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Idols%20and%20Celebrity%20in%20Japanese%20Media%20Culture

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Introduction: The Mirror of Idols and Celebrity 25<br />

the idol, interactions between members of the group, or interactions<br />

between groups (Shūkan Pureibōi 2011c).<br />

Today, we are in what Playboy calls the “hyper idol age” (chō aidoru<br />

jidai) (Shūkan Pureibōi 2011b), when the presence of idols in Japanese<br />

media culture seems as inevitable as it does irredeemable. The “hyper”<br />

here also refers to “hypercapitalism” (Graham 2006), or a highly saturated<br />

media environment that produces celebrity spectacle for the purpose<br />

of promoting goods and services. Under hypercapitalism, notions<br />

of value become increasingly abstract as media companies seek to position<br />

consumers as fans (see Chapter 3 in this volume for a discussion of<br />

the “affective attunement” of audiences to idols). Fan behaviors, even<br />

those once attributed to hardcore fans (otaku, discussed in Chapter 9<br />

of this volume), are spreading to all segments of society (see Chapter 8 in<br />

this volume about middle-aged and older women engaged in fantasy<br />

relationships with idols). Marketing to fan audiences in Japan today<br />

involves translating the sense of familiarity and intimacy with the<br />

idol into action. Hypercapitalism has extolled the myth of consumer<br />

agency to convince consumers that they are empowered to choose<br />

what they consume. However, as Arjun Appadurai (1996, 42) argues,<br />

this “fetishism of the consumer” is nothing more than a “mask for<br />

the real seat of agency, which is not the consumer but the producer.”<br />

The power in the Japanese media of the idol producer specifically,<br />

and the entertainment management company (or agency) generally,<br />

demonstrates this. They create idols—literally, in the case of virtual idols<br />

(see Chapter 10 in this volume). Another rendering of the “hyper idol<br />

age” might be the “transcended idol age,” when idols are no longer<br />

bound to any specific time, place, or body (see Chapter 9 in this volume<br />

for a discussion of female idols as images and Chapter 4 for a discussion<br />

of male idols as icons). It seems that potentially everyone can be an idol,<br />

and idols are potentially everywhere.<br />

It is worth noting also that idols now seem to be “transcending”<br />

the limitations of their role promoting consumption. After the devastating<br />

earthquake and tsunami that struck northeast Japan on 11<br />

March 2011 and the nuclear contamination that followed, idols and<br />

celebrity performers in Japan launched into charity activities that challenge<br />

the assumption that they are “simulacra of intertextual images<br />

devoid of political or moral meaning.” For example, AKB48 postponed<br />

sales of their much anticipated third album (bringing the suffering of<br />

the earthquake, often experienced as far away from Tokyo, into the lives<br />

of fans); just days after the earthquake, their management company—<br />

AKS, along with Akimoto Yasushi and the members of all the groups he

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