagues that this would only lead to its destruction, they decided to<br />
participate and the campaign went on.<br />
Background to the Balkan Wars<br />
At this point politics was overshadowed by a new threat from the empire's Balkan<br />
neighbors. Austrian annexation of Bosnia stimulated the aggressive desires of the<br />
Balkan states to gain compensation and also ended the cooperation between Russia<br />
and Austria that had previously kept the peace. Serbia, encouraged by Russia,<br />
began to demand new territory and proposed a new Balkan alliance to prevent<br />
Austria from making further advances. Though continued rivalries in Macedonia<br />
prevented such an alliance right after Bosnia was annexed, the Italian attack on<br />
Tripoli convinced the Balkan leaders that their rivalries in Macedonia had to be<br />
subordinated to take advantage of the Ottoman preoccupation across the Mediterranean.<br />
<strong>The</strong> first alliance reached was between Serbia and Bulgaria (March 13,<br />
1912) on the basis of autonomy for Macedonia as a means of settling their dispute<br />
as to which should control it. In the case of victory over the Ottomans, Serbia<br />
would receive the sancak of Novipazar and the district of Ni§ and Bulgaria would<br />
get the lands east of the Rhodope Mountains and the Struma. In addition, if Macedonian<br />
autonomy proved impractical, then Bulgaria would get Monastir and<br />
Ohrid, Serbia would take over northern Macedonia, and the balance, including<br />
Komanovo and t)skiip, would be divided between the two by arbitration of the<br />
czar. A Greco-Bulgarian alliance followed (May 29, 1912), the Macedonian problem<br />
simply being ignored while the two agreed on joint assistance in case of an<br />
Ottoman "attack." Bulgaria was to remain neutral if the Ottomans and Greeks<br />
again fought over Crete. Montenegro completed the ring around the Porte by<br />
reaching similar military agreements with Bulgaria (September 27) and Serbia<br />
(October 6), the latter actually specifying that hostilities would commence with<br />
the Porte no later than October. 77<br />
<strong>The</strong> Ottomans hardly were in a position to fight all their Balkan neighbors. <strong>The</strong><br />
attempt to vitalize the army after its neglect late in Abdulhamit's reign had only<br />
begun to produce results. Thousands of cannon and rifles lay in storehouses, and<br />
the men were still untrained in their use. Political dissent in the officer corps had<br />
destroyed much of the morale and unity that had been encouraged in Abdulhamit's<br />
early years. Furthermore, Mahmut §evket's resignation as minister of war had been<br />
followed by a general replacement of most of the officers on the General Staff, and<br />
the new departmental chiefs had not yet been able to familiarize themselves with<br />
the mobilization and war plans that had been prepared. <strong>The</strong> diversion in Tripoli<br />
had not been as serious as the Balkan allies expected, simply because the Italian<br />
blockade had prevented the Ottomans from sending more than a few detachments<br />
to support the guerrilla war. Even then, however, the Porte had no more than<br />
250,000 men under arms, far fewer than the combined Balkan armies.