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FICHA CATALOGRÁFICA ELABORADA PELA 

BIBLIOTECA DO IFCH - UNICAMP 

Trindade, Alexandro Dantas 

T736a André Rebouças: da Engenharia Civil à Engenharia Social / 

Alexandro Dantas Trindade. - - Campinas, SP : [s. n.], 2004. 

Orientador: Elide Rugai Bastos. 

Tese (doutorado ) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, 

Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas. 

1. Rebouças, André, 1838-1898. 2. Intelectuais - Brasil. 

3. Reforma. 4. Reforma agrária. 5. Brasil – História – Império, 

1822-1889. I. Bastos, Elide Rugai. II. Universidade Estadual de 

Campinas. Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas. III.Título.

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Introdução 11 

André Rebouças: uma trajetória em várias versões 13 

Biografias e autobiografias – entre o indivíduo e a história 13 

Outras biografias 21 

Rebouças, engenheiro 22 

Influências, contexto intelectual – radicalismo e moderação 28 

Considerações teóricas e metodológicas 35 

Parte I 

Anos de Formação 47 

Capítulo I. Anos de Formação 49 

1.1. Origens e destinos de um intelectual negro 50 

1.2. Uma ‘herança’intelectual? 58 

1.3. Contradições de um advogado autodidata 61 

1.4. Primeiros estudos: entre a caserna e o palácio de cristal 70 

Capítulo II. O engenheiro no 'front': burocracia e exército no Império 85 

2.1. Atuando como engenheiro militar 85 

2.2. Rebouças no ‘front’ 92 

2.3. Escravidão e Exército nacional: algumas reflexões teóricas 105 

Parte II 

O Modernizador Rebouças 115 

Capítulo III. “Rotina” profissional e empresarial 117 

3.1. Um estrangeiro em sua própria terra 117 

3.2. Um difícil começo 127 

3.3. Candidatando-se à Escola Central 130 

3.4. Montando uma rede de contatos e influências 133 

3.5. A participação associativa 139 

3.6. O Serviço de abastecimento d’água do Rio de Janeiro 152 

3.7. Empreendimentos em estradas de ferro 157 

3.8. Outras iniciativas empresariais 160 

Capítulo IV. A modernização portuária 167 

4.1. Reforço do mercantilismo 167 

4.2. As Docas da Alfândega 175 

4.3. A organização da Companhia Docas da Alfândega 187 

4.4. A organização da Companhia Docas Dom Pedro II 193 

Capítulo V. Rumo à Economia Política 207 

5.1. Um certo olhar estrangeiro 209 

5.2. A Viagem a Europa, aos Estados Unidos e seu retorno ao Brasil 214 

5.3. O jornalismo como missão 229 

5.4. Uma geopolítica do interesse 234 

5.5. O financiamento da modernização 247 

Parte III 

Rebouças, reformista do Império 263 

Capítulo VI. O Espectro do Reformismo 265 

6.1. Uma nova arquitetura social 265 

6.2. Entre a modernização agrícola e a centralidade da questão agrária 270 

6.3. Abolição e Reforma Agrária: as associações do “progresso no Novo Mundo” 281 

Conclusão. Modernização e Reformismo na crise do Império 305 

Bibliografia 310

Introdução 10 

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“Matemático e astrônomo, botânico e geólogo, industrial e moralista, 

higienista e filantropo, poeta e filósofo, Rebouças foi talvez dos 

homens nascidos no Brasil o único universal pelo espírito e pelo 

coração... Pelo espírito teremos tido alguns, pelo coração outros; mas 

somente ele foi capaz de refletir em si ao mesmo tempo a 

universalidade dos conhecimentos e a dos sentimentos humanos. Quem 

sabe se não foi a imagem que partiu o espelho!” 

(Joaquim Nabuco, Minha Formação) 

“Desde aquela época muito me liguei a André Rebouças. (...) Quantas 

vezes não ia eu, por esplêndidas tardes de verão, à sua casa, à rua do 

Passeio, esquina das Marrecas, tocar piano em um magnífico Playel 

de cauda! Ao lado, o venerado pai, relíquia dos agitados tempos da 

Regência, Conselheiro Pereira Rebouças, já então cego, ouvia-me 

enlevado. (...) Estávamos sempre juntos; e embora na garrulice e 

futilidade de palestras mundanas, não podia deixar de admirar sempre 

a exuberante copiosidade e o incontestável valor dos seus 

conhecimentos em literatura, música e ainda mais em botânica, 

mineralogia, ciências físicas e naturais, a não falar em matemática...” 

(Visconde de Taunay, “André Rebouças”. In. Revista do Instituto 

Histórico e Geográfico Brasileiro) 

“No Brasil, só há um homem para cada pensamento, e morto ele, 

sepulta-se com ele a idéia e volta-se à vida habitual dos gírios 

materiais, sem preocupação com o futuro da Pátria e da 

Humanidade” 

(André Rebouças para José C. Rodrigues 

17 de fevereiro de 1891)

Introdução – André Rebouças: uma trajetória em várias versões 11 

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1 Maria Alice Rezende de CARVALHO, O Quinto Século. André Rebouças e a Construção do Brasil. Rio de Janeiro: Iuperj / Revan, 

1998, p. 22.


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2 Idem, p. 70. 

3 Idem, p. 14. 

4 Idem, pp. 176 e ss. 

5 Idem, p. 15.


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6 Idem, p. 45. 

7 Idem, p. 46. 

8 Idem, p. 28. 

9 Idem, p. 32.


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10 Joaquim NABUCO, Minha Formação. Rio de Janeiro: W. M. Jackson Inc., 1956, p. 249/250. 

11 Idem, p. 250.


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12 

Marco Aurélio NOGUEIRA. As Desventuras do Liberalismo. Rio de Janeiro: Paz e Terra, 1984, p. 147. 

13 

Idem, p.158. 

14 

Joaquim NABUCO, Minha Formação..., p.251. 

15 

Marco Aurélio NOGUEIRA, As Desventuras..., p.156. 

16 Idem, p. 158.


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17 Idem, p. 220. 

18 Idem, p. 111. 

19 Idem, p. 113. 

20 Joselice JUCÁ, André Rebouças: Reforma & Utopia no contexto do segundo império: quem possui a terra possui o Homem. Rio de 

Janeiro: Odebrecth, 2001, p. 119. (Grifos meus)


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22 Idem, p. 145. 

23 Maria Alice R. CARVALHO, Op. Cit., p. 49. 

24 Idem, p. 54. 

25 Idem, p. 58.


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27 Idem, p. 53. 

28 Idem, p. 54. 

29 Idem, p. 58.


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30 Idem, p. 83. Tanto a discussão sobre o caráter da formação profissional e intelectual de Rebouças, como a relativa às transformações da 

Escola Militar, serão tratadas adiante. Vide Capítulo I, item 1.4. 

31 Brito BROCA. André Rebouças no Exílio, Biblioteca do IHGB, n 0 catálogo L. 738.; José LOUZEIRO. André Rebouças. Rio de 

Janeiro. Ed. Tempo Brasileiro. 1968.; Elza P. OSBORNE. André Rebouças. Revista C.T. C. nº 29, setembro de 1946.; Sydney M. G. 

SANTOS. André Rebouças e seu tempo. Rio de Janeiro: Sindicato Nacional de Editores de Livros, 1985. 

32 Ignácio José VERÍSSIMO. André Rebouças através de sua auto-biografia. Rio de Janeiro: Livraria José Olympio, 1939. 

33 Ignácio José VERÍSSIMO e Ana Flora VERÍSSIMO (orgs.). Diário e Notas Autobiográficas de André Rebouças. Rj: Editora José


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34 

Carolina NABUCO. A Vida de Joaquim Nabuco, Rio de Janeiro: Livraria José Olympio, 1979. 

35 

Ítala Gomes Vaz CARVALHO, Vida de Carlos Gomes. Rio de Janeiro: A Noite, 1935. É preciso salientar a profunda e duradoura 

amizade entre Carlos Gomes e André Rebouças. Rebouças fora padrinho de batismo de Carlos André – o Carleto –; tivera uma ópera 

em sua homenagem – a ‘Salvator Rosa’, e diversas vezes intercedêra junto a ministros para garantir recursos financeiros ao maestro 

em seus anos de formação na Europa. 

36 

Getúlio das NEVES. “André Rebouças” in. Revista da Escola Politécnica, Rio de Janeiro, 1898. 

37 

Maria Odila S. DIAS, André Rebouças. Diário. A Guerra do Paraguai (1866). São Paulo: Instituto de Estudos Brasileiros da USP, 

1973. 

38 

Ver para tanto: Getúlio das NEVES, Op. Cit.; Elza P. OSBORNE, Op. Cit; Virgílio CORREIA FILHO. “André Rebouças”, in. Revista 

do Clube de Engenharia, n o 40, 1938; José Nascimento BRITO. “História da Escola Nacional de Engenharia”, in. Revista do Clube 

de Engenharia, outubro de 1962 a março de 1966; Roberto RUIZ. André Rebouças, sua vida, sua obra, seus ideais. Rio de Janeiro: 

Centro de Documentação e Publicações do Ministério dos Transportes (série Biografias de Engenheiros), 1973; Sydnei M. G. 

SANTOS. Op.Cit.


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40 Idem, ibidem.


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41 Idem, p. 556. 

42 Richard GRAHAM. Grã Bretanha e o Início da Modernização do Brasil (1850-1914). Rio de Janeiro: Brasiliense, 1973., p. 42. 

43 Idem, p. 168. Para uma posição diferente em relação ao apoio de empresários ao abolicionismo, ver Robert CONRAD. Os últimos anos 

da escravatura no Brasil, Rio de Janeiro: Civilização Brasileira, 1978, p. 178. Para o autor, haveria pouca razão para acreditar que 

os industriais e os capitalistas simpatizassem com o abolicionismo, pois, apesar destes poderem lucrar com o término da escravidão, 

não apoiaram sua derrocada como “grupo de interesses”. Além disto, a indústria se localizaria justamente nas regiões mais refratárias 

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44 Idem, p. 169. 

45 Idem, p. 220. 

46 Idem, p. 226. 

47 Idem, p. 42. 

48 Idem, p. 214. 

49 Idem, p. 215. 

50 Idem, p. 214.


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51 

Maria Alice R. CARVALHO, Op. Cit., p.120. 

52 

Idem, p. 160. 

53 

Idem, p. 121. 

54 

Joselice JUCÁ, Op. Cit., p. 25, e Leo SPITZER, “Assimilação, marginalidade e identidade: os dois mundos de André Rebouças, 

Cornelius May e Stephan Zweig”, in Estudos Afro-Asiáticos, vol. 3. (Ver também Leo SPITZER. Lives in Between. Assimilation 

and Marginality in Austria, Brazil, West Africa 1780-1945. London: Cambridge University Press, 1989). 

55 

Joselice JUCÁ, Op. Cit., p.26.


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56 

Idem, p. 27. 

57 

Leo SPITZER, Op. Cit., p. 42. 

58 

Joselice JUCÁ, Op. Cit., p. 28. (Grifo meu). 

59 

Idem, p. 31. 

60 

Idem, pp. 32 e ss.


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61 Leo SPITZER, Op. Cit., p. 42. 

62 Idem, ibidem. 

63 Maria Alice R. CARVALHO, Op. Cit., p. 161. 

64 Idem, pp. 165 e ss. 

65 Idem, ibidem.


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66 Idem, p. 162. 

67 Idem, p. 163. 

68 Idem, pp. 194 e ss. Segundo a autora, são poucas as referências ao pessimismo tocquevilliano, particularmente suas críticas à 

civilização do norte, nas obras de Sarmiento ou de Tavares Bastos. Deixavam de lado o diagnóstico das duras condições que 

caracterizavam o desenvolvimento do capitalismo nos Estados Unidos. 


70 O reforço das fortalezas brasileiras não era inócuo, pois confirmava uma tendência de recrudescimento da política anti-escravagista


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britânica, manifestando-se seja através de intensa pressão diplomática, seja através da força militar contra o comércio negreiro. 

71 Idem, pp. 96 e ss 

72 André Rebouças, Diário Pessoal, 19, 20 e 26 de abril; 11 de maio de 1870, dentre outras passagens. (Doravante, apenas Diário). 

73 Diário, 13 de julho de 1871. 

74 Maria Alice R. CARVALHO, Op. Cit., p. 156.


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76 Idem, p. 170. Os trechos de Rebouças estão no artigo “Republiquistas”, publicado no Cidade do Rio, entre junho e julho de 1888. Por 

aquela época, como veremos, Rebouças já associava esta reforma à continuidade da monarquia. Entretanto, o núcleo fundamental de 

suas idéias já estavam colocadas desde meados de 1870, embora dispersamente anunciadas. 

77 Idem, p. 143.


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78 Idem, pp. 148 e ss. 

79 Idem, p. 153. 

80 Idem, ibidem. As referências de Rebouças estão em Agricultura Nacional, Estudos Econômicos, ou seja, um texto da década de 1870. 

81 Idem, p. 130. 

82 Idem, p. 204.


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83 André Rebouças para Alfredo Taunay, 12 de junho de 1896. 

84 André Rebouças para Augusto de Castilho, 31 de agosto de 1895. 

85 Richard GRAHAM, “Escravocratas, latifundiários e o fim do Império”, in. Escravidão, Reforma e Imperialismo, São Paulo: Editora 

Perspectiva, 1979, p. 183.


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86 Idem, p. 191. 

87 Idem, p. 195.

Introdução - Considerações teóricas e metodológicas 33 

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1 Cf. Florestan FERNANDES, A Revolução Burguesa no Brasil. Ensaio de interpretação sociológica. Rio de Janeiro: Zahar, 1975. p. 

20. 

2 Idem, ibiem.


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3 Cf. Raymundo FAORO, Os Donos do Poder, São Paulo: Globo, 1996. 

4 Ângela ALONSO, Idéias em Movimento: a geração 70 na crise do Brasil-Império, (Tese de doutoramento – FFLCH/USP), 2000, p. 

26. A autora faz referências às afirmações de Sérgio Buarque de Holanda sobre a “letra não escrita do regime” monárquico, que se 

expressava no funcionamento efetivo das instituições, na lentidão das discussões parlamentares, na hierarquia de posições. 

5 Cf. Lucien GOLDMANN. Dialética e Cultura. Rio de Janeiro: Paz e Terra, 1991.


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6 Lucien GOLDMANN. A Sociologia do Romance. Rio de Janeiro: Paz e Terra, 1976, p. 209. 

7 Cf. Wilma Peres COSTA, “Joaquim Nabuco, a Guerra do Paraguai e a Crise do Império”, in. Idéias, n. 6(2)/7(1),1999-2000, pp. 191- 

219.


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9 

Cf. Ângela ALONSO, Op. Cit. 

10 

Alexis de TOCQUEVILLE. O Antigo Regime e a Revolução. Brasília: Editora Universidade de Brasília, 1979, p. 197, nota da pag. 

117. 

11 

Cf. Quentin SKINNER, As fundações do Pensamento Político Moderno. São Paulo: Companhia das Letras, 1999.


 

 

 

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12 Idem, p. 11. 


14 Ângela ALONSO, Op. Cit., p. 16. 

15 Quentin SKINNER, “Significado y comprensión en la historia de las ideas”. In. Prismas – Revista de Historia Intelectual. Quilmes. 

Universidad Nacional de Quilmes, 2000., pp. 153 e ss. 

16 Idem, p. 159.


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18 Idem, p. 188.


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19 Cf. Maria Alice Rezende de CARVALHO, O Quinto Século. André Rebouças e a Construção do Brasil. Rio de Janeiro: Iuperj / 

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22 Cf. Marco Aurélio NOGUEIRA, As Desventuras do Liberalismo. Rio de Janeiro: Paz e Terra, 1984. 

23 Alonso ALONSO, Op. Cit., p. 239. 

24 Idem, ibidem.


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26 Idem, p. 59.


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27 Caio PRADO JR. “Roteiro para a Historiografia do Segundo Reinado (1840-1889)”. in. Evolução Política do Brasil e outros Estudos. 

São Paulo Editora Brasiliense. 1961. p. 199.

Introdução - Considerações teóricas e metodológicas 44

Parte I – Anos de Formação 45 

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3 André Rebouças para José Carlos Rodrigues, 29 de outubro de 1891. Grifos do autor. 

4 André Rebouças partiu do Brasil a 16 de novembro de 1889, a bordo do paquete “Alagoas”, junto com a família imperial. Residira em 

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5 André Rebouças para Alfredo Taunay, 1 o de março de 1896.


 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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10 Florestan FERNANDES. Circuito Fechado. São Paulo: Hucitec, 1976, p. 31. 

11 Idem, p. 32. 

12 Idem, pp. 40 e ss.


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13 

Roberto SCHWARZ, “As Idéias for a do lugar”, in. Ao Vencedor as Batatas. São Paulo: Duas Cidades, 1992, p. 19. 

14 

Idem, p. 16. 

15 o 

Elide Rugai BASTOS, “150 anos de um debate sobre reforma agrária”, in. Cadernos AEL – Conflitos no Campo, n. 7, 2 semestre de 

1997, p. 134. 

16 

Idem, p. 135. Artigos difamatórios em jornais, ressaltando suas origens humildes e sua condição étnica eram constantes, e sempre 

articulados à desqualificação intelectual: “Aquele tostado que vem a seu lado é o ridículo Cousin Fusco, filho do pardo Bazilio lá de 

Iguarassú, onde sempre viveu de limpar a estrebaria do Pai, e de pescar os seus sirís e bodiões; mas em aqui chegando, quis estudar, 

e indo fazer exame de geometria na Academia de Olinda, foi ali reprovado; o primo Xico Barão que sempre gostou, e teve muitas 

simpatias pela estupidez, o despachou para substituto do Liceu desta Cidade na mesma faculdade, onde ele havia sido reprovado; é


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um mentiroso, e o maior caloteiro: não quer ser pardo, e chama a todos nós de canalha; é tão safado, que vindo aqui seu irmão, disse 

a todos que era seu criado, quando só ele é o criado de boléia do primo Xico Barão”, O volcão, 30 de agosto de 1847, apud. Elide R. 

BASTOS, Op. Cit., p. 132. 

17 Diário, 9 de fevereio de 1871. Nesta mesma data, apresenta o “poema” a seguir. (grifos do autor).


 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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18 Leo SPITZER, “Assimilação, marginalidade e identidade: os dois mundos de André Rebouças, Cornelius May e Stephan Zweig”, in. 

Estudos Afro-asiáticos, vol. 3, 1980, p. 37.


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19 Idem, p. 41. 

20 Idem, p. 42. 

21 Idem, p. 44.


1.2. Uma “herança” intelectual? 

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22 André Rebouças para Alfredo Taunay, 10 de agosto de 1897.


 

 

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23 André REBOUÇAS, “Instrução Técnica”. In. Revista de Engenharia, vol. 256, de 28 de abril de 1891. 

24 André Rebouças para Augusto de Castilhos, 12 de agosto de 1895. 

25 André Rebouças para Alfredo Taunay, 18 de agosto de 1895. 



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27 Gilberto FREYRE, “Introdução à Segunda Edição”, in. Sobrados e Mucambos. 4 a edição. Rio de Janeiro: Livraria José Olympio, 1968, 

p. LXXXIX. 

28 Idem, p. XC.


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29 

José Paulo NETTO, “Lukács: tempo e modo” in. José P. NETTO (org), George Lukács. São Paulo: Editora Ática. Coleção Grandes 

Cientistas Sociais, s/d, p. 26. 

30 

Idem, p. 30. 

31 

Ver as diversas correspondências entre Rebouças e Joaquim Nabuco entre 1895 e 1897. 

32 

No momento em que escrevia este texto, veio a lume o belo texto de Keila GRINBERG, (O fiador dos brasileiros. Cidadania,


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escravidão e direito civil no tempo de Antonio Pereira Rebouças. Rio de Janeiro: Civilização Brasileira, 2002). Contudo, a leitura 

do livro não pôde ser incorporada neste trabalho a tempo. 

33 O Decreto para advogar em todo o território nacional é o de n. 647, de 4 de setembro de 1847. Os cursos de direito de Recife e de São 

Paulo seriam criados somente a partir de 1827, portanto, seis anos após a formação autodidata de Antonio Rebouças. 

34 Maria Alice R. CARVALHO, Op. Cit, pp. 65 e ss. 

35 Ignácio José VERÍSSIMO, Op. Cit., p.4.


 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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36 Ignácio José VERÍSSIMO e Ana Flora VERÍSSIMO, Op. Cit, p. 13.


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37 Leo SPITZER, Op. cit., p. 38. 

38 Maria Alice R. CARVALHO, Op. Cit., p. 67, nota 135. 

39 Antonio Pereira REBOUÇAS, O Poder Moderador eficazmente defendido e a Monarquia Federativa combatida e profligada. 

Discurso pronunciado na câmara dos Deputados na sessão do 1 o de setembro de 1832, sobre a discussão das emendas do senado ao 

projeto de reformas na Constituição do Império pelo deputado Antonio Pereira Rebouças”. Rio de Janeiro: Tipographia Universal de 

Laemmert, 1868., p. 13. 

40 Idem, p. 8/9. 

41 Idem, p. 13.


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42 Antonio Pereira REBOUÇAS, “Discurso de 30 de setembro de 1837, da suspensão de garantias nas províncias do Pará e do Rio Grande 

do Sul”. In. Recordações da Vida Parlamentar do Advogado Antonio Pereira Rebouças. Moral, Jurisprudência, Política e 

Liberdade Constitucional. Rio de Janeiro: Typographia Universal de Laemmert, 1870., p. 41. 

43 Nos capítulos seguintes, mostraremos como estas idéias se desenvolvem nos textos de Rebouças, ganhando contudo matizes e 

tonalidades diversas conforme o momento e o lugar.


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44 Raymundo FAORO, Os Donos do Poder. Formação do Patronato Político Brasileiro. São Paulo: Globo, 1995, p.309. 

45 Idem, p. 323. 

46 Idem, pp. 323 e ss. 

47 Idem, p. 321. 

48 Idem, p. 323.


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50 Legislação do Brasil: Consolidação das Leis Civis. RJ, Tip. Univ. Laemmert, 1857. apud, Décio SAES, A Formação do Estado 

Burguês no Brasil. RJ, Paz e Terra, 1985. 

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novembro de 1831. 

53 

Raymundo FAORO, Os Donos do Poder..., p. 359. 

54 Idem, p. 361. 

55 Idem, p. 360. 

56 Idem, p. 300.


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58 Idem, p. 297. 

59 Antonio P. REBOUÇAS, Recordações..., p. 381. 

60 Idem, p. 241.


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1.4. Primeiros estudos: entre a caserna e o palácio de cristal


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62 Além de Antonio Rebouças, André teria outros dois irmãos, José Pereira Rebouças e Ladisláu Rebouças, este último morto em 1861. 

Contudo, a maior afinidade, profissional e mesmo intelectual, entre André e Antonio, teria sido responsável pela ausência de 

referências sobre os outros dois irmãos. 

63 Ignácio José VERÍSSIMO, Op. Cit., p. 5. 

64 “Foi essa a primeira vez que meu nome foi iluminado pelo farol da Imprensa, em eloqüente elogio de Octaviano, entrelaçando os 

gloriosos trabalhos de meu pai na Independência com o esperançoso futuro de seus filhos André e Antonio. Depois, quase todos os 

dias, nos sete longos anos da Escola Militar, em lições e exames, [o Imperador] sempre animando: ‘- Trabalhem! Trabalhem! Sejam 

dignos de seu Pai!’”(André Rebouças para Alfredo Taunay, 1 o de dezembro de 1895). 

65 Motivo pelo qual, neste ítem, a voz de Rebouças sobre sua própria formação se restringirá aos poucos dados fornecidos, e 

assinalaremos antes as possíveis influências sobre sua formação, justificando-as mais tarde ao procedermos com a análise de suas 

idéias. Isto vale sobretudo em relação ao curso de engenharia militar, onde inexistem menções sobre suas primeiras leituras. 

66 Ignácio José VERÍSSIMO, Op. Cit., p. 5.


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67 Diário, 17 de novembro de 1856. 

68 Diário, 16 de dezembro de 1858. 

69 Fundamental para se entender esse processo é o texto de Sérgio Adorno. Para o autor, “o Estado brasileiro erigiu-se como um Estado 

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acabou por constituir-se, portanto, em sua figura central porque mediadora entre interesses privados e interesses públicos, entre o 

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mundo rural e do mundo urbano e, sobretudo, possibilitou a separação entre poder doméstico e poder publico, fundamental para a 

emergência de uma concepção de cidadania”. Vide Sérgio ADORNO, Os Aprendizes do Poder. O Bacharelismo liberal na política 

brasileira. São Paulo: Paz e Terra, 1988, p. 78. 

70 Uma outra opção teria sido a Escola de Medicina da Bahia. Entretanto, não consta que André Rebouças tivesse vocação para a 

medicina, não obstante suas incursões no campo da higiene pública e saneamento. Todavia, como veremos, estas incursões estavam 

atreladas a uma base intelectual e científica diversa. Por outro lado, sua família, como ele mesmo, fixaram-se definitivamente no Rio 

de Janeiro, sendo vagas as possibilidades de retorno à sua terra natal. 

71 Christiano OTTONI, Memórias., apud Maria Alice R. CARVALHO, Op. Cit., p. 82. Aliás, Christiano Ottoni teria uma trajetória 

bastante parecida com Rebouças, tendo se formado em engenharia pela Escola Militar em 1837 e seguido carreira docente na Escola 

da Marinha até suas primeiras atividades como empreendedor e diretor de estradas de ferro. 



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73 

Idem, p. 72. 

74 

Idem, p. 73. 

75 

Walnice N. GALVÃO, “Euclides, elite modernizadora e enquadramento”. In. Euclides da Cunha. Coleção Grandes Cientistas Sociais. 

São Paulo: Ática, 1984, p. 10. 

76 

Maria Alice R. CARVALHO, Op. Cit, p. 74. 

77 

Em 1874, a escola do Largo de São Francisco deixa de pertencer ao ministério do Exército, passando para a pasta do Império, já então 

sob a denominação de Escola Politécnica. 

78 Idem, pp. 83 e ss.


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79 Samuel G. COSTA, Formação Democrática do Exército Brasileiro. Rio de Janeiro: Biblioteca do Exército, 1957, p. 220, apud 

Raymundo FAORO, Os Donos do Poder..., p. 471. 

80 John SCHULZ, O Exército na Política. Origens da intervenção militar. 1850-1894. São Paulo: Edusp, 1994, p. 31. 

81 O Militar, 15 de abril de 1855, apud John SCHULZ, O Exército..., p. 40. 

82 Walnice N. GALVÃO, Op. Cit., p.14.


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83 Apud Walnice N. GALVÃO, Op. Cit., p. 11. 

84 Sob o Ministério Rio Branco criou-se uma Lei de Conscrição, que, contudo, não saiu do papel. 

85 André REBOUÇAS, “O Militarismo despovoando o Brasil” in. Revista Novo Mundo, n. 53, vol. V, de 22 de fevereiro de 1875.


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86 

John SCHULZ, O Exército..., p. 27. 

87 

Idem, p. 29. 

88 o a 

Sérgio Buarque de HOLANDA, O Brasil Monárquico (Tomo II, 5 volume – Do Império à República). 5 edição. Rio de Janeiro: 

Bertrand Brasil, 1997, p. 308. 

89 Idem, ibidem.


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91 Idem, p. 335.


 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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92 O Militar, 15 de abil de 1855, apud John SCHULZ, O Exército..., p. 41-2. 

93 John SCHULZ, O Exército... p. 31.


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94 

Idem, ibidem. 

95 

Este seria o valor mencionado por Taunay enquanto alferes-aluno da Escola Militar, in. Alfredo D’Escragnolle TAUNAY, Memórias. 

São Paulo: Melhoramentos, 1946, p.71. 

96 

Rebouças menciona o efeito da despesa sobre o orçamento familiar: “Quando, em dezembro de 1860, por malditos preconceitos de cor, 

negaram a mim e ao Antonio o prêmio de viagem à Europa, e até o concurso (ilegível) pelo Regulamento da Escola redigido pelo 

liberal ministro Jerônimo Francisco Coelho, disse meu pai: - ‘Minha Carolina! Venderei os meus livros, mas os meninos hão de 

terminar sua educação na Europa’. O santo pai foi viver modestamente na casinha de Santa Teresa, subindo e descendo a pé, dia e 

noite, sol e chuva, suas longas escadas, quando nos sobejavam recursos para viajar por toda a França e pela Inglaterra, incluindo 

especial verba para presentear o Diretor da Escola de Pontes e Calçadas Avril com a comenda da Rosa e para um sem número de 

lembranças, aos parentes e amigos da Bahia e do Rio de Janeiro!!”. (André Rebouças para Alfredo Taunay, 7 de abril de 1895). 

97 

Como afirma o próprio Rebouças no texto transcrito páginas acima, sua biografia e a de seu irmão praticamente se confundiam. As 

notas aparentemente sugerem que as visitas às docas, portos, pontes e fábricas, etc foram, portanto, feitas conjuntamente.


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98 Ignácio José VERÍSSIMO, Op. Cit., p. 9. 

99 Assim seriam as memórias Sobre os caminhos de ferro na França, dedicada a Christiano Ottoni, e Estudos sobre portos de mar, 

‘escrita em colaboração com o irmão Antonio Rebouças’, entregue ao ministro Sinimbu. 

100 Diário, 18 de janeiro de 1864. O fracasso de sua primeira experiência como engenheiro seria lembrada anos mais tarde, como vimos 

em páginas acima, ao mencionar a ridicularização de que fora vítima em artigos anônimos e difamatórios, eivados de preconceito 

racial. 

101 André REBOUÇAS, Melhoramento do Porto do Rio de Janeiro – organização da Cia. das Docas de D. Pedro II (nas enseadas da 

Saúde e da Gambôa). Rio de Janeiro: Typographia Nacional, 1869. 

102 O Imperador Pedro II, talvez por recomendação do pai Antonio Rebouças, naquela ocasião, agraciara o diretor da Escola, Mr. Avril, 

com a comenda da Rosa. Entretanto, a homenagem seria paga com os recursos do próprio Rebouças, que faria questão de guardar a 

fatura de 260 frs. referente à compra da jóia. Nota de 26 de março de 1862.


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104 Idem, p. 60. 

105 Idem, p. 61.


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2 

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3 

Para além da tensão que envolvia a normalidade da relação anglo-brasileira, a inabilidade e prepotência do ministro inglês, Willian 

Douglas Christie, agravado por uma série de outros acontecimentos imprevistos (como o naufrágio e perda da carga do Prince of 

Walles no litoral gaúcho sem a abertura de inquérito que dirimisse as dúvidas sobre o evento, e a prisão e soltura de oficiais 

britânicos na corte sem a devida abertura de processo formal), acentuaram o clima de animosidade e denúncias mútuas que 

redundaria na ruptura diplomática, só reatada durante a Guerra do Paraguai, mais precisamente no acampamento montado por conta 

do cerco de Uruguaiana, no Rio Grande do Sul, em setembro de 1865. 

4 

Paula BEIGUELMAN, “O Encaminhamento Político do Problema da Escravidão no Império” in. História Geral da Civilização 

Brasileira, tomo II, vol. 3. São Paulo: Difel, 1967, pp. 195 e ss. 

5 

Wilma P. COSTA, A Espada de Dâmocles. O Exército, a Guerra do Paraguai e a Crise do Império. São Paulo: Editora 

Hucitec/Editora da Unicamp, 1996, p. 33. 

6 

Paula BEIGUELMAN, Op. Cit.,p. 189. 

7 

Wilma P. COSTA, A Espada de Dâmocles..., p. 35.


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8 Joaquim NABUCO, Um Estadista do Império. 5 a edição. Rio de Janeiro, Topbooks, 1997, p. 537. Segundo o autor, a reação esboçada 

então pelo governo fora no sentido de reforçar as defesas marítimas do País: “A atenção volta-se para as defesas do país, mas 

somente para o estado das nossas fortalezas, meros simulacros à entrada do Rio de Janeiro ou da Bahia, como provaram ser diante da 

fragata Fort e, depois, do Wachusett. A política era mais forte que todas as preocupações, envolvia, estragava, enferrujava todas as 

molas do serviço público. Não era, entretanto, culpa de ninguém isoladamente, mas de todos”. Idem, p. 537. 

9 Em 11 de março, começa também a redigir seu diário regularmente, motivo pelo qual as referências sobre suas atividades a partir daqui 

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10 

Diário, 24 de janeiro de 1863. 

11 

Diário, 16 de julho de 1863. 

12 

Diário, 10 de agosto de 1863. 

13 

Idem. 

14 

Mais do que um caso isolado, o evento revelaria um processo paulatino de mudanças no cenário internacional, originando, segundo 

Rezende de Carvalho, uma “atmosfera tencionada pelas alterações que se processavam nas relações mantidas por ingleses e norteamericanos 

com o Brasil, quando as suas investidas mercantis passaram a ser acompanhadas da ostensiva presença de navios de 

guerra ao longo da costa brasileira” (Maria Alice R. CARVALHO, Op. Cit., p. 88).


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15 

Ver, por exemplo, seu discurso “O Futuro da Grande Lavoura”, no Congresso Agrícola do Rio de Janeiro em 1878, cujos argumentos 

são bastante próximos aos de Rebouças e outros membros da Sociedade Central de Imigração. 

16 

Diário, 13 de junho de 1863. 

17 

Sacramento BLAKE, Diccionário Bibliográphico Brasileiro, Rio de Janeiro: Typographia Nacional., 1883. 

18 


19 

A missão seria concedida, entretanto, a Antonio Rebouças, por indicação de André, uma vez que este último seguiria para as 

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20 Diário, 15 de agosto de 1863. 

21 Diário. 3 de abril de 1864. 

22 Diário, 21 de abril de 1864. 

23 A pasta da Marinha era, no dizer de Sérgio Buarque de Holanda, a “pasta dos estreantes”, tida em geral como “o primeiro degrau dos 

conselhos da Coroa”. In. Sério Buarque de HOLANDA, Op. Cit., p.13. Talvez o fato contribuia para entendermos a relativa 

licenciosidade de seus ocupantes. 

24 Diário, 28 de abril de 1864. Grifo do autor. 

25 Era precisamente esta a definição de Rebouças para aquela série de atropelos e atrasos. Partiria para o norte com seus vencimentos 

fixados em 400$000. Mas a descrição da demora em receber o primeiro pagamento dão bem a idéia dos entraves burocráticos que 

teria de enfrentar: “Fui às 10 para a Secretaria da Marinha. Só às 11 ½ pude comunicar ao Ministro que a gratificação do mês de 

abril, a qual devia servir-me de ajuda de custo só podia ser paga pelo Ministério da Fazenda e portanto não era possível recebê-la a 

tal hora. Respondeu que na verdade não sabia de tal coisa... Enjoado de tanta demora resolvi partir, tomando meu Pai 400$000 ao 

Gomes. Já para a primeira comissão a Santa Catarina recebemos 500$000, tomados do mesmo modo para ajuda de custo! Fui à 

Contadoria da Marinha pedir que me pagassem a guia; depois ao Tesouro selar a nomeação e a Pagadoria Militar receber a guia que 

se havia feito para o paquete passado. Levei à Companhia Brasileira o Aviso para me dar passagem. Voltei à contadoria; aí exigiram 

um Aviso do Ministro para declararem na Guia que meus vencimentos principiaram a 6 de abril. Fui ao Ministro que mandou dar o 

aviso. Foi só às 2 ½ que fiquei desembaraçado dessa respeitável teia oficial.” (Diário, 6 maio de 1864, grifos do autor).


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26 Diário íntimo do Engenheiro Vauthier (1840-1846). Prefácio e notas de Gilberto Freyre. Rio de Janeiro: Serviço Gráfico do 

Ministério da Educação e Saúde, 1940, p. 21. Rezende de Carvalho também menciona a proximidade entre as duas narrativas. (Maria 

Alice R. CARVALHO, Op. Cit., p. 100). 

27 Diário, 15 de maio de 1864. 



30 Diário, 4 de novembro de 1864.


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33 Diário, 2 de outubro de 1864. 

34 Diário, 8 de dezembro de 1864. Grifos do autor. 

35 De acordo com as informações mencionadas em seu Diário, Rebouças teria tomado contato inicialmente com a obra de Joseph Garnier 

(Notes diverses sur l’Economie Politique) em agosto de 1866, e no decorrer do ano também com Stuart Mill (Economia Política).


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36 Sério Buarque de HOLANDA, Op. Cit., p. 9. 

37 Idem, ibidem.


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38 

Idem, pp. 85 e ss. 

39 

Wilma P. COSTA, A Espada de Dâmocles..., p. 129. Raymundo Faoro também observa com interesse o mecanismo, que denomina por 

“ostracismo institucionalmente regulado”, e seria capaz de impedir o desespero dos derrotados e mantê-los nas agremiações 

partidárias na expectativa de retorno aos gabinetes (Raymundo FAORO, A Pirâmide e o Trapézio, 3 a edição. São Paulo: Globo, 

1988, p. 75). As alavancas do mecanismo, entretanto, estavam nas mãos do Poder Moderador. 

40 o 

José Murilo de CARVALHO, A Construção da Ordem: A elite política imperial; Teatro de Sombras: a política imperial. 2 edição. 

Rio de Janeiro: Editora Iuperj / Relume-Dumará. 1996, pp. 144 e ss. 

41 

Idem, p.149. 

42 

Raymundo FAORO, Os donos do poder..., p. 733.


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43 Idem, p. 84. 

44 Idem, p. 89. 

45 Além das análises de Raymundo Faoro e José Murilo de Carvalho, lembramos também as considerações de Fernando URICOECHEA, 

O Minotauro Imperial. Burocratização do EstadoPatrimonial Brasileiro no Século XIX, Rio de Janeiro: Difel, 1978. Através de 

uma orientação marxista, mas cujo débito com a análise weberiana pode ser apreciado pelas considerações de Nicos Poulantaz, 

Décio SAES também tece considerações fundamentais sobre o caráter do Estado e da burocracia imperial (A Formação do Estado 

Burguês no Brasil (1888-1891), São Paulo: Paz e Terra, 1985). Todavia, seu interesse transcende a caracterização formal do Estado 

em direção à correspondência entre Estado e relações de produção. Voltaremos à questão quando discutirmos mais a fundo as 

conseqüências da escravidão. 

46 Segundo Wilma Peres COSTA, “a força armada profissional, instrumento fundamental desse monopólio, torna-se elemento 

constitutivo da própria definição de Estado” (Wilma P. COSTA, A Espada de Dâmocles..., p. 27).


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47 

Victor IZECKSOHN, O Cerne da Discórdia – A Guerra do Paraguai e o núcleo profissional do exército brasileiro. Rio de Janeiro: 

Biblioteca do Exército Editora, 1997, p. 25. 

48 

Acampado em Passo da Pátria, Rebouças retorna enfermo para Corrientes entre os dias 5 e 26 de maio, não participa pessoalmente, 

portanto, da maior batalha campal da Guerra, a “Batalha de Tuiuti”, que culminou numa vitória aliada. Apesar de doente, Rebouças 

continua a registrar os acontecimentos e anotar os comentários sobre o andamento das operações. O caderno no qual estão assentadas 

as notas da Guerra do período de março a junho de 1866 foi publicado integralmente por Maria Odila Silva DIAS (André Rebouças. 

Diário. A Guerra do Paraguai (1866). São Paulo: Instituto de Estudos Brasileiros da USP, 1973), permanecendo inédito até então. 

Tal material apresenta em riqueza de detalhes notas sobre a movimentação da tropa aliada sediada entre a província de Corrientes e a 

bifurcação dos rios Paraguai e Paraná, bem como transcreve o Diário Oficial da expedição acima.


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49 

Diário, 9 de janeiro de 1865 

50 

Diário, 17 de março de 1865. 

51 

Segundo Joaquim Nabuco, o exército de Concórdia era a “base da defesa da Aliança”. (in. Um Estadista do Império. Op. Cit., p. 532.) 

52 

Diário, 29 de maio de 1865. 

53 

Diário, 16 e 17 de maio de 1865, respectivamente.


 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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54 Diário, 1 de junho de 1865. 

55 Francisco José Furtado, presidente do Conselho do Gabinete de agosto de 1864 a maio de 1865. Quando Rebouças escreve esta nota, 

todavia, o gabinete era chefiado pelo marquês de Olinda. 




59 Diário, 4 de junho de 1865.


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60 Maria Odila S.DIAS, Op. Cit., p.25, nota 7. 

61 Diário, 4 de setembro de 1865. 





 

 

 

 

 

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65 Joaquim NABUCO, Um Estadista..., p. 531. 


67 Diário, 7 de setembro de 1865.


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GR 3UDWD 

 

 

 

 

 

 

68 Victor IZECKSOHN, Op. Cit., p.153. 

69 Wilma P. COSTA, A Espada de Dâmocles..., pp. 215 e ss.


 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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70 REBOUÇAS, A. DP, 8 de setembro de 1865.


 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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71 Diário, 18 e 19 de setembro de 1865. 

72 Discurso de Ângelo Ferraz na Câmara. 13 de abril de 1866. Apud Joaquim NABUCO, Um Estadista do Umpério..., p. 574.


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73 André Rebouças para Alfredo Taunay, 14 de julho de 1893.


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74 Joaquim NABUCO,Um Estadista..., p. 561. 

75 Wilma P. COSTA, A Espada de Dâmocles..., p.174. 

76 Idem, p.183.


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77 Idem, p.185. 

78 Idem, p.182. 

79 Ricardo SALLES, Guerra do Paraguai: Escravidão e Cidadania na formação do exército, Rio de Janeiro: Paz e Terra,1990, p. 8. 

80 Idem, p. 10. 

81 Idem, ibidem.


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82 Wilma P. COSTA, A Espada de Dâmocles..., p.144. 

83 Sérgio B. HOLANDA, Op. Cit., p. 315. 

84 

Idem, p. 323. 

85 

José M. CARVALHO, Op. Cit., p. 172. 

86 

Idem, p. 174. 

87 

Idem, p. 177.


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88 

Raymundo FAORO, Os Donos do poder..., p. 470. 

89 

Idem, p. 474. 

90 

Idem, ibidem. 

91 

Idem, p. 475. 

92 

Wilma P. COSTA, A Espada de Damocles..., passim.


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93 Idem, p. 35. 

94 Idem, p. 34. 


96 Idem, p. 36. 

97 Segundo Hermes Lima, ela representaria “‘um dos pontos de apoio da organização servil do trabalho. Em país de extensão do nosso, 

seu desenvolvimento estaria necessariamente fadado a verificar-se de modo irregular (...). A autonomia das províncias poderia, por 

isso mesmo, proporcionar a abertura de brechas parciais na muralha da escravidão que, para subsistir, teria, portanto, que defender-se 

como um todo (...).’”. Hermes LIMA, “Prefácio”, in Rui BARBOSA, A Queda do Império, in. Obras Completas de Rui Barbosa. 

Rio de Janeiro: Ministério da Educação e Saúde, 1947, tomo I, vol. XVI, p. XIV e XV, apud Wilma P. COSTA, A Espada de


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Dâmocles..., p. 36. 

98 Idem, pp. 59 e ss. 

99 Idem, p. 60.


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100 

O recrutamento de escravos para a Guerra do Paraguai, a partir de 1867, será a exceção. Mesmo assim, sua inscrição automaticamente 

anula seu vínculo formal com o cativeiro. 

101 

O principal temor do Império era a unificação dos territórios pertencentes ao antigo Vice-Reino do Rio da Prata e pela sempre 

ameaçadora hegemonia da Argentina. Os conflitos entre as divisões políticas argentinas, entre federalistas e unitaristas, e do Uruguai, 

entre blancos e colorados, interessavam diretamente ao Império, pois a contestação de suas fronteiras meridionais ou a atração de 

simpatias riograndenses estavam ligadas ao desdobramento incerto daqueles conflitos. (Idem, p. 144). 

102 

Idem, p. 147.


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103 

Idem, p. 48. 

104 

Idem, ibidem. 

105 

Idem, p. 81. 

106 

Diário, 4 de setembro de 1865. 

107 

“Quando se compreenderá que a guerra e os exércitos são os mais terríveis inimigos da felicidade dos povos; que sua verdadeira 

grandeza e prosperidade só podem provir de sua agricultura, de sua indústria e de seu comércio?!” (Diário, 18 de junho de 1865) 

108 

“O Brasil e a Argentina devem doar toda a terra litigiosa ao barão Hirsch para colocar nela imigrantes hebreus. 

Para que a Argentina quer terras? 

Para dar a Imigrantes. 

Para que o Brasil quer terras? 

Para dar a imigrantes. 

Logo é insensato estar a lutar. Comecemos pelo fim e poupemos todas as despesas de Paz armada, e, depois, de imigração. Os milionários 

hebreus vão fazer este serviço por nós; ficaremos livres de compromissos e de despesas. É uma doação de 600 léguas quadradas ou 

de 25.136 quilômetros quadrados. Povoados, como a Bélgica, a 200 habitantes pro quilômetro quadrado, nutrirão 5.227.200 hebreus. 

É exatamente o que necessitam os infelizes, vitimas do fanatismo teocrático ortodoxo grego, que está repetindo no fim do século 

XIX os crimes dos inquisidores do tempo da descoberta da América; (...). É esta uma solução de Paz perpetua; por neutralização 

absoluta do território litigioso; criando na Mesopotâmia entre o Paraná e o Uruguai, um novo Éden, superior ao de Moises, situado 

entre o Tigre e o Eufrates...Evitando toda e qualquer tendência belicosa, porque os hebreus não tem exército, nem armada, nem


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109 Diário, 7 de outubro de 1863.


 

 

 

 

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112 Diário, 21 de dezembro de 1864.

Parte II – O Modernizador Rebouças 113 

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em comprar sementes 

(André Rebouças – 

extrato do Diário de 7 de setembro de 1865)

Parte II – O Modernizador Rebouças 114

Parte II - Capítulo III. “Rotina” profissional e empresarial 115 

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9 Antonio CANDIDO. Um funcionário da Monarquia: ensaio sobre o segundo escalão. Rio de Janeiro: Ouro sobre Azul, 2002. 

10 Idem, p. 183.


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11 Idem, p. 66. 

12 Idem, p. 71. 

13 Idem, p. 51. 

14 Idem, p. 91. 

15 Tolentino, segundo Antonio Candido, tinha uma atitude realista quanto a perenidade dos “abusos e a impossibilidade de acabar com o 

contrabando [na Alfândega da corte], inclusive devido às nomeações de funcionários pelo escandaloso critério do apadrinhamento, 

gerando uma docilidade aos interesses políticos e econômicos que corroía a probidade administrativa. Sob este aspecto, os relatórios 

de Tolentino são um documento lúcido sobre o patronato”, tendo servido inclusive de fonte para Sérgio Buarque de Holanda em seus 

estudos sobre o Império. (Idem, p. 121). 

16 Idem, p. 131. 

17 Idem, p. 183.


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18 José Murilo de CARVALHO, Op. Cit., p. 114. 

19 Raymundo FAORO. Machado de Assis: o Triângulo e o Trapézio. São Paulo: Editora Globo. 3º edição.1988. p. 17. 

20 Idem, p. 25. 

21 Idem, p. 40. 

22 Idem, p. 192.


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23 

Idem, p. 145. 

24 

Idem, p. 29. 

25 

Richard GRAHAM, Clientelismo e Política no Brasil do século XIX. Rio de Janeiro: Editora UFRJ, 1997. p. 323. 

26 

Idem, p. 42. 

27 

Idem, p. 53. Não foi coincidência o fato dos “poemas” dedicados a Rebouças, eivados de racismo, terem sido publicados na imprensa 

no momento em que este estava à frente de uma importante comissão de obras públicas, como mostrarei adiante.


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28 Idem, p. 313. 


30 Maria Alice Rezende de CARVALHO. O Quinto século: André Rebouças e a construção do Brasil. Rio de Janeiro: Iuperj / Revan, 

1998. 

31 Idem, p. 120.


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33 Idem, p. 121. 

34 Não acredito que tal ideológica profissional pudesse ser outra. Afinal, como pretendo argumentar ao longo do texto, a idéia de “missão 

civilizatória”, particularmente encarnada na Engenharia, tinha a ver com a própria construção do Estado no Brasil. Nesse sentido, o 

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“anglo-saxão”, simplesmente não tinha lugar na esfera econômica que permitisse sua disseminação. Além disso, também Rebouças 

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36 Diário, 26 de julho de 1866.


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39 Diário, respectivamente 12, 15 e 16 de setembro de 1866. 




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42 

Almir Chaiban EL-KAREH, Filha branca de mãe preta: a Companhia da Estrada de Ferro D. Pedro II – 1855-1865. Rio de Janeiro: 

Vozes, 1982, p. 72. 

43 

Edmundo Campos COELHO, Profissões Imperiais. Medicina, Engenharia e Advocacia no Rio de Janeiro, 1822-1930. Rio de 

Janeiro: Editora Record, 1999. pp. 198-200. 

44 

Segundo Almir Chaiban EL-KAREH, a própria Estrada de Ferro D. Pedro II teve seu destino ligado aos “interesses da classe dos 

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mero interesse destes fazendeiros fluminenses não teria sido capaz de imprimir o ritmo da modernização, sobretudo o da construção 

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financeiro e creditício caracterizado pelo capital mercantil em conjunto com o capital inglês. 

45 A 1 a cadeira do 6 o ano de Engenharia compreendia as seguintes matérias: Estudo suplementar de Hidrodinâmica Aplicada e de 

Caminhos de Ferro, Descrição e estabelecimento dos Motores, Máquinas Hidráulicas, Melhoramentos dos Rios, Detalhes 

concernentes à Segurança e Conservação de Portos, Desobstrução de Barras e Ancoradouros. Ver Silva TELLES, História da 

Engenharia no Brasil, Rio de Janeiro, Club de Engenharia, 1994, p. 110. 

46 Diário, 11 de agosto de 1866. Escreve Rebouças por ocasião da reunião da Congregação que denegou seu pedido de inscrição fora do 

prazo: “(...) recebi um bilhete do meu amigo Dr. Saldanha que necessitava falar-me quanto antes. Contou-me que a Congregação da 

Escola Central tinha julgado eu eu não devia ser mais admitido à inscrição; que só votara a meu favor o Dr. Galvão; que interpelando 

o Dr. Capanema pelo voto que acabava de dar dissera ‘que se votasse de consciência o seu voto seria pelo André Rebouças’, que o 

Dr. Borja Castro esperara ansioso a decisão, falando mal do Ministro da Guerra Ferraz, que supõe meu protetor!!!”. 

47 Discurso de Ângelo Ferraz em 13 de abril de 1866, apud, Joaquim NABUCO, Um Estadista do Império, Op. Cit., p. 564, nota 13, 

reproduzido em parte neste trabalho, vide Capítulo II, item 2.2.


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49 Diário, 27 de julho de 1866. Rebouças reproduziu em seu Diário o ofício de requerimento: “Senhor – Diz André Pinto Rebouças, 1 o 

Tenente do Corpo de Engenheiros, que por se achar em comissão no 1 o Corpo do Exército, não lhe foi possível inscrever-se para o 

Concurso de Lente da 1 a Cadeira do 6 o ano da Escola Central, e que pretende ser admitido às provas desse Concurso, das quais a 

última – apresentação e defesa de tese – deve ter lugar no próximo mês de Setembro. O suplicante está pronto a sujeitar-se a todas as 

provas exigidas para o Concurso e apresentar Tese no mesmo prazo que o candidato único que se inscreveu neste Concurso; assim 

requer e mui respeitosamente – P. a Vossa Majestade Imperial se digne ter em consideração e deferir-lhe como for servido. E. R. 

mcê. Rio de Janeiro, 27 – julho – 1866”. 


51 Inácio da Cunha Galvão assumiu interinamente a direção da Escola Central quando esta foi desligada do Ministério da Guerra e passou 

para o Ministério da Agricultura e Obras Públicas em 1874, sob o nome de Escola Politécnica.


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52 Diário, 11 de janeiro de 1867. 






58 Diário, 22 de abril de 1868.


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60 Diário, 1 o de junho de 1868. 





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65 Sobre a ópera de Carlos Gomes, Salvator Rosa, e a participação de Rebouças na escolha do libreto, vide Capítulo V, item 5.1. 

66 Paul Scudo era autor de livros como L' année musicale ou Revue annuelle des théâtres lyriques et des concerts, des publications 

littéraires relatives à la musique et des événements remarquables appartenant à l'histoire de l'art musical (Paris, Hachette, 1860); 

Critique et littérature musicales (Paris, Hachette, 1859); L'art ancien et l'art moderne : nouveaux mélanges de critique et de 

littérature musicales (Paris, Garnier Frères, 1854). 

67 Diário, 14 de janeiro de 1867.


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72 Heitor LYRA, História de Dom Pedro II. (Vol II).Belo Horizonte: Editora Itatiaia, 1977, p. 34.


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73 A Forges et Chantiers de la Mediterranée era um importante estaleiro de Marselha, criado em 1856 e dissolvido em 1969. 

74 O baiano Napoleão João Baptista Level (1828-1914) era filho de pais franceses, sendo que seu pai viera ao Brasil com a Missão 

Artística de 1816. Em 1852 tornou-se o primeiro engenheiro naval brasileiro. 


76 Diário, 22 de dezembro de 1868. É curioso que o General e sua esposa fossem visitar Rebouças, depois do incidente diplomático de 

1863, no litoral de Santa Catarina, quando Rebouças fora designado para vistoriar as fortalezas do Império. Vide Capítulo II, item 

2.1. 

77 Diário, 11 de janeiro de 1869. De acordo com as observações de Ema Elisabete CAMILLO, eram comuns representantes do Governo 

Norte-americano, no Brasil como em outros países, serem também homens de negócios. O caso do engenheiro-mecânico norteamericano 

Lidgerwood não era, portanto, exceção. Além de ficar famoso com sua máquina de beneficiamento de café, Lidgerwood 

foi o primeiro representante das máquinas de costura Singer no Brasil desde a década de 1850. (Ema Elisabete R. CAMILLO, 

Modernização Agrícola e Máquinas de Beneficiamento: um estudo da Lidgerwood MFG Co. Ltd., década de 1850 a 1890. 

Dissertação de mestrado em Economia, Instituto de Economia, Unicamp, 2003, passim). 

78 Um instantâneo das relações tecidas por André Rebouças pode ser aferido pelo baile em comemoração ao aniversário de seu pai, 

Antonio Pereira Rebouças, em 9 de agosto de 1868, ocasião na qual a família concedeu liberdade à “cria Guilhermina, filha de 

Damiana, liberta também em testamento por sua mãe”. Compareceram ao baile cerca de cinqüenta pessoas, dentre elas os irmãos 

João e José Saldanha da Gama, os negociantes Gonçalves e Herculano Luíz de Lima, Dr. José Pereira Rego, secretário geral da 

SAIN, Dr. Benjamin Franklin Ramis Galvão, Pedro Leitão da Cunha, ex-presidente da província de Santa Catarina, Willian Van 

Meck Lidgerwood, seu colega na SAIN, major Luiz Henrique de Oliveira Ewbanck, etc. (Diário, 9 de agosto de 1868).


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79 Diário, 29 de setembro de 1886. Infelizmente, não consegui obter, junto ao seu Diário, qualquer indicação sobre tais correspondentes.


 

 

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80 Diário, 29 de agosto de 1866. Grifo meu. 

81 José Maria da Silva Paranhos, (Visconde do RIO BRANCO). Cartas ao Amigo Ausente. Rio de Janeiro: Ministério das Relações 

Exteriores, 1953. (Edição organizada e prefaciada por José Honório Rodrigues); Hermes VIEIRA, A vida e a época do visconde do


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Rio Branco. São Paulo: T. A. Queiroz Editor Ltda, 1992, p. 76. 

82 Almir Chaiban EL-KAREH, Op. Cit., p. 99. 

83 Sobre a controvérsia em torno do exercício profissional, ver Edmundo Campos COELHO, Op. Cit., pp. 194 e ss.


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84 Edmundo Campos COELHO, Op. Cit., p. 54. 

85 Sobre as diversas Sociedades Científicas durante o Império e Primeira República, vide Maria Amélia M. DANTES (org.) Espaços da 

Ciência no Brasil (1800-1930). Rio de Janeiro: Editora Fiocruz, 2001. 

86 Wilma Peres COSTA, “Viagens e peregrinações: a trajetória dos intelectuais de dois mundos”, in. Elide Rugai BASTOS, Marcelo 

RIDENTI e Denis ROLLAND. Intelectuais: sociedade e política, brasil-frança. São Paulo: Cortez Editora, 2003. p. 79.


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87 Idem, p. 72. 


89 Idem, p. 75. 

90 Idem, p. 81. 

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95 Luiz Octávio FERREIRA. Os politécnicos: ciência e reorganização social segundo pensamento positivista da Escola Politécnica do 

Rio de Janeiro (1862-1922). Dissertação / UFRJ, maio de 1989, pp. 108 e ss. 

96 Antonio de PAULA FREITAS. “Discurso”, in. Comemoração do 25 o aniversário de Instalação do Instituto Politécnico Brasileiro. 

Rio de Janeiro: Typ. G. Leuzinger, 1887, p. 25, apud Luiz O. FERREIRA, Op. Cit., p. 121. 

97 Idem, p. 113. 

98 João Cruz COSTA, “O Pensamento Brasileiro sob o Império”, in. O Brasil Monárquico (Tomo II, 3 o volume – Reações e Transações). 

5 a edição. Rio de Janeiro: Bertrand Brasil, p. 337. 

99 Luiz Octávio FERREIRA. Op Cit..., p. 121. 

100 Antonio de PAULA FREITAS,”Discurso...”, p. 25, apud. Luiz Octávio FERREIRA, Op. Cit., p.121.


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101 Liberato de Castro CARREIRA, História Financeira e Orçamentária do Império no Brasil, Brasília: Senado Federal; Rio de Janeiro: 

Fundação Casa de Rui Barbosa, 1980, pp. 393 e ss. 

102 Maria Bárbara LEVY, A Indústria do Rio de Janeiro através de suas sociedades anônimas – esboços de história empresarial, Rio de 

Janeiro: Editora UFRJ / Secretaria Municipal de Cultura do Rio de Janeiro, 1994, p. 79. 

103 André REBOUÇAS. Agricultura Nacional, p. 345/6. 

104 André REBOUÇAS. Garantia de Juros, p. 59. Grifos meus.


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106 Diário, 18 de fevereiro de 1867. 

107 Diário, 1 o de março de 1867. 

108 Diário, 19 de março de 1867.


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109 Revista do Instituto Politécnico, Tomo I, Julho de 1867, n. 1, (Atas das sessões dos 1 o e 2 o trimestres de 1867). 

110 Idem, Tomo I, janeiro de 1868, n.2, (Atas das sessões dos 3 o e 4 o trimestres de 1867). 



113 Diário, 21 de janeiro de 1868.


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114 Revista do Instituto Politécnico Brasileiro, Tomo I, Janeiro de 1868, n. 2 (Atas das sessões do 3 o e 4 o trimestres de 1867). “Ofício de 

Eusébio José Antunes”, sessão de 27 de agosto de 1867. 


116 Sobre a viagem de Rebouças à Europa e aos Estados Unidos, vide Capítulo V, item 5.2. 

117 O Auxiliador da Indústria Nacional, n. 8, agosto de 1876. 

118 O Auxiliador da Indústria Nacional, n. 5, maio de 1875.


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119 Sobre a participação da empresa de Lidgerwood no processo de modernização agrícola no Brasil, na segunda metade do século XIX, 

ver Ema Elisabete Rodrigues CAMILLO, Modernização Agrícola e Máquinas de Beneficiamento: um estudo da Lidgerwood MFG 

Co. Ltd., década de 1850 a 1890. Dissertação de mestrado em Economia, Instituto de Economia, Unicamp, 2003. 

120 Diário, 7 de março de 1868.


 

 

 

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123 O próprio termo “indústria” tinha um sentido múltiplo no Século XIX, dado pelo vocábulo da época, abrangendo ora o trabalho 

produtivo, ora os principais setores da atividade econômica, como agricultura, comércio, manufatura. Vide o verbete “Indústria”, in 

Ronaldo VAINFAS, Dicionário do Brasil Imperial, Rio de Janeiro: Objectiva, 2002, pp.372-376. 

124 André Luiz Alípio de ANDRADE, Variações sobre um tema: a Sociedade Auxiliadora da Indústria Nacional e o debate sobre o fim 

do tráfico de escravos (1845-1850). Dissertação de Mestrado – Instituto de Economia / Unicamp, 2002., p. 5. 

125 Em 1874, Rebouças apresentou um projeto de reforma “moldado pela legislação em vigor nos Estados Unidos, que sem dúvida é a 

legislação mais bem feita” naquele sentido. (O Auxiliador da Indústria Nacional, n. 5, maio de 1874. Há também um registro sobre 

isso no Diário de 26 de fevereiro de 1874). 

126 André Luiz A. de ANDRADE, Op. Cit., p. 64. 

127 Heloísa Maria B. DOMINGUES, “A Sociedade Auxiliadora da Indústria Nacional e as Ciências Naturais no Brasil Império”, in. Maria


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Amélia M. DANTES (org.) Espaços da Ciência no Brasil (1800-1930). Rio de Janeiro: Fiocruz, 2001, p. 97. 

128 

André Luiz A. de ANDRADE, Op. Cit., pp. 34 e ss. 

129 

Idem, p. 143. 

130 

Eram elas: Agricultura; Indústria Fabril; Máquinas e Aparelhos; Artes Liberais e Mecânicas; Comércio e Meios de Transporte; 

Química Industrial e Geologia Aplicada; Zoologia; Estatística e Estatística Industrial; Redação e Finanças.


 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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138 Diário, 6 de agosto de 1870. O Edital em questão é datado de 1 o de agosto. 

139 Diário, 3 e 4 de agosto de 1870. 



142 Diário, 4 de agosto de 1870.


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149 Vide a íntegra deste e de outros artigos difamatórios contra os irmãos Rebouças no Capítulo I, item 1.1.


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150 Diário, 12 de fevereiro de 1871.


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152 Pedro Carlos da SILVA TELLES. Historia da Engenharia no Brasil (vol. 1 – Séculos XVI a XIX), Rio de Janeiro: Editora Clavero / 

Clube de Engenharia, 1994, p. 219. 



155 Diário, 20 de dezembro de 1867.


 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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3.8. Outras iniciativas empresariais 

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160 Pedro C. da SILVA TELLES. Op. Cit., p. 418. 

161 Enquanto tentava desesperadamente organizar aquela empresa, referiu-se a Mauá de forma muito significativa em seu Diário: “O 

Barão de Mauá é indubitavelmente o mais inteligente e o mais patriota dos capitalistas, com quem tenho tratado. Se não fossem os


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seus embaraços financeiros e sua ausência no Rio da Prata, nunca teria tratado com outro” (Diário, 31 de maio de 1871). 

162 Vide a carta ao presidente da província, Oseano de Brito, em 1866, no item 3.4 deste capítulo. 

163 Diário, 14 e 21 de abril de 1867. 






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168 Pedro Carlos da SILVA TELES, Op. Cit., p. 346. 

169 Sir John Hawkshaw (1811-1891) foi, segundo afirma Pedro da SILVA TELLES (Op. Cit, p. 338), “o mais famoso engenheiro inglês 

do século XIX e, certamente, um dos mais ilustres do seu tempo em todo o mundo, pela quantidade e variedade dos estudos, projetos 

e obras em que tomou parte (...). Esteve no Brasil, a chamado do Governo Imperial, em 1874/75, estudando vários portos, para os 

quais preparou depois projetos e orçamentos. Instituiu também, com o seu nome, um prêmio que era anualmente concedido pelo 

Instituto Polytechnico Brasileiro para o melhor trabalho escrito sobre assunto de engenharia por brasileiro nato ou naturalizado.” 


171 André REBOUÇAS, Memória redigida ao Imperador D. Pedro II para organização de uma companhia nacional para arrendar a 

Fábrica de Ferro de São João de Ipanema, manuscrito, 24 de julho de 1870. 




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178 Entre outubro e dezembro de 1868, Rebouças leu, segundo seu Diário, dois livros importantes de Chevalier: Exposition universelle de 

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provavelmente, Cous d’Economie politique fait au Collège de France (notes du Cours, rédigées par M. ª Broet, et publiées avec 

l’autorisation de l’auteur. Année 1841-1842. Paris, Capelle, 1842), já que no Diário consta apenas que lêra “Chevalier, ‘Economie 

Politique’” (Diário, 22 de outubro e 13 de dezembro de 1868). 

179 André REBOUÇAS, Memória redigida ao Imperador D. Pedro II para organização de uma companhia nacional para arrendar a 

Fábrica de Ferro de São João de Ipanema, manuscrito, 24 de julho de 1870.


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Parte II - Capítulo III. “Rotina” profissional e empresarial 164

Parte II – Capítulo IV. A Modernização Portuária. 165 

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1 

Ilmar Rohloff de MATTOS. Tempo Saquarema. São Paulo: Hucitec, 1987, p. 37. 

2 

Idem, p. 66. 

3 

Idem, p. 90. 

4 

Joaquim José Rodrigues Torres (1802-1872) era Natural de S. João de Itaborahy, povoação da freguesia de Nossa Senhora da 

Conceição do Porto das Caxias. Bacharel formado em matemática pela universidade de Coimbra em 1825, foi ministro da marinha 

de 1831 a 1832, de 1832 a 1834, de 1837 a 1839; ministro do Império em 1840; ministro da Fazenda em 1848; presidente do 

conselho de ministros em 1853, e de 1867 a 1870 outra vez com a pasta da Fazenda. Deputado em diversas legislaturas, senador, 

presidente da província do Rio de Janeiro, inspetor geral de instrução primária e secundária do município da corte, presidente do 

Banco do Brasil e Conselheiro de Estado. (Dicionário Bibliográfico Português. Estudos de Innocencio Francisco da Silva 

applicaveis a Portugal e ao Brasil. Lisboa, Imprensa Nacional, 23 vol., 1858-1923 – Versão eletrônica em CD-ROM). Com esse 

extenso currículum de serviços na burocracia imperial, Itaboraí também pertencia à elite canavieira / cafeeira fluminense por laços


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familiares. A mesma família, aliás, acolhera Paulino José Soares de Souza, o futuro visconde do Uruguai. 

5 Vide o conjunto de artigos que Mauá publicou, sob o pseudônimo de “V”, no Jornal do Commércio em abril de 1878, e que tinha como 

título “O Meio Circulante no Brasil”. Os artigos atacavam as políticas ortodoxas e restritivas de crédito de Silveira Martins e 

principalmente de Itaboraí, com sua ênfase na moeda convertível apenas em ouro, adotado pelo Império desde 1846. 

6 Visconde de MAUÁ. Autobiografia. Rio de Janeiro, 1942, p. 117-8. apud Ilmar de MATTOS, Op. Cit., p. 166.


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7 Maria Bárbara LEVY. A indústria do Rio de Janeiro através de suas sociedades anônimas. Rio de Janeiro: Editora UFRJ / Secretaria 

Municipal de Cultura do Rio de Janeiro, 1994, p. 37. 

8 De acordo com Maria Bárbara LEVY, a legislação sobre a sociedade anônima era um “marco fundamental na questão do direito de 

propriedade. [A Sociedade anônima] vem a ser primeiramente um instrumento legal que, ao reunir capitais – supostamente 

disponíveis – pode promover a expansão sem precedentes da produção, tornando, por assim dizer, caducas as empresas baseadas no 

capital individual. Ao permitir a associação de capitais em diferentes montantes, possibilitava não só ao acionista majoritário 

controlar um volume de capitais muito superior ao seu, mas até mesmo tornava dispensável para chegar-se ao controle da empresa, 

dispor da maioria das ações, sendo suficiente que houvesse grande dispersão das demais entre o público” (Nelson EIZIRIK e Hério 

CARDOSO. Propriedade e controle na sociedade anônima e democratização do capital. Rio de Janeiro: IBMEC, 1980, p. 15. apud 

Maria Bárbara LEVY, Op. Cit., p. 53. 

9 Idem, p. 66. 

10 Julio BENTIVOGLIO. “Política e Diretrizes Econômicas no início do Segundo Reinado (1840-1860): Limites e desafios da 

modernização”, p. 3. in Anais do V Congresso Brasileiro de História Econômica e 6ª Conferência Internacional de História de 

Empresas [Proceedings of the 5th Brazilian Congress of Economic History and the 6th International Conference on Business 

History]. 2003. 

11 João Manuel CARDOSO DE MELLO. O capitalismo tardio. Contribuição à revisão crítica da formação e desenvolvimento da


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18 Idem, p. 123. 


20 Cf. Peter EISENBERG, Modernização sem Mudança. A indústria açucareira em Pernambuco – 1840-1910. Campinas: Paz e Terra / 

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21 

Raymundo FAORO, Os donos do poder..., p. 403. 

22 

Maria Bárbara LEVY, Op. Cit., p. 75. 

23 

Idem, ibidem. 

24 

Idem, p. 76. 

25 

Henrique A. MILLET, O Meio Circulante e a questão bancária., Recife, 1875, apud, Heitor Ferreira LIMA, História do Pensamento 

Econômico no Brasil, São Paulo: Companhia Editora Nacional, 1976, p. 128 

26 

Aureliano Cândido TAVARES BASTOS, A Província, estudo sobre a descentralização no Brasil, São Paulo: Companhia Editora 

Nacional, 1975, p. 62. Segundo Tavares Bastos, mais do que uma mera legislação comercial, a Lei Ferraz teria sido o “nom plus 

ultra da reação. Desde que valeu-se de simples avisos para interpretar e corrigir o Ato Adicional [de 1834], revogando leis expressas,


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nenhum poder mais restava ao governo usurpar” (Idem). 

27 Maria Bárbara LEVY, Op. Cit., p. 79. 

28 Rui Guilherme GRANZIERA, A guerra do Paraguai e o capitalismo no Brasil, São Paulo: Editora Hucitec / Universidade Estadual de 

Campinas, 1979, p. 74. 

29 Maria Bárbara LEVY, Op. Cit., p. 79.


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30 A necessidade de custear a Guerra levou o governo a adotar uma política econômica flexível, que, além do aumento do endividamento 

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31 

Diário, 5 de outubro de 1866. 

32 


33 

Jaime Larry BENCHIMOL, Pereira Passos: um Haussmann tropical: a renovação urbana da cidade do Rio de Janeiro no início do 

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34 Cezar T. HONORATO, “O Estado Imperial e a modernização portuária”, in. Tamás SZMRECSANYI e José R.A. LAPA, História 

Econômica da Independência e do Império, São Paulo: Hucitec / Fapesp / ABPHE, 1996, p. 167. 

35 Pedro Carlos da SILVA TELLES, Op. Cit., p. 336. 

36 Antonio CANDIDO, Um funcionário da monarquia..., p.97. 

37 Tal é a descrição pormenorizada do Porto feita em 1877 por Agostinho Victor BORJA CASTRO, apud, BENCHIMOL, Op. Cit., p. 49. 

38 Jaime Larry BENCHIMOL, Op. Cit., p.50.


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40 Idem, p. 51. 

41 Para uma descrição pormenorizada da Doca da Alfândega, consultar Pedro Carlos da SILVA TELLES (História da Engenharia no 

Brasil. Séculos XVI a XIX. 2ª edição. Rio de Janeiro: Clube de Engenharia, p. 334); sobre a participação de Rebouças nesta 

construção, ver também Sydney Martins Gomes dos SANTOS (André Rebouças e seu tempo. Rio de Janeiro, 1985. Sindicato 

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46 Antonio CANDIDO, Op. Cit., p. 97. 

47 Nicolau Tolentino foi nomeado inspetor da Alfândega em 1860, e tão logo empossado, verificou o “escalabro da repartição”, a 

“inviabilidade do regulamento em vigor”, a “desídia e a corrupção de funcionários desonestos”. Sua administração foi curta, de 

pouco mais de um ano, mas bastante ruidosa, uma vez que teria tomado uma série de “medidas racionalizadoras e moralizadoras, 

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48 

Sérgio Buarque de HOLANDA, O Brasil Monárquico...p. 95. 

49 

Idem, p. 95. 

50 

Diário, 2 de novembro de 1866. 

51 


52 

Sobre a formação do engenheiro na França, e o papel da Ecole Polytechnique junto ao Estado, vide Terry SHINN, “Des Corps d’État 

au secteur industriel: genèse de la profession d’ingénieur, 1750-1920”, Revue Française de Sociologie, Vol. XIX, n. 1, janvier-mars, 

1978. 

53 

Nas notas do Diário, Rebouças afirma ter, na primeira quinzena de fevereiro de 1867, assinado a folha de pagamento no valor de 

10:889$025, e na segunda, 12:322$400, importando uma soma de 23:211$000, o que dava um salário de 58$000 para cada um dos 

400 operários, não fosse a enorme discrepância salarial entre os mesmos. Por exemplo, já em seu primeiro mês de atividade, 

Rebouças teria aumentando os vencimentos do condutor (auxiliar técnico, posto logo abaixo do de Engenheiro-Ajudante) Casaux de


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8$000 diários, para 240$000, uma vez que os outros dois condutores, Vivian (que por sinal morreria afogado no ano seguinte) e 

Tapp, ganhavam muito mais do que isso. Havia também diversos engenheiros-práticos estrangeiros, sobretudo ingleses. O número de 

operários aumentaria em cerca de 50 a cada mês, chegando ao máximo em agosto de 1867, com 558, importanto na primeira 

quinzena um total de 16:655$825. Em novembro do mesmo ano, o total de operários é de 542 na primeira quinzena, e de 125 na 

segunda, o que reflete o término das obras mais importantes. Disponho de dados incompletos sobre o valor dos salários pagos 

quinzenalmente. 

54 


55 


56 


57 

Diário, 31 de dezembro de 1867. Entretanto, desconheço o teor desta carta. 

58 

Richard GRAHAM, Clientelismo e Política..., p. 100. 

59 

Idem, p. 324. Segundo o autor, “A medida de um homem não era dada por uma qualidade, mas por muitas. É verdade que as relações 

entre o pretendente ao cargo e o missivista frequentemente pareciam suficientes para assegurar a nomeação: dizer que ele era um 

parente ou um amigo geralmente parecia ser a razão para esperar que o pedido fosse atendido. Algumas vezes, o missivista indicava


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outras extensões da rede de protetor-cliente como uma justificativa suficiente, dizendo que o candidato ao carto possuia ‘ligações 

respeitaveis’, ou havia sido recomendado por certa pessoa”(idem, ibidem). Mais adiante, o autor enfatiza: “Um nomeado ideal, 

portanto, não tinha apenas uma qualidade desejavel, mas várias. O pretendente ao cargo tinha que ser zeloso no desempenho de suas 

tarefas, mas ainda assim apresentar as necessárias graças pessoais e dispos do respeito dos outros homens, ser ‘inteligente’ e 

‘honrado’”(Idem, p. 335). 

60 

Idem, p. 274. 

61 

Diário, 18 de fevereiro e 31 de maio de 1867. 

62 

Diário, 21 de fevereiro de 1867. 

63 

Diário, 3 de janeiro de 1868. 

64 

Diário, 27 de dezembro de 1868. 

65 

O salário acima é relativo ao ano de 1876, embora seja duvidoso que fosse absolutamente inferior a esse valor em 1867. Segundo 

Edmundo Campos Coelho, o rendimento do diretor da E.F.D.P.II era duas vezes o salário de um juiz do Supremo Tribunal de Justiça 

e mais do que o de um ministro de Estado. Foram diretores da ferrovia Paulo de Frontin, Christiano Ottoni, Francisco Pereira Passos, 

dentre outros menos notáveis. Ver Edmundo Campos COELHO, Op. Cit., p.95. 

66 

Diário, 21 de dezembro de 1867.


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72 Diário, 31 de agosto de 1867. Grifo meu. 






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80 


81 


82 


83 

Cezar T. HONORATO, Op. Cit., p. 161. 

84 

Idem, p. 173.


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88 


89 


90 a 

Diário, 29 de setembro de 1868. Grifos meus. Em nota a lapis, posteriormente ao registro, Rebouças escreve: “1 luta contra a 

Plutocracia”. 

91 

Ana Maria RIBEIRO DE ANDRADE, Op. Cit., pp. 58 e ss. 

92 


93 

Diário, 15 de outubro de 1868.


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102 Dentre os vários recortes de jornais colados no Diario, infelizmente sem menção a data ou ao periódico, encontramos, por exemplo, 

este, redigido em francês: “Compagnie des docks de Rio. Un cri géneérale d’indignation s’est elevée contre cette compangnie qui 

fonctionne depuis le 1er janvier de l’anné courrante. Les principaux négociants de Rio se sont déjà reunis, afin de s’entendere sur les 

mesures à prende pour éviter certains abus qui ont déjà en lieu. Nous n’ignorons pas que toute institution lutte dans son début avec 

une foule de difficultés; cependant plein de confiance dans le digne Gerent de la Compangie, le Dr. Andre Rebouças, nous sérons 

que cet habile fonctionaire saura faire disparaître les quelsques difficultés qui sont encore venues de plus entraver la marche régulière 

du service de la Douane.” 

103 A Reforma, 20 de fevereiro de 1870. Recorte colado no Diário do mesmo dia. 



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106 Diario, 11 de outubro de 1870. 






 

 

 

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114 Diário, 23 de fevereiro de 1871.


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4.4. A organização da Companhia Docas Dom Pedro II 

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118 Diário, 29 de outubro de 1867. Oportunísticamente, Rebouças escreve em seu Diário no dia 2 de dezembro, que “tive a idéia de ligar 

as Docas da Saúde ao Caminho de Ferro D. Pedro II por um túnel pelo Morro do Livramento”. Provavelmente, a recusa inicial frente 

ao pedido do empresário Jansen fosse uma estratégia, até que Rebouças pudesse, ele mesmo, dar ensejo àquelas obras, afastando 

outros concorrentes.


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119 Diário, 29 de outubro de 1867. Grifos no original. No Diário, à margem e escrita com a mesma tinta, a menção “Ciúmes do Ministro 

Zacarias”. Além deste ofício, Zacarias teria remetido outro, numa formulação semelhante, diretamente à casa dos Rebouças. 

120 Diário, 30 de outubro de 1867.


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136 Diário, 15 e 16 de setembro de 1871.


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137 Diário, 1 o de maio de 1872. 

138 Jornal do Comércio, 25 de novembro de 1871. Reproduzido também no Diário, mesma data.


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139 Diário, 25 de setembro a 2 de outubro de 1871. 

140 Diário, 28 de setembro de 1871. Grifo meu. 




144 Diário, 11 de novembro de 1871. Em nota a lápis, à margem, Rebouças escreve: "O 'warrant' e a 'clearing house' não se aclimataram 

no Rio de Janeiro, a despeito de todos os meus esforços". A menção é interessante, pois revela um aspecto da concepção de política


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monetária que depois estaria ausente na reflexão de Rebouças: o aspecto da moeda fiduciária para a organização de empresas. Como 

veremos, a perspectiva de André estaria mais de acordo com a ortodoxia dominante, que combatia a pluralidade de emissão e o 

papel-moeda sem lastro, do que com a visão heterodoxa esboçada aqui na crise da Companhia Docas. 

145 

Diário, 11 de novembro de 1871. 

146 


147 


148 


149 

Diário, 18 de novembro de 1871. De acordo com os registros de Rebouças, isso não passara de uma mal arquitetada tentativa de 

sabotagem: “visitei as obras da Saúde, onde os meus ajudantes Dr. Lobo e Santos contaram-me que o Dr. Borja Castro mandara 

esgotar com tal precipitação a grande enssecadeira que arrebentara 23 estacas – disseram-me os mestres, sobretudo Agostinho, que


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ficaram tão escandalizados com este vandalismo que quiseram protestar!!” 


151 Diário, 9 de janeiro de 1872. Além disso, Rebouças homenageou Itaboraí dedicando-lhe seu livro Garantia de Juros. 

152 Diário, 2 de abril de 1872. O empresário acusava a Cia Florestal de pedir autorização para cortar pinho e outras madeiras nas “matas 

de proprietários particulares, na província do Paraná”, ou seja, fazia a conexão entre as duas companhias, aliás, presididas pelo conde 

de Estrela e incentivadas por Rebouças. Na resposta, Rebouças rebatia que a Companhia compraria as terras e matas aos particulares. 



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154 


155 


156 


157 

Rebouças lêra O Vale do Amazonas recentemente, em agosto de 1871. (Diário, 15 de agosto de 1871). 

158 


159 

Ignácio José VERÍSSIMO, Op. Cit., p. 87; Maria A. REZENDE DE CARVALHO, Op. Cit., p. 115. 



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161 Benedito Ottoni era irmão de Cristiano Ottoni, o único presidente da E.F.D.Pedro II de 1855 a 1865, período em que esta fora uma 

Companhia particular. 




 

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165 Tavares Bastos teve contudo a iniciativa de propor à Diretoria, que o aceitou, o vencimento de 6:000$000 anuais a Rebouças durante a 

viagem. Temendo um provável embaraço que tal situação poderia lhe provocar, Rebouças declinou da proposta, dizendo que faria a 

viagem às suas custas, e que esse dinheiro seria pago ao seu procurador no Rio de Janeiro para servir à manutenção da família. 


Parte II – Capítulo V. Rumo à Economia Política. 207 

&DStWXOR 9 

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5.1. Um certo olhar estrangeiro 

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2 Aliás, o encontro entre Rebouças e Carlos Gomes é mais um episódio que revela o quanto o primeiro, apesar de deplorar o clientelismo, 

valeu-se dele em alguns momentos. No caso, em favor do maestro. Rebouças apreciava a obra de Gomes, chamando-o de 

“Mayerbeer brasileiro”. Na terceira vez em que assistia a O Guarani, no Teatro Lírico Provisório, fora apresentado ao maestro 

através do pianista Aquiles Arnaud, em dezembro de 1870. Arnaud procurara Rebouças com o intuito de que este intermediasse o 

maestro em sua dificuldade momentânea de voltar à Itália e cumprir o contrato que tinha com o editor Francesco Lucca, de Milão. 

Rebouças empenhou seu prestígio como forma de arranjar uma pensão ou auxílio ao maestro em alguma repartição pública. Isto é, 

atuou como protetor de Carlos Gomes. Recorreram juntos ao ministro do Império, João Alfredo, e depois ao próprio Imperador, que 

lhe prometeu “fazer representar o “Guarani” em Lisboa” (Diário, 11 e 13 de dezembro de 1870), mediante uma carta de apresentação 

ao Rei de Portugal. O ministro João Alfredo teria se comprometido em “empregar todos os esforços para achar verba pela qual 

pudesse dar uma pensão de 1.000 francos por mês ao Maestro Carlos Gomes” (Diário, 14 de dezembro de 1870) e, durante um jantar 

na casa de João Alfredo, André agradeceu em seu próprio nome “ao ilustre Mecenas que a boa estrela de Carlos Gomes lhe tinha 

deparado” (Diário, 14 de dezembro de 1870). No entanto, passado algum tempo, mais precisamente em fevereiro de 1871, estando 

Rebouças sofrendo seu “calvário” público e exposto à ferozes críticas na imprensa, seu poder de influência nada valeu para conseguir 

uma verdadeira pensão ao maestro, que partiu para a Itália graças à ajuda de seu irmão, José Pedro, mestre de música e rabequista de 

Campinas. Do Imperador só levaria a carta de recomendação ao Rei de Portugal, e o perdão de uma dívida de 5:000$000. Também 

na Europa, em 1873, Rebouças intercederia em favor de Carlos Gomes, solicitando ao barão de Porto Seguro e ao barão de Javari, 

cônsules brasileiros em Viena, “pedindo-lhes para empregarem a sua influência para que “O Guarani” e a “Fosca” [fossem] 

representados durante a exposição de Viena” (Diário, 20 de fevereiro de 1873). No entanto, Carlos Gomes não conseguira 

apresentar-se na Exposição Universal de Viena de 1873, e Rebouças registrava em Diário sua repulsa à “diplomacia brasileira! 

Suvina, egoísta, parasita e inútil” (Diário, 2 de março de 1873).


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3 Carlos Gomes, aos 27 anos, recebeu uma pensão de 1:800$000 e foi à Europa não na qualidade de “aluno regular” de música – uma vez 

que sua educação musical havia sido feita no Brasil, bem como sua idade impediu-o de se matricular no Conservatório de Milão –, 

mas como “compositor em aperfeiçoamento”, tendo aulas particulares com Lauro Rossi. (Marcus GÓES¸ “Carlos Gomes – um 

pioneiro (quase) esquecido”, mimeo, disponível na internet em ). 

4 Gaspare Nello VETRO, Antonio Carlos Gomes, Milano: Nuoeve Edizioni, s/d, p. 15. 

5 Norbert ELIAS, Mozart, sociologia de um gênio, Rio de Janeiro: Jorge Zahar Ed., 1995, pp. 29-30. 

6 Wilma P. COSTA, “Viagens e Peregrinações”..., p. 61. Segundo a autora, ao lado das “peregrinações”, tradicionais desde o século 

XVIII, ao final deste século e início do XIX surgiria um fenômeno novo: as “viagens”, as quais eram concebidas não apenas como 

“estratégias de auto-conhecimento, mas também de conhecimento objetivo e científico do mundo, a partir das duas grandes correntes 

que alimentam de forma combinada e contraditória o século XIX, o Romantismo e o espírito científico. A diferença essencial entre 

esses dois tipos de deslocamento não está no objeto, nem no destino, mas no impulso que os move. Aquele que peregrina conhece 

seu trajeto e sabe onde vai chegar. Outros já o fizeram antes dele e seus relatos, lidos ou ouvidos, preparam antecipadamente a 

experiência mística a ser desfrutada pelo corpo dos fiéis. A viagem, ao contrário, caracteriza-se precisamente pelo novo, pela 

exploração, pela descoberta, pela possibilidade de suscitar novas experiências e percepções, seja no plano individual, interno, seja no 

campo da exploração de lugares ou paisagens desconhecidas. Em ambos os casos, o depaysement, ruptura ainda que temporária com 

as origens, tem o poder de ampliar o conhecimento, de aprimorar o espírito ou de revelar os segredos do mundo”. (idem, p. 62).


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7 

Idem, p. 62. 

8 

Aqui, refiro-me menos ao autor do que, digamos, ao tipo de preocupação que o norteou, qual seja, entender a realidade norte-americana 

como um paradigma a ser seguido. Como pretendo demonstrar, a referência de Rebouças estava mais próxima de Chevalier e seu 

saint-simonismo do que de Tocqueville, o qual só seria lido por Rebouças, segundo consta em seu Diário, em 1874. Além disso, 

Rebouças tinha seus olhos voltados preferencialmente para os melhoramentos materiais e menos para as instituições políticas. 

9 

Isto é, na noite de 12 de novembro de 1871, descrita por mim no Capítulo III, item 3.1. 

10 

Ocasião em que conversaram “sobre a possibilidade de fazer-se um libreto para uma Opera de grande efeito”(Diário, 25 de dezembro 

de 1872). 

11 

Diário, 12 de março de 1873. Sobre Ghislanzoni, ver, dentre outros, Gaspare NELLO VETRO, Antonio Carlos Gomes, Milano: Nuove 

Edizioni, s/d., p. 65. Ghislanzoni era poeta, romancista, crítico e jornalista, autor de inúmeros libretos, dentre eles Fosca, de Carlos 

Gomes (1873), e de Aída de Giuseppi Verdi (1871). 

H


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13 Diário, 4 de março de 1873. Após terem comprado diversos romances, André relata que passaram a noite na casa do maestro, “ouvindo 

Adelina tocar ao piano os trechos prediletos da ‘Fosca’, e discutindo assuntos de libretos. O Gomes distribuiu os romances, 

comprados na casa Treves, pelas pessoas da família, para que lessem e lhe resumissem depois o assunto. É indescritível o frenesi em 

que se acha por falta de um libreto” (Idem). 

14 Diário, 14 de janeiro de 1867. A citação completa deste registro se encontra no Capítulo III, item 3.4. 

15 Geraldo Mártires COELHO, “O Guarany, o Teatro de São Carlos e a Lisboa de 1880” (mimeo) disponível na internet em 

. 

16 Charles ROSEN, “Ópera Romântica: Política, Lixo e Grande Arte”, in. A Geração Romântica, São Paulo: Edusp, 2000, p. 793. 

17 Idem, p. 791. 

18 Idem, p. 792.


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19 Idem, p. 795. Continua o autor, a respeito da “descoberta” de Verdi, na noite de estréia de Rigoletto, sua primeira obra-prima: “Mal 

tinha terminado o primeiro verso quando despontou um grande choro de cada parte do teatro e o tenor esqueceu a deixa para iniciar o 

segundo verso. Verdi deve ter percebido que a melodia sempre existira: ele queria espantar a imaginação como fato banal de que ele 

o havia pos si só redescoberto. É claro, Verdi trabalhou duro para ‘redescobrir’ uma melodia que já existia desde a eternidade. Ele 

sabia muito bem o que havia alcançado quando manteve a melodia em segredo – mesmo ao tenor foi negada a possibilidade de vê-la 

antes do ensaio dos figurinos”. (Idem, p. 795). 

20 Antonio GHISLANZONI, Salvator Rosa – drama lyrico em 4 actos. Musica de Carlos Gomes.(Tradução de S. Boccanera Júnior) 

Bahia: Imprensa Econômica, 1893. Agradeço imensamente as contribuições de João Bosco Assis De Luca, que me forneceu uma 

tradução em português de difícil acesso deste libreto.


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21 O sucesso de Carlos Gomes, inclusive, pode ter sido favorecido pela crise em que se encontrava o melodrama italiano, atestado pela 

“decadência” de Verdi, que, apesar do “extraordinário sucesso universal das suas óperas, não se renovava e que por isso mesmo já 

não era o prolífico produtor de duas ou três óperas por ano [e pelo fato de que] o melodrama italiano não tinha mais nenhum 

compositor qualificado para o pesadíssimo encargo de dar prosseguimento e desenvolvimento à forma de arte mais popular na Itália 

dos tempos seguintes ao ‘Risorgimento’”. Representava uma novidade sua condição de estrangeiro, vindo de uma “obscura província 

do Império do Brasil”, e o fato de ter “absorvido com a máxima transparência todos os tipos de música que se fazia por aquelas 

regiões, comp[ondo] de modo totalmente novo para os ouvidos italianos”.(Marcus GÓES, Op. Cit.). 

22 Como afirma Eric Hobsbawm: “Isso porque toda tradição inventada, na medida do possível, utiliza a história como legitimadora das 

ações e como cimento da coesão grupal. Muitas vezes, ela se torna o próprio símbolo de conflito”. Eric HOBSBAWM e Terence 

RANGER, A Invenção da tradição, Rio de Janeiro: Paz e Terra, 1984, pp. 21 e ss. 

23 Rosário VILLARI, “Masaniello: contemporary and recent interpretations”. In. Past and Present, 108, agosto 1985, p. 128.


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24 Idem. O argumento de Rosário Villari é uma resposta à interpretação distinta a sua feita por Peter BURKE, “The Virgin of the Carmine 

and the Revolt of Masaniello”. In. Past and Present, 99, maio 1983, pp. 3-21. 

25 Segundo Fernando Novais, a segunda metade do século XVII foi o momento em que se cristalizou e se definiu a situação de 

concorrência colonial entre as novas potências européias, repercutindo nas possibilidades de manutenção ou declínio dos domínios 

ultramarinos de Portugal e Espanha. Estes sobreviveriam justamente em função do instável equilíbrio que as alianças dinásticas 

asseguravam, embora sofressem com a perda de hegemonia frente às novas potências, França e Inglaterra. No momento em que estas 

se organizam internamente como monarquias unitárias e entram na competição na Europa e no ultramar com o Império espanhol, 

colocam em xeque sua hegemonia: a desagregação interna representada pela restauração portuguesa em 1640, a guerra na Catalunha, 

a rebelião de Nápoles e a conjuração da Andaluzia representam sua “rota da decadência”. (Fernando A. NOVAIS, Portugal e Brasil 

na Crise do Antigo Sistema Colonial, São Paulo: Hucitec, 1995, pp. 17 e ss. 

26 Antonio GHISLANZONI, Op. Cit., p.8.


 

 

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27 Idem, p.10. 

28 André REBOUÇAS, "Bom Patriotismo e Mau Patriotismo", in. Revista Novo Mundo, Vol. V, n. 54, março de 1875. 

29 Nestes nove meses Rebouças percorreu inúmeras cidades, e dentre as mais importantes estão Coimbra, Cintra, Madri, Bayonne, 

Lourdes, Arles, Marselha, Toulon, Gênova, Turim, Florença, Napoles, Milão, Veneza, Gratz, Viena, Genebra, Munique, Paris e 

Londres, de onde embarcou para os Estados Unidos, onde ficou menos de dois meses, junho e julho de 1873. 



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35 Diário, 1 o de maio de 1873.


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60 Sobre a formação de Rebouças na Escola Militar, vide o Capítulo I, item 1.4. 

61 Como já expus alhures, Rebouças lera dois livros importantes de Chevalier: Exposition universelle de 1867 à Paris (1868) e 

provavelmente, Cous d’Economie politique fait au Collège de France (1842), que em seu Diário consta apenas como ‘Economie 

Politique’ (Diário, 22 de outubro e 13 de dezembro de 1868). No entanto, é provável que Rebouças tivesse conhecimento das Lettres 

sur L’Amerique du Nord, publicadas primeiro no Journal des Débats em 1835 e depois em brochura (Lettres sur l’Amérique du 

Nord, Paris, Gosselin, 1836, 2. vols) ou de seu La Liberté aux Etats-Unis, publicado em 1849 na Revue des Deux Mondes, um dos 

periódicos lidos com freqüência por Rebouças. 

62 Michel Chevalier (1806-1879), entrou para a École Polytechnique em 1823, e em 1830 converteu-se ao Saint-Simonismo, movimento 

reformista de caráter socialista francês cuja premissa básica era o reconhecimento do trabalho produtivo como valor fundamental e 

garantia do progresso. Saint-Simon (1760-1825) – que pode ser considerado o fundador da matriz positivista continuada e 

desenvolvida por Auguste Comte –, proclamava a ciência como tendo um papel fundamental no desenvolvimento das forças 

produtivas, sendo que a “Ciência Econômica” seria a ideologia da era industrial, substituindo a política como forma de conduzir os


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homens à era de prosperidade e bem-estar. No entanto, tratava-se de um programa hesitante entre o liberalismo da economia clássica 

inglesa, e o dirigismo que consistia na premissa básica de capitanear o Estado através da classe dos industriais. A evolução da 

sociedade seria feita sem violência, pacificamente, através do avanço paulatino do espírito de associação. Após 1825, com a morte de 

Saint-Simon, o movimento foi continuado por dois de seus discípulos, Bazard e Enfantin, os quais dotaram o programa industrialista 

original de um forte viés místico, objetivando instituir um “Novo Cristianismo”. Chevalier foi contemporâneo desta segunda fase. 

Todavia, após sua prisão em 1830, junto com outros membros do movimento, teria paulatinamente se distanciado do grupo, embora 

continuasse fiel à proposta mais cara ao saint-simonismo, ou seja, a crença no progresso material como forma de emancipação social. 

Após seu retorno dos Estados Unidos, aproximou-se do Governo de Thiers, sendo nomeado professor da cadeira de Economia 

Política no Collège de France, a qual ocupou de 1840 até sua morte, em 1879. Chevalier foi o terceiro a ocupar esta cadeira no 

Collège, sendo antecedido por Pelegrino Rossi (1832-1840) e pelo fundador Jean-Baptiste Say (1830-1832). Chevalier se distanciaria 

cada vez mais tanto dos aspectos revolucionários como do dirigismo saint-simonista, aproximando-se da Economia Política clássica, 

e defendendo a liberdade de comércio, cuja propaganda ganharia um caráter oficial ao celebrar o tratado de livre-comércio com a 

Inglaterra, ao lado de Richard Cobden, em 1860. (cf. Jean WALCH, Bibliographie du Saint-Simonisme avec Trois Textes inédits. 

Paris: Librairie Philosophique J. Vrin, 1967; Michel Chevalier: économiste saint-simoniene (1806-1879), Paris: Librairie 

Philosophique, 1975). 

63 

Jean WALCH, Michel Chevalier: économiste saint-simoniene (1806-1879), Paris: Librairie Philosophique, 1975, p. 40. 

64 

Idem, p. 134. 

65 

Como afirma Jean WALCH, Chevalier avaliava a prosperidade econômica norte-americana sobretudo em comparação com o 

pauperismo europeu: “La différence était frappante avec le spectacle qu’on voyait communément en France ou en Angleterre. La 

pauvreté et la misère avaient cédé la place [, nos Estados Unidos] à une aspect général d’aisance, de propreté et de bien-être”(Idem, 

p. 132) 

66 

Segundo Chevalier, Lowell era uma cidade cosmopolita, que parecia orgulhar-se da presença da força de trabalho feminina, exibindo 

“(...) d’um côté des boutiques, des entrpôts, des magasins de mode sans nombre, car les femmes sont en majorité à Lowell; de vastes 

hôtels à la façon américaine, semblables à des casernes; ce sont les seules casernes qu’il y ait à Lowell; d’un autre côté des 

canaux, des roues hydrauliques, des cascades, des ponts, des fonderies, des banques, des écoles, des librairies, car on lit beaucoup à 

Lowell; la lecture c’est la seule distraction qu’on puisse s’y procurer, et il n’y a pas moins de sept journaux”(Michel CHEVALIER, 

Lettres sur l’Amerique du Nord, p. 221, apud Jean WALCH, Op. Cit., p. 133. Grifos meus). 

67 

Segundo Michel Chevalier, entre os europeus, “il n’y a pas d’élève des hauttes écoles qui n’ait fait son vaudeville, son roman ou sa 

constitution monarchique ou républicaine. Il n’y a pas de paysan du Connecticut ou du Massachusetts qui n’ait inventé sa 

machine”(Michel CHEVALIER, Lettres...p. 120, apud Jean WALCH, Op. Cit., p.147). 

68 

Para Chevalier, “Le perfectionnement des ustensiles de ménage touche de plus près qu’on ne le pense à la liberté pratique; car il 

contribue beaucoup à la liberté dans la maison, qui n’importe pas moins au bonheur du genre humain que la liberté sur la place 

publique. Tel ustensile affranchit les domestiques de tel travail pénible, malsain ou dégoûtant; tel autre permettra à une personne de 

faire l’ouvrage de trois et par conséquent en affranchira deux de la domesticité. Les Américains du Nort se sont beaucoup occupés 

de cette liberté. On conçoit qu’elle a une importance majeure là où um grand nombre de familles vivent isolées dans les campagnes” 

(Michel CHEVALIER, Lettres...p. 475, apud Jean WALCH, Op. Cit., p.148).


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73 Refiro-me ao incidente diplomático na costa de Santa Catarina, onde Rebouças estava em missão de reconhecimento das fortalezas 

navais. Vide Capítulo II, item 2.1. 





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77 

Sobre o apoio de Rio Branco à empresa de Mariano Procópio, vide Capítulo IV, item 4.4. 

78 


79 


80 


81 


82 


83 

Diário, 22 de outubro de 1873. Para a estratégia de convencimento do Diretor Pertence, então presidente da Docas D. Pedro II, 

Rebouças contou com a presteza de Coelho de Castro, o qual “esteve animando o Conde da Estrela a sustentar a Companhia e 

catequizando o Dr. Pertence no mesmo sentido”. 

84 

Diário, 28 de outubro de 1873.


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86 Diário, 28 de maio de 1874. (estas duas últimas frases são anotadas posteriormente) 


88 Diário, Idem. Ignácio José VERÍSSIMO, Op. Cit., pp. 88 e ss. 

89 Diário, 18 de setembro.


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98 “O José Machado Coelho mandou chamar-me para redigir uma carta, acedendo à proposta, lembradano dia 23 de janeiro pelo barão de 

Cotegipe, de arrendar a doca de D. Pedro II, mediante a renda de 7% do capital empregado; o que fiz muito contrariado e só por 

amizade a esse mártir da minha iniciativa. Estive com o diretor Buarque [de Macedo], que deseja dar-me a construir o cais da 

Gamboa, para a CF de Pedro II, mas tem medo do Francisco Pereira Passos”(Diário, 25 de janeiro de 1877). Dias depois, Rebouças 

foi noticiado de que a obra seria entregue ao engenheiro Francisco Bicalho, pois Pereira Passos “não lhe permitira [a Macedo] 

encarregar-me da construção (...), dizendo: ‘Que se julgaria desautorizado’” (Diário, 6 de fevereiro de 1875).


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102 André REBOUÇAS, Agricultura Nacional: estudos econômicos. Op. Cit., p. 85. 

103 Sobre as tentativas de colonização no Paraná, vide o Capítulo II, item 2.3; Sobre o empenho dos irmãos Rebuças na Estrada de Ferro


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de Antonina a Curitiba e seu prolongamento a Mato Grosso, vide o Capítulo III, item 3.7. 

104 Assim se referia Rebouças em sua correspondência com Joaquim Nabuco, já no auto-exílio: “Eu fui, em 1870 e 1871, o primeiro 

empresário do Rio de Janeiro; apoiado pelo Visconde de Itaboraí, que me queria tanto a fazer inveja de mim na própria família. A 

Cia Florestal Paranaense – cortar pinheiros a 8 léguas do mar em rampa decadente – que parecia um Potosi, custou-nos 40 ou 50 

contos de réis em pura perda, a luta com a família Correia e Cia, o afastamento do Imperador, etc.”(André Rebouças a Joaquim 

Nabuco, 7 de junho de 1891). 



107 Diário, 8 de maio de 1875.


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108 Segundo pude apurar, era já razoavelmente grande o número de artigos publicados por Rebouças entre 1869 e 1874, a maioria deles no 

Jornal do Comércio, e ao menos um n’A Reforma. Eram artigos bastante específicos sobre as companhias portuárias, alguns deles 

simplesmente dando publicidade à administração e aos balanços financeiros, outros bastante técnicos, e ainda alguns respondendo às 

críticas de seus opositores. Ao menos seis destas séries de artigos foram publicadas separadamente, em formato livro. São eles: 

Melhoramento do Porto do Rio de Janeiro: organização da Companhia das Docas D. Pedro II (na enseada da Saúde e da 

Gamboa). Coleção de artigos publicados pelo engenheiro André Rebouças. Rio de Janeiro: Typographia Nacional, 1869; 

Companhia da Doca da Alfândega do Rio de janeiro. Publicação dos documentos que motivaram o acréscimo de 500:000$000 no 

seu capital. Estudo das alterações feitas ao seu regulamento pelo decreto nº 4618 de 4 de novembro de 1870. Rio de Janeiro: 

Typographia Imp. De Villeneuve e Co., 1870; Companhia da Doca da Alfândega do Rio de Janeiro. Publicação dos documentos 

que precederam e motivaram sua organização. Resposta às acusações que lhe têm sido feitas. Rio de Janeiro: Typ. Imp. E Const. De 

J. Villeneuve e Co. 1870; Obras Hidráulicas da Alfândega do Rio de Janeiro. Coleção dos artigos publicados no Jornal do 

Commércio pelo engenheiro André Rebouças. Rio de Janeiro: Typ. Imp. E Const. De J. Villeneuve e Co. 1871; Companhia das 

Docas de D. Pedro II e o projetado caminho de ferro aéreo. Coleção de artigos publicados no Jornal do Commércio. Rio de 

Janeiro: Typ. Imp. E Const. De J. Villeneuve e Co. 1871; Província do Paraná. Solução ao conflito dos caminhos de ferro. Coleção 

de artigos publicados no Jornal do Commércio de 29 de setembro a 9 de outubro de 1874 pelo engenheiro André Rebouças. Rio de 

Janeiro: Typ. Imp. E Const. De J. C. de Villeneuve e Co. 1874.


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113 

George C. A. BOEHER, “José Carlos Rodrigues and “O Novo Mundo”, in. Journal of Inter-American Studies, January, 1967, vol. 

IX, n. 1, p. 127. 

114 

Idem, p. 131. 

115 

Idem, p. 130. 

116 

Sobre a Revista Novo Mundo, excetuando-se o trabalho recente de Gabriela Vieira de CAMPOS, (O literário e o não-literário nos 

textos e imagens do periódico ilustrado O Novo Mundo (Nova Iorque, 1870-1879). Dissertação (mestrado) – Universidade Estadual 

de Campinas, Instituto de Estudos da Linguagem, 2001), não obtive nenhum outro estudo sobre ela. Maria Alice R. Carvalho, 

embora não desenvolva a hipótese ao longo do seu trabalho, se refere ao periódico como um locus agregador do nosso “partido 

americano”. (Maria A. REZENDE DE CARVALHO, Op. Cit., p. 191.) 

117 

André REBOUÇAS, “Benjamin Franklin – estudos autobiográficos”. In. Revista Novo Mundo, vol.VI, n. 71, agosto de 1876.


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5.4. Uma Geopolítica do Interesse 

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118 Idem. 

119 Idem. 

120 Idem. 

121 Idem.


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122 Vide Capítulo II, item 2.2. 




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125 Como já observei alhures, Rebouças ficou encarregado de redigir o Diário Oficial da expedição de ocupação da Ilha de Redenção e do 

Forte de Itapiru, entre abril e junho de 1866. Tal posição, mais de intelectual do que de combatente, sem dúvida lhe permitiu uma 

visão crítica dos bastidores da movimentação militar, desde os esquemas fraudulentos no fornecimento de materiais às intrigas e 

conflitos entre os oficiais. 

126 André REBOUÇAS. "O Militarismo despovoando o Brasil" in. Revista Novo Mundo, Vol. V, n. 53, fevereiro de 1875. 

127 André REBOUÇAS, “Bom Patriotismo e Mau Patriotismo”, in. Revista Novo Mundo, Vol. V. n. 54, março de 1875. 

128 André REBOUÇAS. “Economia Política”. Caderno manuscrito, s/d. 

129 André REBOUÇAS, "Fraternidade e Liberdade de Comércio", in. Revista Novo Mundo, Vol. VI, n. 72, setembro de 1876. Frédéric 

BASTIAT, Ce qu'on voit et ce qu'on ne voit pas, 1850, p. 41 Versão eletrônica disponível em 

. 

130 André REBOUÇAS, “Iniciativa Individual”, in. Revista Novo Mundo, Vol. VII, n. 75, março de 1877.


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131 André REBOUÇAS. “O Militarismo despovoando o Brasil” in. Revista Novo Mundo, Vol. V, n. 53, fevereiro de 1875. 

132 André REBOUÇAS. “Infeliz Paraíba!”, in. Revista Novo Mundo, Vol. V, n. 53, fevereiro de 1875. 

133 André REBOUÇAS, “Emigração Russa”, in. Revista Novo Mundo, Vol. VII, n. 75, março de 1877. 

134 André REBOUÇAS, “O Militarismo despovoando o Brasil”, in. Revista Novo Mundo, Vol. V, n. 53, fevereiro de 1875. Este mesmo 

trecho é citado em Garantia de Juros, p. 95.


 

 

 

 

 

 

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135 André REBOUÇAS. Garantia de Juros. Rio de Janeiro: Typographia Nacional, 1874, p. 87. 

136 André REBOUÇAS. Garantia de Juros..., p. 89. 

137 André REBOUÇAS. “Bom patriotismo e mau patriotismo”, in. Revista Novo Mundo, Vol. V, n. 54, março de 1875.


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138 Tavares BASTOS. Cartas do Solitário. São Paulo: Brasiliana, 1975 [1 a edição em 1862]. P. 105. 

139 Tavares BASTOS. A Província. São Paulo: Companhia Editora Nacional, 1975, p. 201. 

140 Continua Tavares Bastos: “Agitemos estas questões: são também parte nas queixas da Democracia. Oprimem o voto e ludibriam a 

nação, porque, isoladas, as populações não sentem vibrar em um instante, simultaneamente, como no sistema nervoso, a fibra 

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de Janeiro”. (Idem, p. 201). 

141 André REBOUÇAS. Garantia de Juros..., p. 116.


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142 

Cf. Michel CHEVALIER, La Système de la Méditerranée, s/d., apud Jean WALCH, Op. Cit., p. 99. 

143 

Idem, p. 100. 

144 

Michel CHEVALIER, Lettres sur l’Amérique, t. II, p. 3, apud Jean WALCH, Op. Cit., p.152.


 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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145 Michel CHEVALIER, Cours de l’Économie Politique, t. I, p. 267., apud Jean WALCH, Op. Cit., p. 300. 

146 Segundo Chevalier, “Les chemins de fer sont des agents démocratiques, dans le sens légitime et régulier du mot. Ils mettens à la portée 

de toutes les classes un instrument de locomotion qui fait disparaître des inégalités qui avaient existé just’à présent dans les moyens 

de communication dont disposaient les hommes. Qu’importent l’élégance des voitures et l’inégalité des prix? Pauvres et riches 

peuvent circuler avec une grande vitesse. Celui qui parcourait les routes à grandes frais, en grand équipage, voyage maintenant trois 

ou quatre fois plus vite, tout aussi commodément, à bien meilleur marché; et le pauvre piéton, emporté par la même puissance, roule 

avec lui dans le même convoi, sans que le plaisir du riche en soit diminué”. (Michel CHEVALIER, Idem, pp. 378-379, apud Jean 

WALCH, Op. Cit., p. 308). 

147 “[Les chemins de fer] sont des agents de la paix: les liens qu’ils établissent entre les natins doivent de plus en plus éloigner les 

collisions sanglantes qui ont désolé l’humanité jusqu’à ce jour. Peut- être eun temps viendra où, grâce à leur intervention, grâce aussi 

qux progrès de la civilisation, on cessera de recourir à cette extrémité effroyable” (Michel CHEVALIER, Idem, pp. 407, apud Jean 

WALCH, Op. Cit., p. 309). 

148 Idem, p. 309.


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149 André REBOUÇAS. Garantia de Juros..., p. 124. Para Rebouças, o Decreto n. 1.664, de 27 de outubro de 1855, que facultava a 

desapropriação de terrenos marginais às estradas de ferro, era mais avançado do que a Lei 1.114 de 29 de setembro de 1860, que 

autorizava o governo a comprar terras junto às estradas de ferro para o estabelecimento de imigrantes. 

150 Idem, p. 124. 

151 Maria Alice Rezende de CARVALHO, O Quinto Século..., p. 103 e 97. 

152 André REBOUÇAS. “Bom Patriotismo e Mau Patriotismo”, in. Revista Novo Mundo, Vol. V, n. 54, março de 1875. 

153 Idem.


 

 

 

 

 

 

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154 Idem. A citação de Washington presente em A Democracia na América encontra-se na Segunda Parte do Livro I, intitulada: “Da 

maneira pela qual a democracia americana conduz os negócios exteriores do Estado” (Alexis de TOCQUEVILLE, A Democracia na 

América, Belo Horizonte: Ed. Itatiaia; São Paulo: Ed. Universidade de São Paulo, 1977, p. 176). 

155 Comentando sobre a injustiça e contra-produtividade das Guerras, diz Rebouças: “A vitória é para a guerra o mesmo que o ganho é 

para o jogo: o demônio fá-lo ganhar, para lançar uma nação no baralho do militarismo o demônio concede-lhe a vitória! (...) Quando 

Moltke dizia, há pouco, no parlamento que a Alemanha devia passar 30 anos com a espada na mão, proferia, sem saber, uma grande 

verdade filosófica. A nação vitoriosa fica em um estado geral de suspeição; a cada momento tem a temer uma colisão, um 

Fontainebleau ou um Waterloo! (...) A paz armada está para a guerra como as moléstias crônicas para as moléstias agudas; como 

uma febre renitente para um tifo. Todas essas moléstias aniquilam e matam as nações; é só uma questão de tempo”. (André 

REBOUÇAS. “Guerra e Vitória”. In. Revista Novo Mundo, Vol. VI, n. 61, outubro de 1875). 

156 André REBOUÇAS. “Bom Patriotismo e Mau Patriotismo”, in. Revista Novo Mundo, Vol. V, n. 54, março de 1875. 

157 Idem. 

158 Idem.


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159 

André REBOUÇAS, “A Paz e a Arbitragem”, Revista Novo Mundo, Vol. V, n. 59, agosto de 1875. 

160 

Idem. 

161 

André REBOUÇAS, “O Zollverein americano”, Revista Novo Mundo, Vol. VII, n. 74, fevereiro de 1877. 

162 

André REBOUÇAS, “O Zollverein americano”, Revista Novo Mundo, Vol. VII, n. 74, fevereiro de 1877. 

163 

Idem. Há um artigo de 1878, intitulado “Katheder-Socialismus”, que, igualmente sem assinatura, não pude comprovar sua autoria 

através do seu Diário, já interrompido desde março de 1877. No entanto, a julgar pelo estilo narrativo, pelas figuras de linguagem e


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mesmo pelos autores arrolados, embora sem absoluta certeza acredito ser de Rebouças. Assim, neste artigo, List, que aparecera antes 

como um expoente e “imortal propagador do Zollverein”, era criticado agora por ser um “patriota exclusivista; tinha o que hoje 

chamamos patriotismo antigo, ou patriotismo romano; e que os franceses denominam chauvinisme para significar um patriotismo 

cego, que tem a estulta ambição de fazer a pátria senhora do mundo, dispondo de todas as outras nações como de seus feudos ou de 

suas colônias. É esse mau patriotismo, que explica estar sempre o Dr. List em contradição consigo mesmo; quando prega liberdade 

de comércio para todas as nações da confederação germânica, e o mais bárbaro protecionismo entre o Zollvenrein e os outros povos 

da Europa”. (“Katheder-Socialismus”, in. Revista Novo Mundo, Vol. VII, n. 88, 88, abril de 1878). Sobre Friedrich List (1789- 

1846), ver, dentre outros, Monique ANSON-MEYER, Um economiste du developpement au XIX siècle: Friedrich List, Grenoble: 

Presses universitaires de Grenoble, 1982. 

164 André REBOUÇAS. “A paz e a arbitragem”. In. Revista Novo Mundo, Vol. V, n. 59, agosto de 1875. 

165 André REBOUÇAS, Agricultura Nacional: estudos econômicos, p. 307.


 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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166 André REBOUÇAS. “O Zollverein americano”. In. Revista Novo Mundo, Vol. VII, n. 74, fevereiro de 1877. 

167 André REBOUÇAS. “Iniciativa Individual”. in. Revista Novo Mundo, Vol. VII, n. 75, março de 1877. Grifo meu. A comparação com 

o governo da casa, como na citação acima, é exemplar. Em outro artigo, a defesa que faz da introdução de caixas econômicas 

escolares, criando entre as crianças hábitos de “parcimônia e de abstenção” revela o quanto Rebouças tem em mente o sentido grego 

da economia: “Notai bem que o fim da instituição [no caso, as caixas econômicas escolares] é ensinar Economia, na verdadeira 

acepção dos radicais gregos, que constituíam essa palavra; é ensinar a Ciência do lar doméstico, a ciência da família, a ciência do 

cidadão; não é formar pecúlio, nem dote para os meninos e meninas”.(André REBOUÇAS, “Caixas econômicas escolares”. In. 

Revista Novo Mundo, Vol. VII, n. 75, março de 1877). 

168 André REBOUÇAS, “Emigração Russa”, in. Revista Novo Mundo, Vol. VII, n. 75, março de 1877. 

169 André REBOUÇAS, “Descentralização”, in. Revista Novo Mundo, Vol. VII, n. 75, março de 1877. 

170 Idem.


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175 

André REBOUÇAS. “O Paraguai hipotecado”. In. Revista Novo Mundo, Vol. VI, n. 70, julho de 1876. 

176 

André REBOUÇAS, “A Crise Financeira de 1875”, in. Revista Novo Mundo, Vol. V, n. 58, julho de 1875. 

177 

Idem. 

178 

Idem. 

179 

André REBOUÇAS, Agricultura Nacional, Estudos Econômicos. Propaganda Abolicionista e Democrática. Rio de Janeiro: A. J. 

Lamourex & Co.,1883, p. 293.


 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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180 Idem, p. 300. 

181 Idem, p. 307. 

182 André REBOUÇAS, “República Argentina”, in. Revista Novo Mundo, vol. VI, n. 72, setembro de 1876. Continua Rebouças: 

“Fizeram-se grandes especulações; ganhou-se muito dinheiro. Mas ao dinheiro, ganho na guerra, aplica-se a célebre máxima male 

parta, male dilabuntur. O dinheiro dos especuladores serviu para alimentar o luxo e elevá-lo a proporções incríveis. Com o ouro, que 

o Império teve a incensatez de lançar no rio da prata, construíram-se palácios riquíssimos; compraram-se cavalos e carruagens como 

só se admiram nas mais opulentas capitais da Europa. Buenos Aires chegou a ter duas companhias líricas italianas, luxo que só se vê 

em Londres. Por fim as últimas libras esterlinas, ganhas pelos fornecedores do exército imperial, serviram para fomentar a louca 

revolução de Mitre!” (Idem). 

183 André REBOUÇAS, “República Argentina”, in. Revista Novo Mundo, Vol. VI, n. 72, setembro de 1876.


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184 

André REBOUÇAS, “Sobre Loterias”, in. Revista Novo Mundo, Vol. V, n. 55, abril de 1875. 

185 

Rebouças se perguntava: afinal, quanto ganhava o Império com o negócio das loterias? “Notamos, em primeiro lugar, que um Império, 

que ocupa o Paraguai e o Rio da Prata, com seus exércitos e suas esquadras, que compra monstruosos encouraçados de 5.000 contos 

de reis, e, ao mesmo tempo, entrega-se ao jogo de loterias para obter a miséria de 55.500$ para as despesas da Casa de Correção e do 

melhoramento sanitário do Império, lembra certos petits creus, que vão, nos bailes, às salas de jogos a pretexto de ganhar para pagar 

as luvas de pelica. Os algarismos acima citados, não deixam a menor dúvida que o lucro anual do Governo com o monopólio das 

loterias orça de 1.400 a 1.700 contos anualmente. Ora, pois, é para ganhar essa ridícula soma, que não chega para pagar a terça parte 

do famoso Independência, que o nosso Governo se conserva ao nível do governo da Espanha! E só a Espanha e o Império Americano 

mantêm ainda a nefanda escravidão! Que coincidência! Na desgraçada Espanha a loteria sustenta o luxo e nutre a paixão do jogo sem 

limites: a praça de touros e as revoluções alimentam o instinto sanguinário”. (Idem). 

186 

André REBOUÇAS, "Novo Empréstimo Brasileiro", in. Revista Novo Mundo, Vol. V, n. 56, maio de 1875. 

187 

Idem. 

188 

Idem. 

189 

Idem. 

190 

André REBOUÇAS, "Comércio Marítimo do Brasil", in. Revista Novo Mundo, Vol. VII, n. 74, fevereiro de 1877.


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191 André Rebouças, Garantia de juros, p. 2. 


193 Idem, p. 3.


 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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194 Idem, p. 75. 

195 André REBOUÇAS, "O Imposto Direto", in. Revista Novo Mundo, Vol. VII, n. 74, fevereiro de 1877. 

196 André REBOUÇAS, Parecer do Presidente interino da seção de Comércio sobre a Reforma da Tarifa das Alfândegas do Império 

do Brasil. Rio de Janeiro: Typ. Leuzinger e Filhos, 1877. O debate sobre a reforma da tarifa das alfândegas está transcrito na revista 

O Auxiliador da Indústria Nacional, publicação mensal da Sociedade Auxiliadora da Indústria Nacional, entre agosto de 1876 e 

julho de 1877. 

197 Rebouças substituíra José Ewbank da Câmara, por este se achar em Pernambuco. Como vimos, Ewbank da Câmara fora ajudante de


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Rebouças nas obras da Alfândega, e indicado por ele como sócio remido no Instituto Politécnico. 

198 

No entanto, somente as seções da Indústria Fabril e a do Comércio apresentaram pareceres, tendo a de Agricultura se eximido da 

controvérsia. 

199 

Cf. Peter GOUREVITCH, Politics in Hard Times. Comparative responses to International Economic Crises, Ithaca and London: 

Cornell University Press, 1986. (Capítulo 3: “Protectionism and Free Trade: The Crisis of 1873-96”). Segundo Gourevitch, as 

décadas de 1850 e 1860 trouxeram prosperidade econômica e material tanto à Grã-Bretanha como a outros países que, inseridos na 

nova divisão internacional do trabalho, se industrializaram a partir de então. Foi graças a esta prosperidade que a política econômica 

liberal clássica pôde ser adotada, simbolizada pelo tratado de livre comércio entre França e Inglaterra em 1860. Todavia, a 

transformação radical da economia internacional vista pelo autor como verdadeiro “cataclisma” (alteração dos processos tradicionais 

da agricultura, revolução dos transportes e da indústria), ao reduzir custos e suplantar a demanda, teve como efeito a redução das 

expectativas de lucro e a queda no ciclo econômico, produzindo deflação. Assim, a crise de 1873-1896, embora menos intensa do 

que a “grande depressão” de 1930, foi um dos maiores períodos de reajustamento estrutural na Economia internacional. E teria sido 

justamente a ambigüidade em relação ao caráter daquela “depressão” que ensejaria o debate sobre as duas diferentes respostas dos 

países à ela: ou o “mercado”, cuja aceitação da nova divisão do trabalho poderia implicar no risco em se adotar difíceis 

reajustamentos internos, re-alocando fatores de produção em função da demanda externa, ou, alternativa predominante, o 

“protecionismo”, erigindo barreiras alfandegárias ou formando cartéis. Somente a Inglaterra permaneceu livre-cambista neste 

período, ao passo que a Alemanha foi o primeiro país a adotar o protecionismo, seguindo-se a França e demais países europeus. Os 

Estados Unidos adotaram protecionismo às suas indústrias, mas mantiveram-se relativamente abertos aos produtos agrícolas. (Idem, 

pp.71-76). 

200 

Segundo o dicionarista Moraes e Silva, indústria significava “arte, destreza, para granjear a vida; engenho, traça, em lavrar, e fazer 

obras mecânicas, em tratar negócios civis”. Já o termo “manufatura” era o mais próximo ao atual significado de atividade fabril, pois 

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201 Nícia Vilela LUZ, A luta pela industrialização do Brasil: 1808 a 1930. São Paulo: Editora Alfa-Omega, 1975, p. 51. Segundo dados 

apresentados por Joaquim Álvaro d’Armada, o preço final dos chapéus nacionais girava em 7$540, ao passo que os importados em 

6$240. (O Auxiliador da Indústria Nacional, n.8, agosto de 1876, p. 285). 

202 Depoimento de Ferro Cardoso, apresentando o manifesto dos “artistas chapeleiros”. O Auxiliador da Indústria Nacional, n. 9, 

setembro de 1876, p. 32. 

203 Idem, p. 326. 

204 Idem, p. 327.


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205 Idem, p. 334-5. 

206 O Auxiliador da Indústria Nacional, n. 4, março de 1877, p. 103.


 

 

 

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208 Idem, p. 111. 

209 O debate suscitado pela questão das tarifas é analisado por Nícia Vilela LUZ, que se restringe aos dois pareceres contrários entre si, 

dados pelas respectivas sessões da Indústria Fabril e de Comércio e Meios de Transporte. No entanto, o nome de Rebouças, 

presidente interino desta última sessão, não figura no estudo da autora. (Nícia Vilela LUZ, A luta pela industrialização..., p. 53-4. 

210 O Auxiliador da Indústria Nacional, n. 6, junho de 1877, p. 305. Além do mais, Cardoso expunha-se como um “operário”, falava de 

sua infância pobre e de como não conseguiu sequer ser operário em Paris, por não ter experiência em outras fábricas, dizendo que 

sua primeira viagem à Europa não havia sido custeada por D. Pedro II... Uma franca atitude de deboche à figura de André Rebouças. 

211 André REBOUÇAS, Parecer ...sobre a Reforma da Tarifa das Alfândegas..., p. 6. 

212 Idem. Ibidem.


 

 

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213 Idem, p. 15. 

214 Idem, p. 16. 

215 Nícia Vilela LUZ, Op. Cit., p. 29 

216 O Auxiliador da Indústria Nacional, n. 6, junho de 1877, p. 322. 

217 André REBOUÇAS, Parecer ...sobre a Reforma da Tarifa das Alfândegas..., p. 16.


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218 Idem, p. 20. 

219 Idem, p. 20. 

220 Idem, p. 20.


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221 Idem, p. 23. 

222 Idem, p. 24. 


224 O Auxiliador da Indústria Nacional, n. 7, julho de 1877. p. 349 

225 Idem, p. 350. Grifo meu.


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226 Idem, p. 351. Estaria aí a gênese da Lei de Locação de Serviços de 1879? 

227 André REBOUÇAS, Parecer ...sobre a Reforma da Tarifa das Alfândegas..., p. 17. 

228 Idem, p. 16. Grifo meu.


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Parte II – Capítulo V. Rumo à Economia Política. 262

Parte III – Rebouças, reformista do Império 263 

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Talvez jamais se escreva a história íntima da Engenharia brasileira, 

no interior deste império; sempre em luta renhida com os barões 

escravocratas e com os mandões de aldeias. No entanto essa história é 

rica de lição socionômica e daria à posteridade um documento 

precioso para julgar do grau de aviltamento e de miséria deste país, 

explorado e (ilegível) sem dó nem compaixão pelos senhores feudais e 

por seus asseclas. 

Nos tristíssimos dias da seca de 1876 a 1880, os Engenheiros das 

Estradas de Ferro serviram de médicos e de agentes de socorros 

públicos; muitos fizeram despezas, além dos seus vencimentos, levados 

pelos generosos impulsos da caridade... 

É por isso que as populações do interior do Brasil recebem os 

Engenheiros com bandas de música, com foguetes e com flores; certos 

de que eles são os Apóstolos dedicados e os precursores benéficos da 

Equidade, da Justiça, do Bem-Estar e da Civilização. 

(André Rebouças, “Propriedade Territorial - Landocracia e 

Democracia Rural”, in. Gazeta da Tarde, 19 de abril de 1887) 

Para os estudos psicológicos do Futuro é bom salientar a 

hereditariedade: a luta contra a Ciencia Oficial, de monopólio e 

privilégio, é herança paterna como a Propaganda Abolicionista; como 

a luta contra os escravizadores de homens e monopolisadores da 

terra... Os psicólogos cotejarão as petições do Pai e do filho, e 

acharão que uma prolongou a outra, em linha reta absoluta, em 

direção a esse infinito de liberdade, de igualdade e de fraternidade 

que é o ideal supremo da humanidde; de cada homem e de toda a 

Família Humana. 

(André Rebouças, “Instrução Técnica”, 

in. Revista de Engenharia, n. 256, 28 de abril de 1891)

Parte III – Rebouças, reformista do Império 264

Parte III – Capítulo VI. O Espectro do Reformismo 265 

&DStWXOR 9, 

2 (VSHFWUR GR 5HIRUPLVPR 

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1 André REBOUÇAS, “Imposto Territorial”, in. Revista de Engenharia, n. 208, 28 de abril de 1889. 

2 Idem. Grifo do autor.


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3 A primeira referência à “Socionomia” ou “Estudos socionômicos” encontra-se em seu opúsculo A Seca nas províncias do Norte (Rio de 

Janeiro: Typografia de G. Leuzinger e Filhos, 1877). No entanto, seria ao longo da década de 1880 que o termo freqüentaria seu 

Diário, uma vez que Rebouças se empenhava em criar uma “Enciclopédia Socionômica”, projeto que não chegou a ser concluído. 

4 André REBOUÇAS, “Arquitetura Civil” (III), in. Revista de Engenharia, n. 178, 28 de janeiro de 1888. 

5 André REBOUÇAS, “Arquitetura Civil” (II), in. Revista de Engenharia, n. 177, 14 de janeiro de 1888.


 

 

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6 

André REBOUÇAS, “Arquitetura Civil” (IV) in. Revista de Engenharia, n. 179, 14 de fevereiro de 1888. 

7 

André REBOUÇAS, “Arquitetura Civil” (I), in. Revista de Engenharia, n. 176, 28 de dezembro de 1887. 

8 

André REBOUÇAS, “Arquitetura Civil” (II), in. Revista de Engenharia, n. 177, 14 de janeiro de 1888. 

9 

Idem. 

10 

André REBOUÇAS, “Colonização da Argélia (com Homestead e Torrens Act)” (I), in. Revista de Engenharia, n. 237, 14 de julho de


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1890. 

11 André REBOUÇAS, “Abolição da Miséria” (III), in. Revista de Engenharia, n. 196, 28 de outubro de 1888. Grifos do autor. 

12 Idem. 

13 Idem.


 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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14 André REBOUÇAS, “Abolição da Miséria” (VIII), in. Revista de Engenharia, n. 204, 28 de fevereiro de 1889. 

15 André REBOUÇAS, “Renda da Terra” (I), in. Revista de Engenharia, n. 235, 14 de junho de 1890. Grifo meu. 

16 André REBOUÇAS, “Propriedade Territorial, landocracia e Democracia Rural, Monopólio Territorial e Liberdade do Comércio da 

Terra (extratos da obra inédita de André Rebouças)” (XLIV), in. Gazeta da Tarde, 13 de maio de 1887. 

17 Baraço segundo o Dicionário Eletrônico Houaiss da Língua Portuguesa: “corda ou laço usado para enforcar réus” ou corda com que 

se açoitavam réus, com leitura do pregão de culpa e pena”. Cutelo: instrumento composto de uma lâmina cortante e semicircular, 

presa a um cabo de madeira, empregado outrora em execuções por decapitação”; “modo, maneira agressiva, violenta pela qual se 

reprime ou oprime alguém”. 

18 André REBOUÇAS, “Republiquistas” (VI), in. Cidade do Rio, 23 de junho de 1888.


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6.2. Entre a modernização agrícola e a centralidade da questão agrária 

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19 Uma interpretação oposta é dada por Richard Graham, para quem “havia poucas coisas que irritavam tanto a André Rebouças quanto o 

sempre repetido refrão de que o Brasil não deveria nunca industrializar-se, por ser ‘essencialmente uma nação agrícola’. Se existia 

realmente alguma nação essencialmente agrícola, disse ele, era a Inglaterra, onde ‘ama-se a vida rural acima de tudo’. Se um real e 

racional desenvolvimento agrícola ainda era possível no Brasil, sob as condições existentes, tornava-se então ridícula a oposição à 

industrialização.”(Richard GRAHAM, Grã-Bretanha e o início da modernização no Brasil, São Paulo: Editora Brasiliense, 1973, p. 

217). A meu ver, ao contrário do exposto acima, as objeções de Rebouças ao industrialismo são evidentes, ainda que não 

necessariamente partilhasse da opinião da exclusividade do mundo agrário. Mais adiante exporei as prevenções de Rebouças em 

relação à proletarização urbana, considerada por ele um dos piores malefícios da industrialização. 

20 André REBOUÇAS, “Açúcar do Peru”, in. Revista Novo Mundo, Vol. VI, n. 71, agosto de 1876.


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21 

Trata-se aqui da Lei 2.687, de 6 de novembro de 1875, pela qual o Governo Imperial regulamentava os bancos hipotecários. A mesma 

lei, em seu artigo 2 o , autorizava o governo a conceder garantias de juros, até o montante de 30.000 contos, aos engenhos centrais. 

Esta lei fundava-se, segundo Evaldo Cabral de Melo, na premissa da importação de capital estrangeiro como forma de se criar um 

grande Banco de Crédito Territorial, sob supervisão do Estado, e reiterava a ortodoxia metalista e centralizadora da corte. (A qual me 

referi no Capítulo IV, item 4.1.). Além do mais, ainda segundo o autor, “a idéia de aplicar [aos engenhos centrais] o mecanismo da 

garantia de juros, já empregado na construção de ferrovias, advogara-o o engenheiro André Rebouças, cujas ligações com interesses 

estrangeiros são bem sabidas” (Evaldo C. de MELLO, O Norte Agrário e o Império. 1871-1889. Rio de Janeiro: Topbooks, 1999, p. 

163). Entretanto, consultando seu Diário, não obtive nenhuma informação sobre até que ponto chegou a influência de Rebouças na 

redação e tramitação do projeto de lei na Assembléia Geral. Não seria demasiado esperar que Rebouças tivesse a mesma atitude em 

registrar sua participação nesta lei, uma vez que isso ocorreu em relação à Lei Geral das Docas, como vimos (vide Capítulo IV, item 

4.2.). 

22 

Idem. 

23 

André REBOUÇAS, “O Futuro dos Ingênuos”, in. Revista Novo Mundo, Vol. V, n. 55, 23 de abril de 1875. 

24 

Idem. 

25 

Como expus alhures, Rebouças não assinava seus artigos no Novo Mundo, embora os artigos aos demais periódicos do Rio de Janeiro, 

como neste caso, os artigos de 1875 para o Jornal do Commércio sob o título de “Agricultura Nacional”, mais tarde reunidos em 

livro, eram não só assinados mas propagandeados em outros veículos de imprensa. Da mesma forma, quando da publicação deste 

livro, em 1883, Rebouças escrevia que o “mérito principal do livro [Agricultura Nacional] é colocar a ciência ao alcance de todos. O 

estilo é de uma simplicidade ateniense. Sente-se nos períodos a preocupação de clareza que tanto distingue Bastiat.”(“Agricultura 

Nacional”, in. Jornal da Tarde, 6 de novembro de 1883).


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26 

André REBOUÇAS, “O Futuro dos Ingênuos”, in. Revista Novo Mundo, Vol. V, n. 55, 23 de abril de 1875. 

27 

André REBOUÇAS, “Crédito Real”, in. Revista Novo Mundo, Vol. V, n. 57, 23 de junho de 1875. Grifo meu. 

28 

Idem.Grifo do autor. 

29 

André REBOUÇAS, Agricultura Nacional: estudos econômicos. Propaganda abolicionista e democrática. Recife: Fundaj, Editora 

Massangana, 1988. [Edição fac-similar de Rio de Janeiro: A. J. Lamoureux & Co., 1883], p. 13. Rebouças assim definia o 

mecanismo básico do Engenho Central: “O senhor de engenho, filantrópico e previdente, divide as suas vastas terras em lotes, que 

vende, afora, ou arrenda aos seus emancipados e colonos nacionais ou estrangeiros; confia-lhes todos os trabalhos da produção da 

cana de açúcar; concentra toda a sua atenção na fabricação do açúcar e dos produtos conexos; compra as máquinas e os aparelhos 

necessários para exercer nas melhores condições econômicas a indústria sacarina, e consegue, assim, por seu simples esforço 

individual, fundar um engenho central”. (Idem, p. 2). Tal processo era ilustrado também em relação à cultura cafeeira. Até aqui, 

Rebouças seguia uma cartilha comum a muitos modernizadores de seu tempo, como os diversos discursos proferidos na Sociedade 

Auxiliadora da Indústria Nacional. (vide, por exemplo, O Auxiliador da Indústria Nacional, ns. 8 e 9 – agosto e setembro de 1875). 

No entanto, a meu ver a inovação de Rebouças estava em defender aqui não apenas o Engenho ou Fazenda Centrais, mas o 

“princípio da centralização agrícola e industrial”, o qual, como veremos, seria extensível a toda e qualquer cultura agrícola do país.


 

 

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30 

André REBOUÇAS, Garantia de Juros, Op. Cit., p. 124. 

31 

André REBOUÇAS, Ao Itatiaia, Rio de Janeiro: Typographia e Livraria de Laemmert e Co., 1878, p. 31. 

32 

Idem, p. 15. 

33 

André REBOUÇAS, Agricultura Nacional. Op. Cit., p. 3. 

34 Idem, p. 112.


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35 Idem, p. 120. 

36 Idem, p. 126. 

37 Idem, p. 142. 

38 Idem, p. 300.


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39 Aqui, Rebouças parece estar respondendo a muitos que defendiam, junto à SAIN, a criação de bancos de Crédito Real subvencionados 

por garantias de juros. Como por exemplo Buarque de Macedo, para quem tal “dispêndio ao tesouro” significaria todavia “um 

dispêndio dos mais profícuos ao país, e que cessar[ia] logo que tais estabelecimentos, pela nova organização da propriedade agrícola, 

pude[ssem] caminhar por si.” (O Auxiliador da Indústria Nacional, n. 11, 4 de novembro de 1873). Rebouças também parece 

responder ao projeto de “auxílio à Lavoura”, apresentado em 1875 por Cardozo de Menezes, Araújo Brusque, Bandeira de Melo, 

dentre outros, o qual, embora tivesse pontos de contato em relação ao seu diagnóstico, e inclusive apontasse para a criação de 

Engenhos e Fazendas Centrais, propunha também a criação de bancos de crédito e hipotecários: “Acreditam as comissões [da SAIN] 

que as letras hipotecárias, emitidas pelos bancos de crédito territorial, organizados sob a proteção do governo, com autonomia 

própria nas circunscrições de maior produção agrícola, pela forma exposta, exercerão todo crédito e [ilegível], e serão especialmente 

procuradas pelos credores da lavoura, hoje que estão ameaçados de liquidação vários engenhos e estabelecimentos industriais, e que 

o crédito tanto se retrai; hoje, que por esse motivo tão difícil é a aquisição de capitais, as pessoas que vêm seus créditos mal parados 

serão as primeiras a receber em pagamento deles, e sem desconto, as letras hipotecárias dos bancos fiscalizados auxiliados pelos 

poderes públicos.” (O Auxiliador da Indústria Nacional, n. 7, 17 de julho de 1875). 

40 Idem, p. 298. 

41 Idem, p. 6.


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42 Idem, p. 239. Nesta passagem, Rebouças recorre à mesma imagem presente em seu Diário, por ocasião de sua viagem aos Estados 

Unidos, comparando a “alegre, cândida, e brilhante” Lowell, à “triste, negra e escura” Manchester, e concluía: “Abençoado seja 

quem fundar uma Lowell no Brasil! (...) O que esperamos para fundar a grande indústria manufatureira na província de Minas 

Gerais? Porque não mandamos vir de Lowell, da gentil filha do Merrimack e da atividade yankee, máquinas para fiar e tecer 

algodão? Porque não havemos de constituir em Minas Gerais um centro industrial e manufatureiro para dar produtos de algodão, de 

lã, de seda e de ferro, aos habitantes do imenso planalto, que se estende da Serra da Mantiqueira até aos Andes? (Idem, p. 79 e ss.). 

43 Fernando Antonio LOURENÇO, Agricultura Ilustrada: idéias para o melhoramento moral e material da lavoura brasileira no 

século XIX, Tese de Doutorado – IFCH/Unicamp, 1998, p. 8. 

44 Idem, pp. 140 e ss. 

45 Peter EISENBERG, Modernização sem mudança. A indústria açucareira em Pernambuco – 1840 – 1910. Rio de Janeiro / Campinas: 

Paz e Terra / Editora da Unicamp, 1977.


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46 

Idem, p. 111. 

47 

Idem, p. 112. 

48 

Idem, ibidem. 

49 

Idem, p. 114. 

50 

Richard GRAHAM, Grã-Bretanha e o início da modernização no Brasil. Op. Cit., p. 158. 

51 

Peter EISENBERG, Modernização sem mudança. Op. Cit, pp. 119/120. 

52 

Idem, p. 122. 

53 a 

Evaldo Cabral de MELLO, O Norte Agrário e o Império, 1871-1889, Rio de Janeiro: Topbooks, 1999 (2 edição), p. 162. 

54 Idem, ibidem.


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55 Idem, p. 173. Grifo meu. 

56 André REBOUÇAS, “Propriedade Territorial - Landocracia e Democracia Rural, Monopólio Territorial e Liberdade do Comércio da 

Terra. (extratos da obra inédita de André Rebouças)” (XLIV). In. Gazeta da Tarde, 13 de maio de 1887. 

57 Aqui Rebouças atribuía significado a este termo: “Durante o ano de 1886, esteve sempre em discussão, na imprensa e nas duas casas do 

Parlamento, a miséria das estradas de ferro, construídas e geridas pelo Estado ou por ele garantidas. A Imprensa Democrática atribuía 

esse tristíssimo fiasco à Advocacia Administrativa; (...) É preciso que expliquemos aos vindouros o que significa esse neologismo – 

Advocacia Administrativa. Foi ele inventado por Buarque de Macedo, quando ministro da Agricultura, para estigmatizar um 

famigerado político, que viveu e morreu traficando em todas as estradas de ferro, em todas as empreitadas, em todas as especulações 

mercantis, inclusive em lojas de papel para fornecimento às Secretarias de Estado!” (André REBOUÇAS, “Estradas de Ferro. Sua 

esterilização pela advocacia administrativa e pelo monopólio territorial” (I), in. Gazeta da Tarde, 22 de março de 1887. Grifos do 

auto).


 

 

 

 

 

 

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58 André REBOUÇAS, “Propriedade Territorial - Landocracia e Democracia Rural, Monopólio Territorial e Liberdade do Comércio da 

Terra. (extratos da obra inédita de André Rebouças).” (XLIV). In. Gazeta da Tarde, 13 de maio de 1887.


 

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59 André REBOUÇAS, Abolição Imediata e Sem Indenização – Confederação Abolicionista. (Panfleto n. 1). Rio de Janeiro: 

Typographia Central de Evaristo R. da Costa, 1883, p. 20. Grifo meu. 

60 Idem, p. 41. 

61 Idem, p. 30. 

62 Idem, p. 34.


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64 Vide para isso o Capítulo V, item 5.4. 

65 André REBOUÇAS, “Propriedade Territorial - Landocracia e Democracia Rural. (extratos da obra inédita de André Rebouças)” 

(XXXII), in. Gazeta da Tarde, 22 de abril de 1887.


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66 Em 1879, o deputado Jeronymo Sodré, representante da Bahia em discurso de 5 de março, fazia um apelo para a extinção total e rápida 

da escravatura, opondo-se à dilação da Lei Rio Branco, de 1871. Segundo Robert Conrad, data de então a renovação do debate 

abolicionista na Assembléia Geral, após oito anos de vigência da Lei de 1871. Segundo a interpretação de Conrad, a Lei Rio Branco 

era demasiado “complexa em seu compromisso de alterar o status quo de modo satisfatório para os críticos da escravatura” e 

defender ao mesmo tempo os direitos dos donos de escravos. Daí que sua intenção fosse a de “estabelecer um estágio de evolução 

para um sistema de trabalho livre sem causar grande mudança imediata na agricultura ou nos interesses econômicos. Esperava-se, 

assim, que remendasse uma instituição em declínio, enquanto eliminava sua última fonte de renovação; que protegesse os interesses 

da geração viva dos senhores, enquanto resgatava a geração seguinte de escravos. Anunciada como uma grande reforma, essa lei era, 

realmente, um compromisso intrincado. Todavia, contribuiu significativamente para o colapso da escravatura, dezessete anos mais 

tarde.” (Robert CONRAD, Os últimos anos da Escravatura no Brasil – 1850-1888. Rio de Janeiro: Civilização Brasileira, 1978. 

pp.167 e 113, respectivamente). 

67 Por conta disso, afirma que recebeu “22:133$333 de prêmio como concessionário (...), por trabalhos de 16 anos” (Diário, 8 de julho de 

1880). Doravante a empresa se denominaria Conde d'Eu Railway Company Limited. 

68 Diário, 9 de julho de 1880. O artigo saiu pelo Jornal do Commércio. 

69 Em 1880, o primeiro dos festivais organizados com esta finalidade rendeu, segundo Rebouças, 4:647$000. É provável que o maestro 

abdicasse de uma parte da renda em benefício do movimento abolicionista. (Diário, 9 de novembro de 1880).


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70 Joseph CONRAD, Op. Cit., p. 172/3. 

71 Idem, p. 174. 

72 O primeiro dos grandes jornais abolicionistas foi o Gazeta de Notícias, de Ferreira de Araújo, o qual, juntamente com O Abolicionista, 

despertou o interesse do público em 1880. Mas este pioneiro foi ultrapassado em “radicalidade”, segundo J. Conrad, pelo Gazeta da 

Tarde, sob breve controle de José Ferreira de Menezes, e depois por José do Patrocínio, mantendo-se até 1887 como o principal 

veiculador de notícias sobre o movimento abolicionista na Corte. Em 1887, A Cidade do Rio ocupou este lugar. (Idem, p. 181). 

73 Idem, p. 185. 




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85 A The Minas Central Railway of Brazil, ao que parece, não teve vida longa. Ainda em 1883, Rebouças encontrou-se com o diretor do 

Banco do Comércio Antonio da Costa Chaves Faria e o deputado mineiro Manuel José Soares, interessados em vender o Caminho de 

Ferro de S. João Del Rey à Companhia (Diário, 5 de setembro de 1883). Apesar disso, são várias as referências de Rebouças em seu 

Diário registrando suas tentativas de “salvar” a Companhia. 





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90 Maria A. Rezende de CARVALHO, Quatro Vezes Cidade, Rio de Janeiro: Sete Letras, 1994, p. 60. 

91 Idem, p. 67. Segundo a autora, embora houvesse diferentes concepções de civilização entre os membros do Club, o tema da “reforma 

urbana” da década de 1880 ao início do século seguinte teria unido diversas correntes. Dentre elas, a dos “reformadores 

republicanos”, para quem a “cidade expressaria uma visão atomista e mecanicista do social, pela qual as unidades coletivas [seriam] 

construídas a partir de indivíduos e decomponíveis em unidades sempre redutíveis à sua menor expressão”, e a dos “reformadores 

monarquistas”, para os quais a cidade “expressaria uma visão da racionalidade estatal superposta à natureza – imagem a que não 

faltava uma certa reverência à empresa colonial, e aos seus mitos específicos. Sob a tradição romântica, como se abe, em seu período 

de maior aceitação pelas elites políticas e intelectuais do século XIX, reelaborara-se o mito do paraíso terrestre, tropo narrativo a que 

se liga uma imagem originária do Brasil, caracterizada pela exigência de um princípio estruturante, de uma razão estratégica que 

encontrava na vontade do príncipe ideal sua possibilidade de materialização em instituições e personagens.”(Idem, p. 79).


 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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92 

André REBOUÇAS, “Estradas de Ferro – sua esterilização pela advocacia administrativa e pelo monopólio territorial”, in. Gazeta da 

Tarde, 22 de março de 1887. Grifos do autor. 

93 

Robert CONRAD, Op. Cit, p. 209.


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94 

Idem, p. 213. 

95 

Evaldo C. de MELO, Op. Cit., p. 22/3. 

96 

Idem, p. 41. 

97 

André REBOUÇAS, “O Exemplo do Ceará”, in. Gazeta da Tarde, 10 de novembro de 1883. Sobre a ópera Salvator Rosa, vide 

Capítulo V, item 5.1.


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98 André REBOUÇAS, “Agricultura Nacional”, in. Gazeta da Tarde, 6 de novembro de 1883. Grifos meus.


 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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99 

André REBOUÇAS, “A Província de São Paulo depois da Abolição”, in. Gazeta da Tarde, 31 de maio de 1883. 

100 

Vide Capítulo II, item 2.3. 

101 

Carl von Koseritz era alemão de Dessau, e passou a residir no Brasil em 1830, tendo chegado aos 21 anos com a tropa mercenária 

engajada por Sebastião do Rego Barros para o serviço do Império, na guerra contra Rosas. Desde cedo lançou-se como jornalista, 

tornando-se também deputado provincial. Em Pelotas, no Rio Grande do Sul, fundou seu primeiro jornal, O Noticiador, em 1856, e 

desde então fundaria e redigiria outros jornais, dentre os quais o Koseritz Deutsche Zeitung (1864-1885), o qual teve grande difusão 

nas províncias do Sul, chegando a se tornar o “verdadeiro órgão de expressão do pensamento e das reivindicações dos alemães do 

Brasil meridional”. (Afonso Arinos de Melo FRANCO, “Prefácio”, in. Carl von KOSERITZ, Imagens do Brasil. (tradução de 

Afonso A. de Melo Franco) Belo Horizonte: Ed. Itatiaia; São Paulo: Ed. Da Universidade de São Paulo, 1980, p. 10). Em 1883, 

Koseritz relata ter participado de um jantar de gala no Clube Germânia, homenageando diversas autoridades alemãs em visita ao 

Brasil, dentre elas o Príncipe Henrique da Prússia (neto do Kaiser Guilherme I). Afirma que, embora não pudesse expressar-se em 

discurso, pois que na solenidade “quaisquer outros discursos [além do Príncipe alemão e da diretoria do Germânia] estavam 

proibidos,” transcrevia em seu livro o discurso que faria acaso lhe fosse dada oportunidade, dizendo-se “ser o único representante, 

nesta mesa, dos 80.000 alemães e descendentes de alemães da província do Rio Grande do Sul.” Lançava ainda, neste discurso 

imaginário, loas à “unidade da Alemanha” e sobretudo à “Casa Real dos Hohenzollerns, à qual foi reservado unir a Alemanha sob a 

égide da Prússia, e dar um fim à luta centenária pela hegemonia no coração da Europa!” (Idem, p. 157). 

102 

Em que pese o anticlericalismo do autor, sua adesão ao positivismo e ao evolucionismo darwinista, suas impressões sobre Petrópolis 

confirmam este aristocratismo, acrescentando o fato de que aquela cidade sediava uma das primeiras colônias alemães do País: “Sim,


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Petrópolis é uma cidade imperial, aqui se respira de novo um ar europeu. Espaçosas casas apalacetadas, magníficas vilas, jardins, 

ruas largas e bem calçadas, percorridas por canais atravessados por numerosas pontes (...) tudo faz uma impressão agradável e 

duradoura. Também se vê carros muito elegantes, cavalos de raça, bonitas librés, cocheiros estilados, etc., criados de primeira ordem, 

aos quais não estamos habituados no Brasil”(sic), (Idem, p. 64/5); “Aqueles pobres colonos, que para aqui foram enviados em 1828, 

a fim de derrubarem as florestas e arrancarem do chão pedregoso parcos ganhos, mercê de esforçados trabalhos, nunca poderiam 

sonhar que, neste local, havia de florescer, um dia, uma cidade senhorial” (Idem, p. 65, grifo meu); “Petrópolis é uma cidade 

verdadeiramente aristocrática, e nela não existe o “Zé-Povinho”, isto é, a populaça que de tudo se ri e que quer arrastar na lama o que 

se acha situado mais alto que ela.” (Idem, p. 68). 

103 Idem, p. 87. 

104 Idem, p. 243. 

105 Idem, p. 223.


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106 Idem, p. 219. 

107 Irina VASSILIEFF, A Sociedade Central de Imigração nos fins do século XIX e a ‘Democracia Rural´. Tese de doutoramento. 

FFLCH / USP, São Paulo, 1987, p. 2.


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108 Idem, p. 36. 

109 Idem, p. 80.


 

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110 Carl von KOSERITZ, Op. Cit., p. 220. 

111 Ângela ALONSO, Idéias em Movimento: a geração 70 na crise do Brasil-Império. Tese (Doutorado), FFLCH/USP, 2000, p. 80. 

Segundo a autora, a compreensão do “movimento ‘intelectual’ dos anos 1870” se explica pela conjuntura política de crise das 

instituições imperiais. Nesse sentido, os principais grupos que se formam no período são caracterizados por uma espécie de 

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autora, “uma comunidade de situação: a marginalização frente ao status quo saquarema”. (Idem, p. 67). 

112 Idem, pp. 80 e ss. 

113 Henrique de Beaurepaire Rohan era filho do Marechal de Campo Conde de Beaurepaire, veterano da Independência. Engenheiro 

militar, percorreu quase todo o território brasileiro, traçando planos de estradas, projetos de urbanismo, etc. Foi presidente da 

província do Paraná (1856) e da Paraíba (1857). No Congresso Agrícola de 1878 no Rio de Janeiro, Rohan escreveu a memória “O 

Futuro da grande lavoura e da grande propriedade no Brasil’, na qual propunha o ensino agrícola aos ingênuos, em moldes próximos 

aos defendidos por Rebouças. Além do mais, Rohan se destacou como propagandista de colônias nacionais. 

114 André REBOUÇAS, “Sociedade Central de Imigração – VII - Colonização Nacional”, in. Gazeta de Notícias, 27 de janeiro de 1884. 

115 Beaurepaire ROHAN, Escolas Agrícolas, apud. André REBOUÇAS, Idem. Grifos de Rebouças.


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116 André REBOUÇAS, “Imigrante proprietário”, in. Gazeta de Notícias, 23 de dezembro de 1883. Grifos meus. 

117 André REBOUÇAS, “Centro Abolicionista da Escola Politécnica - Nacionalização do solo pelo imposto Territorial Geometricamente 

Progressivo - Documentos contra o monopólio territorial no Império do Brasil”, in. Jornal do Commércio, 18 de abril de 1884. 

118 Idem, ibidem. Grifos do autor. 

119 Idem, 21 de abril de 1884.


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122 Idem, 30 de abril de 1884. 

123 André REBOUÇAS, “Imposto Territorial – elementos para o cadastro nacional.” (I), in. Revista de Engenharia, n. 205, 14 de março 

de 1889.


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124 André REBOUÇAS, “Renda da Terra.” (I), in. Revista de Engenharia, n. 235, 14 de junho de 1890. 

125 André REBOUÇAS, “Colonização da Algeria”(I), in. Revista de Engenharia, n. 237, 14 de julho de 1890. 

126 André REBOUÇAS, “O problema do Salariato”, in. Revista de Engenharia, n. 261, 14 de julho de 1891.


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127 André REBOUÇAS, “Protecionismo”, in. Revista de Engenharia, n. 242, 28 de setembro de 1890.


 

 

 

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128 André REBOUÇAS, “A questão operária”, in. Revista de Engenharia, n. 234, 28 de maio de 1890. 

129 André REBOUÇAS, “Imposto Territorial”, in. Revista de Engenharia, n. 210, 28 de maio de 1889. 

130 André REBOUÇAS, “Imposto Territorial”. In. Revista de Engenharia, n. 216, 28 de agosto de 1889.


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131 Idem. 

132 André REBOUÇAS, “


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133 André REBOUÇAS, "Republiquistas", in. Cidade do Rio, 19 de junho de 1888. 

134 André Rebouças para Alfredo Taunay, 12 de junho de 1896. 

135 André REBOUÇAS, “Pequena propriedade”, in. Cidade do Rio, 12 de junho de 1888. 

136 Idem.

Parte III – Capítulo VI. O Espectro do Reformismo 304

Considerações finais 305 

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1 cf. Caio PRADO JR. “Roteiro para a Historiografia do Segundo Reinado (1840-1889)”. in. Evolução Política do Brasil e outros 

Estudos. São Paulo Editora Brasiliense. 1961. p. 199. 

2 Fernando Antonio NOVAIS. Portugal e Brasil na Crise do Antigo Sistema Colonial (1777-1808), São Paulo: Hucitec, 1995, p. 13.


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István JANCSÓ. Na Bahia, contra o Império – História da sedição de 1789. São Paulo/Salvador: Hucitec/EDUFBa, 1996, p. 203. 

4 

John SCHULZ, Op. Cit., p. 31. 

5 

Já a magnânimidade do Imperador, único capaz de contrarrestar os interesses “aristocráticos”, representados a seu ver pelo facciosismo 

e beligerância partidárias e imbricadas com a questão agrária e o militarismo “republicano”, foi uma rememoração tardia daquele 

evento no período pós-abolição e pós-queda do Regime, visão esta tornada possível em virtude de outras influências e escolhas.


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7 Sérgio Buarque de HOLANDA. O Brasil Monárquico (História Geral da Civilização Brasileira, Tomo II, 5 o volume – Do Império à 

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9 Idem, p. 95. 

10 “Bastava que tal ou qual ato de favoritismo prejudicasseo representante de uma facção diferente, para que logo o denegrissem, às vezes 

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11 Idem, p. 107. 

12 Cf. Maria Bárbara LEVY, A Indústria do Rio de Janeiro através de suas sociedades anônimas – esboços de história empresarial, Rio 

de Janeiro: Editora UFRJ / Secretaria Municipal de Cultura do Rio de Janeiro, 1994; Ana Maria RIBEIRO DE ANDRADE. 1864: 

conflito entre metalistas e pluralistas. Dissertação de Mestrado – IFCH / UFRJ. Rio de Janeiro, 1987. 

13 Cf. Ilmar Rohloff de MATTOS. Tempo Saquarema. São Paulo: Hucitec, 1987. 

14 Sérgio Buarque de HOLANDA, Op. Cit, p. 108. 

15 Idem, p. 117.


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17 

Fernando NOVAIS. Op. Cit., p. 237. 

18 

Sérgio Buarque de HOLANDA, Op. Cit., p. 136. 

19 

Idem, p. 138/9. 

20 

Ângela ALONSO, Op. Cit., p. 50. 

21 

Idem, p. 51.


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23 Idem, p. 62. 

24 Idem, p. 63. 

25 Idem, p. 61.


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Bibliografia 315 

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Obras de André Rebouças

Bibliografia 316

Bibliografia 317

Bibliografia 318


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