His Majesty King Norodom Sihamoni's 59 th Birthday - CamNet

King Norodom Sihamoni’s
59th Birthday
A special supplement to The CAmbodiA dAily

King Norodom Sihamoni during a ceremony in Phnom Penh marking Cambodia’s independence from France on November 9.
COLIN MEYN
SUPPLEMENT DESIGNER
4 MAY 14, 2012
CONTENTS
3 The Advent of the Modern Kingship 6 Shelter From the Sun
8 Father and Son
10 The King Reaches Out
Siv Channa
Cover photo: King Norodom Sihamoni embraces young volunteers of the Cambodian Red Cross on Independence Day on November 9. Siv Channa
Contents photos: Clockwise from top left: Norodom Sihanouk visiting Communist Romania in 1972 Romanian National History Museum; A Bodhi tree
offers shade from the sun. Haiko Su/Creative Commons; Norodom Sihanouk introduces his son, Norodom Sihamoni, to the media after arriving in Phnom
Penh in October 2004, days prior to the future King’s coronation. Reuters; King Norodom Sihamoni reaches out to young Cambodians during Independence
Day celebrations on November 9. Siv Channa

The Advent of the
Modern Kingship
U.S. Center of Military History
Norodom Sihanouk stands with Chinese Communist Party leader Mao Zedong, left, and party members Peng Zhen and Liu Shaoqi, right, during a state visit to Beijing in 1956.
Placing the role of Cambodia’s King in a long line of monarchs in the country, and
around the world, who have redefined their position in democratized societies.
The Constitution adopted in 1993 stipulated
that the country was a constitutional
monarchy, stating in Article
7 that “The King of Cambodia shall
reign but shall not govern.”
This article irked Norodom Sihanouk, who
quoted the text several times in his speeches
during his second reign from 1993 until his retirement
in 2004. He had after all ruled Cambodia
in the 1950s and 1960s with all the executive
powers of a government leader and had
played a key role in the 1980s to broker the
Paris Peace Agreement that put an end to war
in 1991.
But as in the case of Queen Elizabeth II of
England, King Norodom Sihamoni acceded to
By Michelle Vachon the cambodia daily
the throne in 2004 having never been involved
in politics—a status that has become customary
for constitutional monarchs around the
world.
The 1993 constitution also mentions that
the King is the country’s head of state and, although
Cambodians are quite clear that Prime
Minister Hun Sen and elected officials are the
ones who run the country, they get confused
as to the role the King is meant to play, said
Theng Chan Sangvar, a law professor at the
Royal University of Phnom Penh with a PhD in
law from the Universite Lyon 2 in France.
“People don’t understand that the King has
no [executive] power,” said Mr. Theng, who
also serves as chief of staff at the Ministry of
Rural Development.
In any case, the King’s most important
role is serving as a symbol for the people, Mr.
Theng added.
This symbolic role is linked to the concept
of nation versus state, said Jonathon Louth, an
Australian political scientist previously with
the University of Adelaide in South Australia
now teaching at the University of Chester in
England.
“The state is a political entity...whereas a
nation is a cultural idea: That you belong to a
particular people which you identify as being
something specific. Queen Elizabeth embodies
Englishness or Britishness at that level,”
he said.
In a similar manner, King Sihamoni embodies
“Cambodianness,” Mr. Louth said.
“The actual concept of statehood is a Euro-
The CAmbodiA dAily 3

pean concept,” he said, one that grew out of
necessity to end wars. It is often traced back
to the Peace of Westphalia in 1648: a series of
treaties signed by several European nations
that determined the territories over which
monarchs ruled, introducing the notion of
states and set borders, he said.
European nations imposed this concept
when they built their colonial empires, physically
erecting fences along borders that had
earlier been blurred and of little importance in
regions such as Asia, Mr. Louth said.
Chinese emperors for instance would consider
their territories to extend to states or nations
that had to pay them tributes, he said. And
some authors have theorized that Buddhist
countries viewed their states as mandalas-the
circle representing the universe in Buddhismthat
is, powerful in the center and weakening
towards the edges, these weak edges leading
to conflicts when they overlapped with other
countries claiming that territory, he said.
Whether or not this was the case, China and
Southeast Asian nations were using the notion
of states with physical borders by the late
1940s, and in the mid-1960s Norodom Sihanouk
was very clear about Cambodia’s borders
and the fact that the U.S. at war with North
Vietnam was bombing Cambodian territory,
Mr. Louth said.
Constitutional monarchies with kings as
heads of state and elected officials running
governments came out of efforts over the centuries
to curb the powers of absolute monarchs
who had ruled nations without allowing their
subjects decision-making rights, he said.
The first attempts however involved aristocrats
or the wealthy eager to maintain their
status and benefits, Mr. Louth said.
The Magna Carta charter that English barons
imposed on King John of England in 1215
was meant to limit his abuse of power affecting
them, he said. “They wanted to protect their
own privileges. We are not talking about workers’
revolution or anything like that. We’re only
talking about very privileged people wanting to
maintain their own position,” Mr. Louth said.
King Norodom Sihamoni during Independence Day celebrations last year
4 MAY 14, 2012
It is only in the late 19th century or early
20th century that movements against monarchs
would include the rights for all people
to vote and elect their countries’ leaders, he
explained.
When France agreed to sign the 1863 Protectorate
Treaty at the request of King Norodom
intent on reducing Thai and Vietnamese
influence over the country, monarchs with absolute
powers had been ruling Khmer territory
for centuries. Or at least they had tried to:
There was a long tradition of Khmer princes
fighting and killing each
other to accede to the
throne.
As historian David
Chandler writes in his
book “A History of Cambodia,”
“there was probably
little difference be-
tween the way Cambodia
was governed in the
1860s and the way Angkor
had been governed almost a thousand years
before.... Government meant a network of status
relationships whereby peasants paid in rice,
forest products, or labor to support their officials.
The officials in turn paid the king, using
some of the rice, forest products, and peasant
labor with which they had been paid. The number
of peasants one could exploit in this way
depended on the position one was granted by
the throne; positions themselves were for sale,
and this tended to limit officeholders to members
of the elite with enough money or goods
on hand to purchase their positions.”
The first Cambodian rebellion against the
French in the mid-1880s was, as had been the
case in Europe, the elite class wanting to maintain
their profits and privileges threatened by
France’s administrative measures, Mr. Chandler
explains. In 1916 however, it would be ordinary
Cambodian farmers by the thousands who
protested the heavy taxes imposed by France.
During the Protectorate, France progressively
took all the King’s powers away. But
at the same time, “the French colonists sig-
“The King has rights and
obligations, but no power....
He is, in fact, a head of state
similar to the head of state in the
British...parliamentary system.”
Siv Channa
nificantly boosted the status of the King compared
to the pre-colonial order,” said Caroline
Hughes, director of the Asia Research Centre
and associate professor at Murdoch University
in Western Australia.
“They mixed the iconography of Angkor
with French conceptions of kingship to come
up with an Asian Louis XIV,” whose prestige
would be akin to this 17th-century monarch
who reigned during a golden age of France, she
said.
“The colonial ideal was embraced and manipulated
by Norodom
Sihanouk from 1955 to
1970, in the very specific
context of the Cold
War in South East Asia;
he linked the French colonial
conception of kingship
with modern ideas
about mass politics to
promote a political system
that worked against
the formation of stable party systems that could
represent the interests of the masses,” she said
in an e-mail interview.
The situation created by Norodom Sihanouk
in 1955 was a singular one.
When Cambodia opted to become a constitutional
monarchy after obtaining its independence
from France, Norodom Sihanouk, who
had been king since 1941, stepped down in order
to enter the political arena, reverting to the
title of prince and making room for his father to
be crowned King Suramarit, said Theng Chan
Sangvar, doctor of law.
He founded the political party Sangkum
Reastr Niyum, or people’s socialist community,
which won the 1955 elections.
“It was therefore a prince, former king who
had become prime minister,” Mr. Theng said.
When King Suramarit died in 1960, Norodom
Sihanouk turned palace duties over to Queen
Kossamak, his mother, and assumed the role
of head of state on the international stage, handling
foreign affairs, he said. Norodom Sihanouk
was in fact serving as both head of state
and head of government.
However, since Norodom Sihanouk’s party
was winning about every seat in national elections
in the 1950s and 1960s, this created no
difficulty, Mr. Theng said.
The Cambodian constitution of the 1960s,
last amended in 1964, stated that the King appointed
Cambodian ambassadors and was the
army’s supreme commander. It also stated that
all powers emanated from the King and that
the constitution could not be amended in any
way that would restrict “the rights reserved to
Royalty by this Constitution.” During that period,
David Chandler writes, “[political] dissent
was viewed as a mixture of treason and
lese majeste.”
In the meantime in Thailand, which had become
a constitutional monarchy in 1932, “the
King was used repeatedly throughout the Cold
War as a counterweight to the politics of the
left,” said Australian political scientist Caroline
Hughes. “Ideas about monarchism were mobilized
again and again to combat the formation
of labor organizations, leftist parties or communist
movements.
“I think that kingship has been used...to constrict
mass politics by labeling as disloyal or anti-nationalist
movements that contest status

U.S. Military U.S. State Department
Left, former U.S. President Ronald Reagan stands with Queen Elizabeth II of England during her visit to the U.S. in February 1983. Right, King Bhumibol and Queen Sirikit of
Thailand stand with former U.S. President Dwight Eisenhower, second from left, and his wife, Mamie, right, at a White House dinner in June 1960.
hierarchies,” she said.
As for Cambodia since 1993, Mr. Theng said,
“monarchy is elective and all powers are in the
hands of people’s elected representatives: It’s
an outright democracy.”
Today, he said, “The King has rights and obligations,
but no power. He does not have the
power to issue regulations or to manage the
state’s public and political institutions. He is in
fact a head of state similar to the head of state
in the British...parliamentary system.”
As in the British system, the King can be,
according to the constitution, “arbitrator to ensure
the faithful execution of public powers” in
the case of political crisis. The King presides
over some state and religious ceremonies and
greets visiting heads of state.
Unlike the King of Thailand, who can delay
signing bills into law, which forces parliamentarians
to review them, the King of Cambodia
does not have that latitude: He is obligated to
sign into law what has been approved by the
National Assembly and the Senate, Mr. Theng
said.
Cambodians are quite clear that in Angkorian
times and up to the arrival of French administrators,
their kings had absolute powers and
were considered representatives of deities on
Earth, he said.
While kings are no longer seen that way today,
Cambodians still attach a great importance
to King Sihamoni as a symbol, Mr. Theng said.
Even if the constitution had not stated that
“The King of Cambodia shall be a symbol of
the unity and eternity of the nation,” Cambodians
would still see King Sihamoni in that light.
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He’ll Give Us
Shelter From the Sun
By Mech Dara the cambodia daily
It has been eight years since King Norodom
Sihamoni ascended to the throne.
And in that time he has created for himself
an image of generosity, serenity and honesty.
At any one of his public appearances, King
Norodom Sihamoni is cheered on by young and
old alike, embraced by children and greeted
with genuine adoration by all.
His role as a national figurehead, outside the
realm of fractious politics, has allowed King Sihamoni
to rise above the country’s more contentious
issues—corruption, land grabbing and
freedom of expression—and engage with the
people in a way that serves to further consolidate
his position as their national symbol.
In interviews this week, Phnom Penh’s
youth spoke frankly and reverently about King
Sihamoni, praising his generosity and calm demeanor;
likening him to a tree sheltering the
people from the scorching hot sun of everyday
life.
“King Sihamoni is a good king and the main
pillar of our country. Without him, we would
face difficulties and the government could
do anything it wants,” said 19-year-old Dos
Vireak.
Resting on a bench outside the Hun Sen Library,
the first-year chemistry student echoed
the beliefs shared by many of his generation interviewed
this week: the King, with his humble
ways, with his refusal to involve himself in
politics, with his quiet generosity, does untold
good for Cambodia and its people.
“King Sihanouk was active and hardworking
in politics while King Sihamoni never involves
6 MAY 14, 2012
Jeff Kennel/WikiMedia Commons
King Norodom Sihamoni, below, attends the Royal
Ploughing Ceremony in May 2008. Above, a Bodhi tree
offers shade from the sun. Buddha is believed to have
meditated under a bodhi tree.
himself in politics...he doesn’t care which party
people belong to, he just loves and protects
them because they are his own people,” said
Suon Samth, a 22-year-old monk at the Sampov
Meas Pagoda in Phnom Penh. He added
that the King is an occasional topic of conversation
between monks at the pagoda.
“They say the King is very polite, gentle and
always has good manners,” he said.
“Generous” seems to be the most frequent
adjective that youth associate with King Sihamoni,
who turns 59 today.
Haiko Su/Creative Commmons
Among Cambodia’s youth, King Norodom Sihamoni is an image of generosity
“He represents the whole of the Cambodian
people. He is a generous king and we respect
and love him,” explained Phat Srey Poch, a 19year-old
garment worker living in Meanchey
district. In Takeo, where Ms. Srey Poch is originally
from, the King has paid frequent visits,
offering donations to poor villagers.
“The villagers love and respect him. Our
country should have a king so it will be more
developed,” she added.
“When he speaks, he has a smiling face and
it shows that he is an honest and friendly person,”
is how 23-year-old Mong Chivon described
him. Like others interviewed, Mr. Chivon,
who is a tuk-tuk driver in Daun Penh, said
the monarchy is a necessary institution for the
stability of Cambodian society.
“Our country needs a King to look after
and protect it,” he said. “The King represents
the country and provides [a cooling] shade for
Cambodian people.”
One might wonder how the King manages
to protect Cambodia. But in a society where
abuse of power is commonplace, the King’s
ability to protect derives from the everlasting
shoulder he offers to the people to lean on in
times of need.
“The King goes to help people who have
been affected by natural disasters and to encourage
them to survive and reunite to build
the country,” explained Vath Vicheka, a 22year-old
literature student at the Royal University
of Phnom Penh.
“Before, our parents considered the King
a god. The King could bring rain to a place he
had visited. Today, we consider the King a cool
shadow for people to shelter themselves from
the sun and heat.”

Monument
Books
The CAmbodiA dAily 7

Father and Son
The relationship between King Norodom Sihamoni and Norodom Sihanouk
King Norodom Sihamoni bows in respect to his father, former King Norodom Sihanouk, during his coronation ceremony on Oct. 24, 2004.
8 MAY 14, 2012
Reuters

Siv Channa
The King’s father, Norodom Sihanouk, speaks on the occasion of his birthday on Oct. 11 with his son, King Norodom Sihamoni, and Queen Monineath seated next to him.
By Kate Bartlett the cambodia daily
The first four letters of his father’s
name and the first four letters of
his mother’s name combined make
up his own unique first name—Sihamoni—who
has always been a favorite of
his father’s despite some obvious differences
in character.
Shakespeare wrote “it is a wise father who
knows his own child,” and while some Palace
watchers had thought his politically active halfbrother
Prince Norodom Ranariddh was a more
obvious choice for the throne, Retired King Sihanouk
favored Prince Sihamoni as his successor
as King precisely because he was not part
of the political sphere.
King Sihamoni has had an apolitical profile
whereas the King Father has held a towering
place in Cambodia’s political history. And there
are many other differences between father and
son, including the many-times married Retired
King Sihanouk and his son’s confirmed bachelor
status, as well as Norodom Sihanouk’s effusive,
opinionated eruptions on everything from
poverty to corruption in contrast to his son’s
low-key approach to matters of state.
Last year, Retired King Sihanouk reflected
on his son’s bachelor status. All Cambodia’s
ancient kings had been polygamous, he noted,
and even in the modern era Kings Norodom
and Sisowath had had hundreds of consorts.
“Our current King Norodom Sihamoni, has
neither ‘spouse,’ not ‘mistress’ nor ‘feminine
adventure,’” the King Father observed.
But, the two share more than blood and the
first four letters of their names. While the King
Father has always been a lover of all things
French and his son studied Western classical
ballet in Prague, they have in common a deep
appreciation for the arts, and particularly for
music, dance and film.
Retired King Sihanouk made 27 films, some
of which he starred in himself, and some of
which he cast his son in; at 14, Norodom Si-
hamoni starred in “The Little Prince.” When
he joined his father in North Korea years later,
King Sihamoni attended film school.
Having moved to Paris in the 1980s, King Sihamoni
became a professor of classical dance,
made several films with a dance focus, and
in 1993 became Cambodia’s ambassador to
Unesco.
Since King Sihamoni’s ascent to the throne
in 2004, Norodom Sihanouk has spoken publicly
about his favorite--and only surviving-son
by Queen Monineath several times, sometimes
defending him against criticism, other
times making allusions to his personal life.
The two share more than blood
and the first four letters of their
names...they have in common a
deep appreciation for the arts.
In 2005, after an opposition lawmaker called
on King Sihamoni to play a more active role in
the nation’s political life, the King Father posted
a letter of reply on his website—where he
frequently posts his observations or grievances
on matter of state and the world.
SRP lawmaker Son Chhay had in his letter
called on King Sihamoni to “advise leaders including
Hun Sen to help improve” the political
situation in the country.
The Retired King’s riposte was classic
Sihanouk.
“I would like to reply to Your Excellency on
behalf of my son the King. I would like you to
understand that the King has done his best but
with no success,” the retired King wrote without
elaborating.
Observers share the opinion that Retired
King Sihanouk was more outspoken on politics
than his son, but King Sihamoni’s softer
approach to statesmanship should not be
misinterpreted.
In a leaked diplomatic cable from the U.S.
Embassy in Phnom Penh, embassy staff noted
that after Sihamoni’s selection as successor to
the King: “Sihanouk will now likely work behind
the scenes to train Sihamoni and keep his
hand in politics.
“P.M. Hun Sen supported the choice (of Sihamoni
as King), perhaps because Sihamoni is
apolitical and believed to be relatively pliable,”
the cable continued.
The diplomatic dispatch went to on note
that: “Many had long speculated that Ranariddh...would
be the logical choice for King. However,
Sihanouk has had a rancorous relationship
with Ranariddh for years. Sihanouk may
have worried that having such an overtly political
son as King would put the monarchy itself
in danger.
“But, most important, Sihanouk is devoted
to Queen Monineath, and, therefore, has long
expressed support for his son by her.... The selection
of Sihamoni no doubt took greater urgency
for the Queen with the untimely death
of her other son by Sihanouk, Prince Narindrapong
[in 2003].”
Retired King Sihanouk has long posted letters
on his website from his childhood friend
and pen-pal Ruom Ritt, who lives in the Pyrenees,
though some have suggested that Mr.
Ritt is a non-de-plume that once allowed the
King Father to speak his mind more freely
about the pressing issues of the day.
Before promising to never write again several
years ago, Ruom Ritt’s letters had evoked
particular ire from Prime Minister Hun Sen.
Then in 2004, a “Ruom Ritt Jr.,” writing from
Prague emerged, vowing to write to the new
King Sihamoni.
He said he had met King Sihamoni while
he was studying abroad, and indicated that he
would be as critical of Cambodia’s leaders as
Ruom Ritt Sr, saying: “The Powerful who think
only of themselves, the Poor who attempt to
survive and Your Family who is haunted by a
past that is no longer.”
The CAmbodiA dAily 9

King Norodom Sihamoni greets the crowd during Independence Day celebrations in Phnom Penh last year.
The King Reaches Out
A royal schedule, tailored to the people.
Many of his red carpet appearances
take place on the runway at
Phnom Penh International Airport,
where he can be seen surrounded
by government officials and royal family
members. But, King Norodom Sihamoni
generally leads a low-profile life. He has no official
spokesman and only makes a few public
speeches every year.
Behind the scenes, however, the King is
busy visiting foreign dignitaries from countries
like China, Burma and Australia. He is also
heavily occupied with a variety of philanthropic
activities and other trips around the country,
10 MAY 14, 2012
By Lauren Crothers the cambodia daily
where he connects with people and sees firsthand
the challenges being faced by many.
In fact, humanitarian work has dominated
the King’s calendar since he celebrated his
58th birthday last May, and since then he has
averaged one visit per month to poor communities
around the country.
During last year’s disastrous flooding, which
killed hundreds and wiped out a large chunk of
the country’s rice harvest, the King delivered
gifts of cash, rice and noodles, bedding, mosquito
nets and other necessities to many people
facing hardships.
But even before the floods hit in Septem-
Reuters
ber, 2011 the King traveled to Preah Sihanouk
province in June, where he visited villagers
from Prey Nop district’s Samakki commune.
Accompanied by other senior palace officials,
he donated 50,000 riel, 50 kg of rice, clothes
and other food to 465 poor families. During the
same trip 137 school students were provided
with school materials, t-shirts and 10,000 riel,
or $2.50 each. Medical staff at a nearby hospital
also received packages that included clothes
and bedding.
The following month, the King continued
his humanitarian activities with a visit
to Kompong Speu province’s Odong district.
First on the agenda was a visit to Krang Tumnup
village in Chan Sen commune on July 22,
where four of the village’s poorest families

were given bedding, food and 50,000 riel. Similar
gifts were handed out to hundreds of other
families in nearby villagers and more than
100 children were given school uniforms.
These sorts of visits often include the King
entering ordinary people’s homes and places of
work and study. Climbing up steps to visit with
families in their stilted homes and embracing
Behind the scenes, the
King keeps himself busy
with a variety of philanthropic
activities and other trips
around the country, where he
connects with people and sees
firsthand the challenges being
faced by them.
the elderly in some of the most impoverished
conditions imaginable have become a common
occurrence for the king.
King Sihamoni’s ability to get down on his
hands and knees and greet the Cambodian
people in their every day lives has meant that
villagers today flock in their hundreds to catch
a glimpse of him during his many missions
around the country.
Siv Channa
King Sihamoni arrives at Phnom Penh International
Airport on Feb. 12.
In August, the King visited Kampot province,
where he was met in Chhuk district by
518 people from four villages. Everyone present
was given cash, rice, noodles, bedding and
clothes.
Another element to the King’s trips around
Cambodia is how he openly practices his Buddhist
faith. He is often seen presenting offer-
ings to a Buddha statue under a local Banyan
tree. On one trip last year he donated 1 million
riel, or $250 to a pagoda in Takeo province.
By October last year, flooding had affected
tens of thousands of people and the inundation
had decimated thousands of hectares of rice
paddy. Hearing of the news it was not long before
the King was back in his car and traveling
out to meet the people he knows so well.
By November, the flooding crisis had escalated
further and farmers were struggling to
contain the fallout. The outlook was bleak, and
large amounts of stagnant water were contributing
to a concern that cases of malaria could
rapidly rise.
On one occasion that month, King Sihamoni
traveled to Svay Rieng province, where 50,000
riel, rice, paddy seeds, noodles, drinking water,
mosquito nets, clothes and bedding were donated
to 850 families in Kompong Ro district.
When the King is not out in the provinces
he also spends time meeting with visiting dignitaries,
the country’s leaders, and he travels
abroad to promote Cambodia.
In April, after a trip to China to visit his
mother and father, he flew to Zurich, where he
presided over a ceremony to mark the 20th anniversary
of the Kantha Bopha Foundation in
Cambodia, which was founded by Swiss doctor
Beat Richner.
Like his father, King Sihamoni maintains a
website, through which his activities and correspondence
can be seen as they are updated.
And if the past year is anything to go by,
his sixtieth year will be just as jam packed with
events.
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