Material History Bulletin Bulletin d'histoire de la culture materielle 20

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24 Fig . 6 . hl 00~ oot=t~ooooo0 a00 0 OOF~ r~ool~oooo= o oooaoa 969009 0000000 L~ ; 1 °oooooooo° I=1 ooooo= or-~o OOOCIO tZ3 0OO0 OOOO000000 c3 C3 C3 ol~oo=3 =1 o L - 0 li8o1 " S11 l'L.\\ ; ;,CSiriY \P . 1 " 1 Girl,' Rchlrrl . R Ilunk or 1 " itn'nt'y R~im . B C:IIIr~rv 12+wm . F (7 CIn- It'. in. . C Cloak ltlwm . 11 Slnlren.c tu $uy.v' Rchral . L Eutlancl" Halt . 1. N l'ovl'rtwl lrlay Shed . P Platform . The ground floor of a two-storey brick school house, designed by Toronto architects for the town of Simcoe, Norfolk County, Upper Canada, to hold from 500 to 600 pupils . Schoolroom "A" alone was intended to accommodate 160 . (John George Hodgins, The School House: Its Architecture, External and Internal Arrangements, with Additional Papers . . . [Toronto : Department Public Instruction for Upper Canada, 1857}, p . 211 .) seats that were firmly screwed to the floor and were organized according to age and academic level in classrooms that were inside large buildings containing many other classrooms similarly organized (fig . 6) . Over both teachers and taught loomed the authority of a whole new set of educators whose presence gradually altered the conditions of work for the ordinary classroom teacher : principals, school board trustees, superin- tendents and inspectors and, ultimately, the provincial officials who ran the ever-growing bureaucracies known as provincial departments of education . Much that was new in nineteenth-century teachers' work was promoted by these authorities and the new often was hotly debated . Parents and trustees objected to the new subjects as they were introduced or to the new pedagogies . Some had no use for grammar ; others had no intention of supplying the local teacher with a blackboard . In some rural Ontario communities at least, grammar and blackboards appear to have symbolized an alien culture, the unnecessary and offensive trappings of an all-too-distant metropolitan power . Another vigorously debated question involved what might best be described as the housework of the school, the laying of fires and the cleaning of the schoolroom . In 1848, the Chief Superintendent of Schools for Canada West, Egerton Ryerson, wrote that these matters were subject to negotiation between teachers and the trustees who employed them, the law not specifying who was responsible for the work of school maintenance . But argu- ments on the subject continued . One gathers that most L n Sweeping tt 6o Desk Room in 8 Minutes thin .,r .ee 1. nnt a'r .dhle with e%II ,I1 n.1 .0 uur.A,\ Il Io Ilokl'. N \Illx In nl "kIV.l .I "r11Is MAN h.. .wepr drd . m Inv s~on~ ", . 11r r " Lrnudnt on ,h.. pnh Fig . 7. with aur New Uuatluo. Floor Ilru .h r:,. In . u In.b xl«t . ._ ._ .aar Vn . 46 I~ lerh x1avY . . r.ld \u. :. . Id Ineb 1norY . . . . . 7.OU Ridlleltn .'o TIIK Ilxl'nll nu .l In O,. ri" lun 1. . In i .rY "IM In" " Irmh, -lv Ihe dr+h wrJlh i . lhlb raos b hul III In " h.+ IMewr"rn " uly .nrn Wn. p.itm. r. 1 . ueh Iwwh hu rl,i. wmt .nd .~ mdl . Aru.h . . 12 brb, be, . In io .h, nbJr r"yulrb4 m~nrdlll lo b." dA rrdl, den, tla In"1v " t .rnrY ME,\TM Inr\1'3 N'hJ" rl.r" n evldny 1 . nhn ir lh . ..an . . .,I, ~ r pnu .r. n r bnlnn .Lnnr~rdNnN " 'rh.rdmte "uhln Ihrm lothe qwnl wlthnul IcFInN It. vnuhln . No Dnet Yo ".U. sw" .n .n uo. In t.W .nd rlaaronr 1 .rh .r. da ooY eb1M In "Ing tenth, in lM I- TX) SW UP. APxAIh r4 ' -r u 11n11KH' "xTItKAKIS0" TUX 1'hU1~11. Kvnwro" , rrhlnh i. lAn onlr 1h1 .K rou 0-id , vwr~nnl.. In n A.ur ~n .nd I .vvw w~ lavn. A fr I n. h~u br ..l, ~Ir.. b .rlrr 4-In rwwpln, .na I.. r hvlvrwoor Ihu rM~N Ilnw bro rlnwlv Whe .u r Am" h M la, /rnrrN~ w w ,Inxe IM rq~ ~ .r "wv .p . IIIW fn "Inr. An aspect of the schoolroom environment much disliked by turn-of-the-century teachers was the dust and dirt, particularly associated with oily school floors . The transition to janitors meant that urban teachers at least, no longer had to clean their own schools . E.N . Moyer's "New Dustless Floor Brush" was designed to take the irritation away even from being present while the janitor was doing his work . School boards were responding, in this period, to the efficiency movement in industry and Moyer's description of schoolroom cleaning also attempted to capitalize on this trend . (E . N . Moyer Company, Catalogue [Toronto 19 121, p . 31 . Hodgins Rare Book Room, Ontario Institute for Studies in Education .) local school trustees thought that the housework of the school was part of the teacher's job, while a good many teachers increasingly objected to doing it . Finally, in 1861, the Journal of Education for Upper Canada pronounced on the subject . The question was no longer one to be settled locally, at least in theory . According to the Department of Education, teachers were not required to make fires or to clean, much less repair, the school house . Teachers were employed only to teach school . " With the development of larger schools and more sophisticated methods of cleaning and heating, a separate category of caretakers evolved who specialized in the maintenance of schools and these debates eventually came to an end . Yet defining the boundaries of the teacher's work has continued to be a problem to this day . If teachers trying to establish themselves in nineteenth-century communities felt undermined or overworked if asked to perform the housekeeping tasks of the school, many contemporary teachers have felt the supervision of lunchrooms equally beneath their dignity as educators or, more mundanely, simply beyond their capacities in terms of time and energy .
From Hourehold to School House Perhaps nowadays, however, it is the ever-increasing mountains of paperwork that most irritate the people who work in schools . This condition too can be traced to the nineteenth century . From the ubiquitous school register, which had to be filled in at least twice a day, to the growing numbers of tests and exams to mark, forms to fill out and reports to make, teachers even in one-room rural schools were more and more involved in written work, as were their pupils . 15 Gradually spelling bees, mental arithmetic contests, and public examinations, and the oral culture which sustained these activities, gave way to the culture of the written word, once again substantially altering the conditions of the teacher's work . The hard work of keeping fires going and cleaning school houses may have s ,1A- - ~.'_ 1:~. `" //l-t~- f'.J!~C " ~~ ., Fig . 8 . -7 . A~~y,...~,_ -A-A, ..:, 411., - ~*..~.-.~. f Al . .- I ii' , . 1 A Normal School students learned the importance of school government both by the example of their own training and by precept . Maria Payne's notes, made at the Normal School in Toronto in the late 1860s, record her reaction to instruction in the keeping of school registers . "In these squares," she notes with apparent mystification, "you must put certain marks ." Although she could not keep up with the speed of the lecture, she attempted to get down, at the very least, what was done at the model school attached to Toronto Normal . In the "model," marks were given not only for punctual attendance (evidently four times a day) but for "perfect recitations" and "good conduct ." The keeping of such records marked the beginning of a trend toward ever-increasing amounts of paperwork for teachers . (Maria Payne Notebooks, Toronto Normal School, Education Records, General Collection, 1860- 69, Mu 975, Box 5, no . 6, Archives of Ontario .) - -- disappeared, but only to be replaced by what many teachers would see as a different sort of drudgery . 11 One can imagine public examinations conducted by gentlemen teachers who, by virtue of their age, status, and gender, had the potential to exercise the kind of authority and showmanship appropriate to such occa- sions . Christmas recitals, on the other hand, may have seemed more suitable tasks for the young women who increasingly came to staff Canada's one-room rural, as well as larger urban, schools . This is only one of many possible illustrations of the relationships that may exist between the perceived characteristics of workers and the nature of the work they perform . When it came to the manual work associated with nineteenth-century rural schools, it may have seemed proper for male teachers to split the firewood for the school but not quite right for them to take on the cleaning . For young women, the opposite likely would have been the case, although one must beware of applying modern stereotypes to a pioneer society . Nevertheless it is clear that this reasoning applied to the use of the birch rod, which was gradually replaced, as teaching forces feminized, by the "strap" which, in its turn, was recom- mended for sparing use and, eventually, only by principals . In the large, graded schools where these same principals held sway, it was assumed that kindergarten and early grade school teachers would be women . The principals ~k/2 ---+--- ~ -- J1~ t~ /ZX/6 i i L~~> ~~ X 2 ~
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84 Manuscript series Can Mss B33 Ba
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86 Editor's Note : "A Research Tool
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88 (1) Collections are acquired uns
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90 Type (manufacturer) Shay (Lima)-
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104 March 1973) . All the items her
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Material History Bulletin Bulletin d'histoire de la culture materielle 20

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