Idols%20and%20Celebrity%20in%20Japanese%20Media%20Culture
Idols%20and%20Celebrity%20in%20Japanese%20Media%20Culture
Idols%20and%20Celebrity%20in%20Japanese%20Media%20Culture
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Introduction: The Mirror of Idols and Celebrity 25<br />
the idol, interactions between members of the group, or interactions<br />
between groups (Shūkan Pureibōi 2011c).<br />
Today, we are in what Playboy calls the “hyper idol age” (chō aidoru<br />
jidai) (Shūkan Pureibōi 2011b), when the presence of idols in Japanese<br />
media culture seems as inevitable as it does irredeemable. The “hyper”<br />
here also refers to “hypercapitalism” (Graham 2006), or a highly saturated<br />
media environment that produces celebrity spectacle for the purpose<br />
of promoting goods and services. Under hypercapitalism, notions<br />
of value become increasingly abstract as media companies seek to position<br />
consumers as fans (see Chapter 3 in this volume for a discussion of<br />
the “affective attunement” of audiences to idols). Fan behaviors, even<br />
those once attributed to hardcore fans (otaku, discussed in Chapter 9<br />
of this volume), are spreading to all segments of society (see Chapter 8 in<br />
this volume about middle-aged and older women engaged in fantasy<br />
relationships with idols). Marketing to fan audiences in Japan today<br />
involves translating the sense of familiarity and intimacy with the<br />
idol into action. Hypercapitalism has extolled the myth of consumer<br />
agency to convince consumers that they are empowered to choose<br />
what they consume. However, as Arjun Appadurai (1996, 42) argues,<br />
this “fetishism of the consumer” is nothing more than a “mask for<br />
the real seat of agency, which is not the consumer but the producer.”<br />
The power in the Japanese media of the idol producer specifically,<br />
and the entertainment management company (or agency) generally,<br />
demonstrates this. They create idols—literally, in the case of virtual idols<br />
(see Chapter 10 in this volume). Another rendering of the “hyper idol<br />
age” might be the “transcended idol age,” when idols are no longer<br />
bound to any specific time, place, or body (see Chapter 9 in this volume<br />
for a discussion of female idols as images and Chapter 4 for a discussion<br />
of male idols as icons). It seems that potentially everyone can be an idol,<br />
and idols are potentially everywhere.<br />
It is worth noting also that idols now seem to be “transcending”<br />
the limitations of their role promoting consumption. After the devastating<br />
earthquake and tsunami that struck northeast Japan on 11<br />
March 2011 and the nuclear contamination that followed, idols and<br />
celebrity performers in Japan launched into charity activities that challenge<br />
the assumption that they are “simulacra of intertextual images<br />
devoid of political or moral meaning.” For example, AKB48 postponed<br />
sales of their much anticipated third album (bringing the suffering of<br />
the earthquake, often experienced as far away from Tokyo, into the lives<br />
of fans); just days after the earthquake, their management company—<br />
AKS, along with Akimoto Yasushi and the members of all the groups he