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Compact Cities - Teoria e História da Cidade - Home

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Harry W.Richardson, Chang-Hee Christine Bae and Murtaza Hatim Baxamusa<br />

inhibited investment in transportation infrastructure. This situation has been<br />

aggravated by rapid motorisation in recent years in many developing countries.<br />

Again, air and water pollution is not directly the result of higher densities but the<br />

product of weak environmental regulations and poor enforcement. Yet many<br />

developing country cities offer a richness of street life and vitality that the developed<br />

countries would like to emulate. It is no easy task to separate the effects of densities<br />

from those other factors such as income differentials, institutional capacity,<br />

investment, human resources and urban design, that distinguish cities in the<br />

developing world from those in the developed world.<br />

Densities and compactness<br />

Densities in developing country cities are much higher than in developed<br />

countries, especially in the core city. Many explanations have been given:<br />

• Higher rates of population and urban growth explain why density gradients<br />

have, historically, shifted upwards over time rather than flattened and shifted<br />

downward as in developed country cities. However, this shift has been<br />

attenuated in recent years in many cities in developing countries as<br />

urbanisation rates have decelerated and decentralisation has begun to occur.<br />

• Lower incomes have meant much smaller dwelling sizes and tiny lots,<br />

especially in squatter settlements. Also, household size is much larger. Data<br />

assembled by Malpezzi (1999) show a striking positive relationship between<br />

GNP per capita and housing consumption indicators (such as floor area per<br />

capita). However, the correlation between high densities and overcrowding is<br />

quite low (in core cities in our <strong>da</strong>ta set, the correlation coefficient was 0.18). 2<br />

Similarly, density and household size appear to be unrelated.<br />

• In terms of the ‘modern’ sector in developing countries, housing preferences<br />

have favoured high-rise apartments rather than single family housing.<br />

• The prevalence of mixed-use structures and neighbourhoods has resulted in<br />

residential densities becoming higher the closer they are to the city centre.<br />

• Low densities in developed country cities, especially in the United States,<br />

have been facilitated by automobiles. Automobiles have come to developing<br />

country cities very late, although very fast.<br />

• Lax planning regulations, and either the absence or the inadequacy of building<br />

codes, have led to uncontrolled increases in densities, e.g. by subdividing<br />

existing structures to accommo<strong>da</strong>te multiple families (frequently, one family<br />

per room). Although this occurs illegally in developed countries, its scale and<br />

extent are much lower than in developing countries.<br />

• There remains considerable scope for further increases in densities in lowincome<br />

settlements. For example, a study in Malaysia suggested that land use<br />

densities could be substantially increased (by almost 75%) by permitted<br />

reductions in setbacks and back alleys (Bertaud and Malpezzi, 1998a). In<br />

some cases, planning controls have resulted in high densities; for example,<br />

Seoul’s greenbelt (in place since 1971) has reduced the supply of land<br />

available for urban use, raised land prices and increased densities (Kim, 1994;<br />

Bae, 1998). South Korea was certainly a developing country when its land<br />

use regulations were introduced, if no longer. On the other hand, some<br />

planning regulations have worked in the opposite direction (i.e. promoting<br />

26

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