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General Supervisor

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than not the eldest man of the family used to make the marriage decision on<br />

behalf of their sons and daughters. The opinion of the young man or lady did<br />

not used to be taken in the marriage decision, and often the young lady knew<br />

that at her wedding night (Al-Khateeb, 1981).<br />

Owing to the fact that marriage in the Saudi community is not merely a relation<br />

between two individuals but a tie between two families, internal marriage, i.e.<br />

marriage from within the tribe or clan, especially marriage with the father’s<br />

brother’s daughter (cross-cousin marriage) used to be the prevailing and<br />

preferred kind of marriage.<br />

The dowry in the traditional Saudi community was characterized by simplicity<br />

and lack of complication. A girl’s dowry varies according to the social standard<br />

of the girl’s family, and from pastoral, rural, and urban areas. In pastoral areas, a<br />

girl’s dowry did not used to be more than one or two she-camels and a zuliyya (a<br />

carpet) while the dowry of the tribe’s sheiks’ daughter was a farda (a golden rein<br />

worn from the nose to the hair), a hindiyya (a kind of golden pound necklace),<br />

and a number of cattle heads that can exceed twenty (Al-Khateeb, 1981).<br />

In rural areas, a girl’s dowry used to be a zuliyya (a carpet), some silver bracelets,<br />

a brazier, a clothing box, or money between 5 and 10 Saudi riyals. However,<br />

a girl’s dowry in urban areas used to be mostly in money, consisting in some<br />

Saudi riyals, some French francs, and some cloth and cloaks. The dowry goes<br />

up and down with the girl’s family’s position.<br />

One of the characteristic phenomena in the traditional Saudi community was<br />

the rate of fertility. Girls were prepared from early puberty to believe that their<br />

main role in life was to be a mother and a housewife. This was the main function<br />

for which she was created, so she tended to give birth to a lot of children.<br />

A woman used to spend most of her period of fertility between 15 and 50<br />

82<br />

continuously giving birth to children, which meant that she normally would<br />

give birth to from 10 to 15 children. Breast feeding used to be woman’s only<br />

natural means of contraception. In spite of the high rate of birth, child mortality<br />

rate was high. Women used to give birth to 10 or 12 children, but only 3 or<br />

4 children survived. In the traditional Saudi community, the rate of abortion<br />

used to be very high for many reasons: the many jobs that women used to be<br />

overburdened with, shortage of food, lack of rest between one pregnancy and<br />

another, and decreasing medical services. Unfortunately, there are no statistics<br />

to evidence this. However, most of the informants that I met with from the<br />

pastoral, rural, and urban communities confirm this (Al-Khateeb, 1997).<br />

The Saudi community theoretically believes that the main role of the woman is<br />

reduced to being a mother and a housewife. In reality, poverty and starvation<br />

prevailing in the traditional Saudi community before the advent of oil, pushed<br />

both woman and man to work hard together to provide for the needs of their<br />

family. In all of the pastoral, rural, and urban communities, woman used to<br />

permanently work from daybreak to sunset to provide for the needs of her<br />

family (Al-Khateeb, 1997).<br />

Factors of change in the Saudi community<br />

The Kingdom witnessed several factors of change, which can be classified<br />

under two main factors: internal and external.<br />

First: Internal factors<br />

The Kingdom witnessed several factors of internal change, namely the political<br />

and economic factors, which impacted the social structure in the Kingdom.<br />

1. Political factor<br />

The political factor, which consisted in the unification of all the regions in<br />

the Arabian Peninsula under the same government of the Kingdom of Saudi<br />

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