Yolanda Cespedes Manuscript

Running Title: Cultural Discrepancy 

Cultural Discrepancy 1 

The Role of Cultural Discrepancy in Latino Adolescent Mental Health (5/25/09) 

Yolanda M. Céspedes, Ph.D. 

Childrens Hospital Los Angeles 

4650 Sunset Blvd. Mailstop #99 

Los Angeles, CA 90027 

Tel: 323-361-4308 

Email: ycespedes@chla.usc.edu 

Yolanda M. Céspedes, Ph.D. 1 

Stanley J. Huey, Jr., Ph.D. 2 

1 Childrens Hospital Los Angeles, Los Angeles, CA, U. S. 

2 University of Southern California, Los Angeles, CA, U.S. 

Reprint requests should be sent to Dr. Yolanda M. Céspedes, Childrens Hospital Los Angeles, 4650 Sunset Blvd. Mailstop 

#99, Los Angeles CA 90027 or Dr. Stanley J. Huey, Jr., University of Southern California, Department of Psychology 

SGM 501, 3620 S. McClintock Ave., Los Angeles CA 90089. Email: ycespedes@chla.usc.edu or hueyjr@usc.edu.

Abstract 


Adolescent Latinos report high rates of depressive symptomatology and suicidal behavior 

compared to youth of other ethnic backgrounds, however few studies have investigated how culture- 

specific mechanisms may contribute to these negative outcomes. Cultural process models argue that 

intercultural discrepancy between Latino youth and their immigrant caregivers contributes to poor 

mental health outcomes through its mediating effects on family functioning. This study contributed to 

findings from a previous test of this model (Céspedes & Huey, 2008) by comparing adolescents 

reporting high and low levels of cultural discrepancy on measures of family functioning, depression, 

and suicidality. Results showed that perceived youth-caregiver discrepancy in familism and 

marianismo beliefs were significantly associated with family dysfunction and negative mental health 

outcomes. Perceived discrepancy in machismo beliefs yielded no significant findings. Moderator 

analyses suggested that the relationship between familism discrepancy and suicidality may be more 

robust for females than for males. Treatment implications and directions for future research are 

discussed. 

Keywords: adolescent depression, adolescent suicidality, familism, machismo, marianismo

Introduction 


The present study is an expansion of previous research exploring the contributing role of cultural 

discrepancy to increased risk for depression among Latino adolescents (Céspedes & Huey, 2008). 

Prior results showed that the relationship between gender role discrepancy and depression was 

mediated by increases in family dysfunction (i.e., greater family conflict and reduced family cohesion). 

Moderator analyses indicated that gender role discrepancy effects were most pronounced for 

adolescent Latinas, although the interaction effect was only marginally significant. The present article 

sought to contribute further to this area of research by expanding the theoretical model in two ways: 1) 

by including an additional source of cultural discrepancy – familism beliefs, and 2) by evaluating the 

effects of cultural discrepancy on suicidal behavior. The present study also improved upon the 

research design used by Céspedes and Huey (2008) by recruiting a larger and more representative 

student sample. The data presented in this article represents only a subset of the full data collected. 

Depression, suicidal ideation, and suicide attempts are fairly common in the adolescent population, 

but reported at higher rates among Latino adolescents (Blazer, Kessler, McGonagle, & Swartz, 1994; 

Emslie, Weinberg, Rush, Adams, & Rintelmann, 1990; Joiner, Perez, Wagner, Berenson, & Marquina, 

2001; Lester & Anderson, 1992; Roberts & Chen, 1995; Roberts, Roberts, and Chen, 1997; Roberts & 

Sobhan, 1992; Twenge & Nolen-Hoeksema, 2002; Weinberg & Emslie, 1987). Indeed, a recent 

national survey of over 14,000 9 th through 12 th graders (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 

2008) showed that Latino adolescents were considerably more likely than African-American and 

Anglo-American adolescents to experience persistent sadness and hopelessness, seriously consider 

suicide, and make a suicide attempt. Among all students surveyed, Latinas consistently reported the 

highest rates of these behaviors.

Family Functioning 


Family conflict and low family cohesion are strongly linked to both depression (Asarnow, 

Carlson, & Guthrie, 1987; Cole & McPherson, 1993; Constantine, 2006; Cumsille & Epstein, 1994; 

Fendrich, Warner, & Weissman, 1990; Hops, Lewinsohn, Andrews, & Roberts, 1990; Kaslow, Rehm, 

& Siegel, 1984) and suicidality (Asarnow & Carlson, 1988; Carlton-Ford, Paikoff, & Brooks-Gunn, 

1991; Chioqueta & Stiles, 2007; Rubenstein, Heeren, Housman, Rubin, & Stechler, 1989) in samples 

of children, adolescents, and college students. Furthermore, depressed adolescents and adolescent 

suicide attempters report significantly higher levels of family conflict and lower levels of family 

cohesion than non-depressed/non-suicidal adolescents (De Wilde, Kienhorst, Diekstra, & Wolters, 

1993). 

The quality of parent-child interactions may be an important contributor to overall conflict and 

cohesion in the family, thereby impacting youth’s risk for subsequent depression or suicidality 

(Wagner, 1997). Indeed, adolescent suicide attempters frequently report conflict with parents as the 

primary cause of their suicide attempts (Miller, Chiles, & Barnes, 1982; Negron et al., 1997) and report 

significantly more conflict with parents/guardians than matched controls (Corder, Shorr, & Corder, 

1974). As family dysfunction may therefore be attributable to the quality of parent-child interactions, 

this study explored culturally-based sources of parent-child disagreement that may impact parent-child 

relationships. 

Clinical accounts suggest that family conflict results when Latino youth acculturate to the host 

culture more rapidly than their immigrant parents (Szapocznik et al., 1989; Zayas & Dyche, 1995). 

During the acculturation process, these youth adopt new attitudes, values, and behaviors that may be 

incompatible with the traditional beliefs of their parents and native culture, causing a cultural and 

generational gap between youth and parents. Although these processes are theorized to operate 

broadly in terms of acculturation status (Szapocznik et al., 1986), generational disparities may also

arise in connection with culturally-based family role and gender beliefs such as familismo, 

marianismo, and machismo. 


Familismo beliefs. The term familismo describes the strong emphasis placed on the family unit 

among Latinos. It captures the sense of support and reliance among family members (Baca Zinn, 

1994; Marín & Marín, 1991), as well as sentiments of mutual obligation, loyalty, and family unity 

(Cortes, 1995; Rodriguez & Kosloski, 1998; Sabogal, Marín, Otero-Sabogal, Marín, & Perez-Stable, 

1987). Familism incorporates a wide array of culturally-nuanced attitudes among Latinos, including 

beliefs that family members are obligated to assist one another when they are in need (Burgess, Locke, 

& Thomes, 1963) and that family members are obligated to remain in close proximity to each other 

(George, 1986). Steidel and Contreras (2003) describe four primary familismo beliefs: that the family 

comes before the individual, that family members should maintain strong emotional and physical 

bonds, that family members should support each other in times of need, and that family members 

should protect the family name and honor. 

Marianismo and machismo beliefs. The terms marianismo and machismo describe traditional sex 

role expectations commonly found in many Latin-American societies (Falicov, 1998). The term 

marianismo derives from Catholic representations of the Virgin Mary, who is venerated as a symbol of 

saintliness, self-sacrifice, and emotional suffering (Nieto, 1997; NietoGomez, 1997) and refers to the 

expectation for Latinas to be acquiescent, humble, and modest (Comas-Díaz, 1987). Within a 

marianismo conceptualization, Latinas are viewed as caretakers who are able to foster harmonious 

relationships with others (Comas-Díaz, 1987; Soto, 1983). In addition, Latinas are often expected to 

devote themselves to their families, and may be discouraged from pursuing academic or professional 

goals (Senour, 1977). 

Marianismo contrasts with the value of machismo, which describes Latino men as strong, assertive, 

and dominant figures committed to protecting their families (Grebler, Moore, & Guzmán, 1970). 

Latino men are expected to command respect, particularly from their children, and to be resolute


(Falicov, 1998). Machismo also signifies a “strong sense of personal honor and family loyalty” (Ruiz, 

1977, p. 243). 

Cultural Discrepancy 

The cultural and generational gap that forms between Latino youth and their immigrant parents 

during the acculturation process (Szapocznik, et al., 1986; Szapocznik et al., 1989; Zayas & Dyche, 

1995) may correspond with a similar generational discrepancy in gender role ideologies and familism 

beliefs. Indeed, gender role beliefs tend to correlate significantly with acculturation level (Kranau, 

Green, & Valencia-Weber, 1982; Leaper & Valin, 1996). And although the association between 

familism and acculturation is complex (Rodriguez, Mira, Paez, & Myers, 2007), certain aspects of 

traditional familism beliefs diminish as an individual acculturates (Gil, Wagner, & Vega, 2000; 

Rodriguez & Kosloski, 1998; Sabogal et al., 1987; Steidel & Contreras, 2003). 

As Latino youth and their immigrant parents acculturate, differential beliefs concerning 

marianismo/machismo roles may lead to family conflicts over gender-related expectations and 

responsibilities, thereby increasing depression and suicidal risk for Latino youth. Indeed, preliminary 

research suggests that (1) gender role discrepancy may contribute to depression among adolescent 

Latinos, and (2) this association is mediated by increases in family dysfunction (Céspedes & Huey, 

2008). Similarly, as acculturation gaps develop during the immigration process, a corresponding 

discrepancy in familism beliefs may emerge. As the divergence in family-based expectations becomes 

more pronounced, increased family conflict and decreased family cohesion may contribute to 

depression and suicidality in Latino youth. 

A theoretical perspective offered by Zayas and his colleagues suggest that acculturating Latinas 

may be more adversely affected by cultural discrepancy than acculturating Latino males. Specifically, 

Latinas may have a particularly difficult time navigating tensions between the gender-typed 

expectations of their culture of origin and the broader roles of the host American culture (Zayas & 

Dyche, 1995; Zayas et al., 2000, Zayas et al., 2005). In flexible, “well-functioning” Latino


households, parents may permit a limited degree of female autonomy, allowing for some measure of 

coexistence between traditional and mainstream values thus easing potential sources of family tension 

(Canino, 1982; Zayas et al., 2000). However, in more rigid, authoritarian households, acculturating 

Latinas may actively challenge family hierarchy and parental restrictions, leading to greater family 

dysfunction (Zayas et al., 2000). Given concerns that adherence to traditional gender roles may 

constrain social opportunities for females (Garcia-Preto, 1998; Hines, Garcia-Preto, McGoldrick, & 

Rhea, 1992), parent-child discrepancy in this domain may have greater mental health consequences for 

girls than for boys. 

Zayas and his colleagues have discussed how changes in familism beliefs may also have a 

particularly adverse effect on Latina mental health (Zayas, Fortuna, Lester, & Cabassa, 2005). 

According to Zayas et al., familism beliefs may come into conflict with the mainstream cultural 

environment, which encourages independence. As acculturating Latinas become more autonomous, 

they may increasingly challenge core beliefs of family unity and interconnectedness, thereby 

generating conflict with parental figures. Zayas et al. theorize that such conflict may precipitate 

suicidal behavior among adolescent Latinas. 

The present study provided a preliminary test of this theoretical model by evaluating the 

relationships among cultural factors, family functioning, and adolescent depression/suicidality. The 

study had two primary aims: 1) to empirically test whether higher levels of discrepancy were 

associated with increased family dysfunction and greater psychopathology and 2) to test gender as a 

moderating variable in the relationship between cultural discrepancy and depression/suicidality. These 

aims were tested using the youth’s own reports of parent-child disparity in cultural values (i.e., 

perceived cultural discrepancy). 

Participants 

Methods


Participants were 395 Latino students enrolled in a Los Angeles public high school. Participants 

ranged in age from 13 to 18 years (M = 15.25, SD = 1.21), with approximately 51% of the sample 

being female. Forty-six percent of youth self-identified as Mexican, 30% as Salvadoran, 10% as 

Guatemalan, 2% as Honduran, and 3% as mixed Latino. Also, 4% percent self-identified as “Other 

Latino,” and 4% percent did not further specify their ethnic background. Approximately 95% of youth 

reported that both parents were immigrants to the United States, with another 3% of youth reporting 

one immigrant parent. Of youth born outside the United States (n = 89), age of arrival ranged from 0 

to 17 years (M = 8.90, SD = 5.41). Approximately 45% of youth met the clinical cutoff score on a 

measure of depression and approximately two-thirds of youth endorsed at least one suicidality item on 

measures of suicidal ideation and behavior. 

Procedure 

Consent for participation was obtained from each youth’s parent or primary guardian. Consent 

packets were distributed to students in non-core academic classes (e.g., health), and students who 

returned a signed consent form were invited to participate. These students were assented and 

administered a questionnaire packet in a group setting during class. All forms were available in both 

English and Spanish. 

Youth completed a variety of self-report measures assessing cultural beliefs, family functioning, 

and mental health. For the purposes of this article, only measures of gender role beliefs, familism 

beliefs, family conflict, family cohesion, depression, and suicidality are discussed. Youth completed 

measures of gender role and familism beliefs from their own perspective and from the perspectives of 

both a female and male caregiver. By having adolescents complete these measures for themselves and 

their caregivers, a perceived discrepancy score between caregiver and youth was calculated for each 

student (see below). Youth questionnaire packets were screened for acute suicidality and students at 

high-risk for suicidal behavior were referred for additional evaluation by a licensed clinician. Parents


of participating youth received a questionnaire packet assessing cultural beliefs and family functioning. 

However, these measures are not included as part of this article. 

Measures 

Familism. Familism was evaluated using the Familism Scale (Steidel & Contreras, 2003), an 18- 

item measure with items rated on a four-point Likert scale. A Familism score was obtained by taking 

the mean of all item responses. Reliability analyses produced alphas of .77 for the youth version and 

.79 for both the female and male caregiver versions. 

Gender role beliefs. Gender role beliefs were evaluated using the short version of the Attitudes 

toward Women Scale (AWS; Spence, Helmreich, & Stapp, 1973) and the Machismo Scale (Cuéllar, 

Arnold, & González, 1995). The AWS is a 25-item measure of traditional views of the female role. 

Items are rated on a four-point Likert scale. An AWS score was obtained by taking the mean of all 

item responses. Reliability analyses in the present study produced original alphas of .71, .59, and .67 

for the youth, female caregiver, and male caregiver versions, respectively. 

The Machismo Scale is composed of 17 items measuring traditional male gender role beliefs. 

Items were rated using a four-point Likert scale and a Machismo score was obtained by taking the 

mean of all item responses. Reliability analyses in the present study produced alphas of .86 for the 

youth and female caregiver versions, and .85 for the male caregiver version. 

Family functioning. Family conflict and cohesion were evaluated through self-report on the 

Conflict subscale of the Family Environment Scale (FES; Moos & Moos, 1981) and the Cohesion 

subscale of the Family Adaptability and Cohesion Evaluation Scale (FACES-III; Olson, Portner, & 

Lavee, 1985). The Conflict subscale consists of nine items with a true/false response format. A 

Conflict score was obtained by summing together item responses. A reliability analysis produced an 

alpha of .71 for the Conflict subscale. The Cohesion subscale consists of ten items rated on a five- 

point Likert scale. A Cohesion score was obtained by taking the mean of all item responses. A 

reliability analysis produced an alpha of .85.


Depression. Depression was evaluated through self-report on the Reynolds Adolescent Depression 

Scale-2 (RADS-2; Reynolds, 2002) and the Center for Epidemiologic Studies Depression Scale (CES- 

D; Radloff, 1977). The RADS-2 is a 30-item measure rated on a four-point Likert scale. A total 

depression score was obtained by taking the mean of item responses. A reliability analysis in the 

present study yielded a coefficient alpha of .89. The CES-D consists of 20 items rated on a four-point 

Likert scale. A total depression score was obtained by taking the mean of all item responses. A 

reliability analysis in the present study produced an alpha of .88. 

Suicidality. Suicidality was evaluated through self-report on the Suicidal Behaviors Questionnaire 

(SBQ-14; Linehan, 1996) and the Negative Thoughts subscale of the Positive and Negative Suicide 

Ideation Inventory (PANSI; Osman et al., 1998). An abbreviated version of the SBQ-14 was utilized 

for this study. This version contained nine core questions -- five with follow-up questions that probe 

suicidality at specific time intervals (e.g., “in the last year”). Item stems include “How often have you 

thought about killing yourself” and “What chance is there that you will attempt suicide?” An overall 

index of suicidality was obtained by summing item responses across multiple suicide domains 

following scoring guidelines provided by Marsha Linehan. Reliability analyses produced an alpha of 

.95 for the suicidality index. 

The Negative Thoughts subscale of the PANSI consists of eight items rated on a five-point Likert 

scale. Items include “During the past two weeks, how often have you felt hopeless about the future 

and wondered if you should kill yourself” and “During the past two weeks, how often have you felt so 

lonely or sad you wanted to kill yourself so that you could end your pain.” A reliability analysis in the 

present study produced an alpha of .90. 

Cultural discrepancy. Measures of cultural discrepancy were derived using a standardized 

difference approach (Céspedes & Huey, 2008; Reynolds, 1985) based on youth self-report and youth 

report on caregivers. Youth reported on both male and female caregivers, yielding two parent scores 

from which to calculate perceived discrepancy.

Results 


Missing data was generally minimal and non-systematic for any given item in the questionnaire 

packet. However, three total scores could not be calculated for a substantial proportion of participants 

(>10%): male caregiver AWS (16.2%), male caregiver machismo (17.5%), and male caregiver 

familism (14.7%). Total scores for these measures could not be calculated because all items were left 

blank. This was largely attributed to students’ written statements that a male caregiver was not living 

in the household and/or they had never known the male caregiver. Discrepancy and suicide variables 

were positively skewed resembling a poisson distribution. Results were unchanged when variables 

were transformed to approximate normal distributions; therefore untransformed variables were utilized 

to facilitate interpretation. 

Group Differences 

Cultural discrepancy scores were divided into four groups using a quartile split. Youth with the 

highest and lowest scores were compared on family functioning, depression, and suicidality outcomes. 

Group differences were assessed using independent sample t-tests. 

Familism Discrepancy. Adolescents experiencing high levels of familism discrepancy with 

female caregivers reported higher levels of family conflict, lower levels of family cohesion, and higher 

levels of CES depression than did adolescents with low levels of discrepancy (Table 1). Marginally 

significant differences were found in suicidality scores, with adolescents high in discrepancy reporting 

greater levels of negative thoughts about suicide and greater overall suicidality (Table 1). When 

looking at familism discrepancy with male caregivers, statistically significant differences were found 

only for family functioning variables, with adolescents higher in familism discrepancy reporting higher 

levels of conflict and lower levels of cohesion than those with low discrepancy (Table 2). 

Marianismo Discrepancy. Adolescents experiencing high levels of marianismo discrepancy with 

female caregivers reported higher levels of conflict and overall suicidality (Table 3). When looking at


marianismo discrepancy with male caregivers, significant differences were found in RADS depression 

scores with adolescents high in discrepancy reporting greater levels of depressive symptomatology 

(Table 4). 

Machismo Discrepancy. No significant differences were found in family functioning, depression, 

or suicidality scores for adolescents experiencing high and low levels of machismo discrepancy 

(Tables 5 and 6). This was true when looking at discrepancy with both female and male caregivers. 

Moderator Analyses 

Gender was hypothesized to moderate the relationship between cultural discrepancy and 

depression/suicidality. A two-way ANOVA was utilized to test the significance of the interaction 

effect. Gender was tested as a moderator for all combinations of cultural discrepancy and mental 

health outcomes. 

A significant interaction effect [F(3,327)=2.91, p=.035] was found for the association between 

familism discrepancy with male caregiver and overall suicidality as measured by the SBQ. However, 

equality of variances could not be assumed and caution should be used in interpreting the significance 

of this effect. Correlational analyses showed a positive association between female familism 

discrepancy scores and SBQ suicidality (r = .277, p


associated with greater family dysfunction only. Marianismo discrepancy with female caregivers was 

associated with increased family conflict (but not decreased family cohesion) and with greater 

suicidality (but not greater depression). Marianismo discrepancy with male caregivers was associated 

with increased depression only. No significant group differences were found between adolescents 

reporting high and low levels of machismo discrepancy. This was true for discrepancy with both male 

and female caregivers. Tests of moderation showed that the effects of familism discrepancy on 

suicidality may be more robust for females than for males. 

The findings presented in this article provide preliminary support for the cultural process model 

previously presented by the authors (Céspedes & Huey, 2008). Based on existing theoretical 

perspectives, the model assumes that cultural ideologies and traditions derived from the country of 

origin are challenged by acculturating youth, generating internal clashes within immigrant families 

(Szapocznik, 1989; Zayas & Dyche, 1995). These clashes contribute to maladaptive family 

interactions (Szapocznik et al., 1989), thereby precipitating episodes of depression and suicidality. 

This study suggests that gender-and family-based ideologies may serve as potential sources of tension 

for these families and are therefore associated with greater levels of depression and suicidality. 

Familism discrepancy generally produced the most robust findings and may be a particularly salient 

area of tension. 

This study also evaluated the perspective that Latinas may have a particularly difficult time 

navigating the inconsistencies between parental expectations and mainstream values (Zayas & Dyche, 

1995), and may therefore be at greater risk for negative mental health outcomes. Results showed that 

familism discrepancy with male caregivers may have a more adverse affect on Latinas’ mental health 

compared with males’ mental health. The pressures of reconciling parental expectations with 

mainstream values and the ensuing family deterioration may be felt most acutely by adolescent Latinas 

for at least two reasons. Given that adolescent Latinas experience greater constraints than boys over 

normative adolescent activities (Hovell et al., 1994; Raffaelli & Ontai, 2004), their efforts to


individuate may violate traditional role expectations, accelerate emotional disengagement from 

parents, and bring about conflict within the family (Baptiste, 1993). Furthermore, as Latinas are often 

expected to care for other members of the family (Zayas & Dyche, 1995), their push for independence 

from the family may be met with increased opposition from parents (Zayas et al., 2005). In this way, 

cultural discrepancy with caregivers may indirectly contribute to differential risk. 

Non-significant findings for machismo discrepancy were unexpected, as results from the authors’ 

prior study showed that composite effects of machismo and marianismo discrepancy on depression 

were mediated by family dysfunction (Céspedes & Huey, 2008). As previous results were based on a 

composite variable, it may be that these significant findings were driven more by marianismo scores 

than by machismo scores. The non-significant gender effects for both machismo and marianismo 

discrepancy were also unexpected, given previous results that gender role composite effects on 

depression were moderated by gender (Céspedes & Huey, 2008). The AWS scale yielded a low 

reliability, which may account for the lack of significant findings. The author attempted to improve 

the reliability of the scale by removing three items, however the female caregiver version could not be 

improved past an alpha of .66 and use of the shortened scale did not significantly alter results. 

Implications 

The findings from this study contribute to the developing literature on immigration, acculturation, 

and Latino mental health. Research investigating the role of acculturation in Latino mental health has 

moved towards an emphasis on acculturative stress – the extent to which the immigration and 

acculturation process is experienced as stressful – in order to elucidate the mechanisms by which the 

acculturation process may impact immigrant mental health (Hovey, 2000; Hovey & King, 1997). A 

model based on acculturative stress has received empirical support in explaining Latino adolescents’ 

risk for depression and suicidal behavior (Hovey, 2000; Hovey & King, 1996), arguing that the stress 

of trying to reconcile conflictual values and beliefs between traditional and mainstream cultures 

increases risk for youth depression and suicidal behavior (Hovey & King, 1996).


Results from the present study contribute to our understanding of the acculturative stress model by 

identifying potential sources of acculturative stress that may be experienced by Latino youth. Youth 

may struggle to reconcile traditional family-based ideologies and gender role expectations that appear 

incompatible with those of the mainstream culture. As adolescents contend with family pressures to 

maintain traditional values, their push for autonomy may be met with parental resistance (Zayas et al., 

2000; Zayas et al., 2005), generating maladaptive family interaction patterns (Szapocznik et al., 1989; 

Zayas et al., 2000) and contributing to acculturative stress. Given more restrictive socialization 

practices for females (Garcia-Preto, 1998; Hines et al., 1992), Latinas may experience increased levels 

of acculturative stress, perhaps contributing to their comparatively higher risk for depression and 

suicidality. 

Limitations 

Although the results of this study have important implications for theory and research on the 

psychosocial functioning of Latino youth, several limitations should be noted. One limitation is that 

results were based solely on youth self-report, and thus we cannot be certain that caregiver values or 

family interaction patterns were reported accurately. While youth add an important perspective when 

assessing child mental health problems, particularly in the case of internalizing disorders (Loeber, 

Green, & Lahey, 1990), youth perspectives are more likely to reflect their own values than those of 

their parents (Whitbeck & Gecas, 1988), suggesting that supplementing youth reports with data from 

multiple informants may be beneficial. 

An additional limitation of this study relates to the scales used to assess gender role beliefs. The 

gender role scale items appear to focus more on the domineering and patriarchal aspects of machismo 

(e.g., “Wives should respect the man’s position as head of the household”) rather than positive 

qualities such as bravery, strength, and loyalty. Similarly, scale items tend to highlight the submissive 

and dependent aspects of marianismo (e.g., “A woman shouldn’t be able to go to the same places or to 

do the same things as men”) over positive strengths such as fostering relationships and caring for the


family. The biases of the Machismo Scale and AWS may inadvertently simplify our understanding of 

machismo and marianismo, and may have failed to evaluate the more culturally-nuanced attitudes of 

gender role beliefs among Latinos (Torres, Solberg, & Carlstrom, 2002). 

Directions for Future Research 

An important empirical question is whether the results found in this study are truly specific to 

Latino youth, or whether they may be generalizable to youth of other backgrounds. It is reasonable to 

hypothesize that theoretical perspective proposed in this study might apply to youth from other 

immigrant families. Indeed, a review of studies on acculturation suggest that the immigration process 

may cause stress for individuals of many backgrounds and may negatively impact both physical and 

mental health (Berry, Kim, Minde, & Mok, 1987). Cultural discrepancy is expected to occur in 

families that are immigrating to a new country and undergoing the acculturation process. However, 

discrepancy in the domains of familism, machismo, and marianismo are expected to be specific to 

Latino populations given arguments that these beliefs are characteristic of Latino families (Baca Zinn, 

1994; Comas-Díaz, 1987; Cortes, 1995; Falicov, 1998; Grebler, Moore, & Guzmán, 1970; Marín & 

Marín, 1991; Rodriguez & Kosloski, 1998; Sabogal et al., 1987; Senour, 1977; Soto, 1983; Steidel & 

Contreras, 2003). As the present study did not evaluate the role of cultural discrepancy with non- 

Latinos, future research should investigate not only whether the broader cultural discrepancy model 

applies to other ethnic groups (which is predicted), but also whether discrepancy in family- and 

gender-based beliefs are relevant to these groups (which is not expected). 

An additional area for future research to explore is whether cultural discrepancy in beliefs may 

increase risk for psychopathology more broadly. Research shows that family conflict is associated 

with externalizing behavior, aggression, and conduct problems in youth (David, Steele, Forehand, & 

Armistead, 1996; Jaycox & Repetti, 1993; Weidner, Hutt, Conner, & Mendell, 1992). To the extent 

that cultural discrepancy in immigrant families contributes to conflictual interactions among family 

members, we may expect to see an increased risk for maladaptive externalizing behaviors among


Latino adolescents (Szapocznik et al., 1989). This alternative view should be empirically tested in 

subsequent studies to determine whether the cultural process model proposed is specific to 

internalizing disorders or generalizes to other indices of psychosocial functioning. 

Alternative perspectives on the direction of effect between cultural discrepancy and 

depression/suicidality should also be considered. The theoretical model proposed in this study 

presumes linear paths of influence from cultural discrepancy to family dysfunction to 

psychopathology. It is also possible that cultural discrepancy and family dysfunction are consequences 

of youth psychopathology. Longitudinal research suggests that individuals with unipolar depression 

often generate stressful life experiences, which frequently take the form of interpersonal problems 

(Hammen, 2005). Accordingly, for depressed adolescent Latinos, the pessimism, irritability, and 

anhedonia characteristic of clinical depression may contribute to interpersonal problems and 

conflictual interactions with parents (Daley et al., 1997; Hammen, 2005). As a result, depressed 

adolescents may begin to devalue the views of their caregiver, thereby intensifying the existing values 

discrepancy. The cross-sectional nature of the present study prevented a test of this alternative 

hypothesis. Hence, future studies should consider longitudinal methods to discern the sequencing of 

depression and suicidality in relation to hypothesized causal mechanisms. 

Treatment Implications 

This line of research carries treatment implications for emotionally distressed, adolescent Latinos. 

Szapocznik and colleagues have developed family-based treatments that target maladaptive family 

interactions resulting from intercultural conflict, which have shown some success at reducing 

externalizing and drug-related problems for adolescent Latinos (Szapocznik et al., 1986; Szapocznik et 

al., 1989). The findings from the present study suggest that appropriate targets for intervention may be 

the discrepancy in family- and gender-based expectations, which may increase risk for 

depression/suicidality.

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Table 1. High and Low Familism Discrepancy Scores on Family Functioning, Depression, and Suicide 

Measures 

High Discrepancy Low Discrepancy Analysis 

Measure Mean SD Mean SD t df Sig. 

Family Conflict 3.63 2.38 2.80 2.26 -2.47 188 .014 

Family Cohesion 2.99 .83 3.28 .78 2.54 188 .012 

RADS Depression 2.00 .48 1.92 .45 -1.22 188 .226 

CES-D Depression 1.05 .52 .87 .51 -2.39 188 .018 

PANSI Negative 1.26 .49 1.15 .36 -1.74* 170.4 .084 

Thoughts of Suicide 

SBQ Suicidality 2.77 6.02 1.45 4.13 -1.76* 166.4 .081 

Note. Discrepancy scores reflect perceived discrepancy with female caregivers. *Equal variances 

cannot be assumed. 

Table 2. High and Low Familism Discrepancy Scores on Family Functioning, Depression, and Suicide 

Measures 



Family Conflict 3.42 2.38 2.37 2.18 -2.98 166 .003 

Family Cohesion 3.01 .82 3.30 .73 2.44 166 .016 

RADS Depression 1.97 .52 1.90 .47 -1.00 166 .321 

CES-D Depression .99 .54 .87 .51 -1.55 166 .123 




Note. Discrepancy scores reflect perceived discrepancy with male caregivers. *Equal variances cannot 

be assumed. 

Table 3. High and Low Marianismo Discrepancy Scores on Family Functioning, Depression, and 

Suicide Measures 



Family Conflict 3.07 2.36 2.39 1.86 -2.20* 176.3 .029 

Family Cohesion 3.19 .84 3.23 .70 .39* 180.2 .694 

RADS Depression 1.93 .46 1.98 .43 .84 186 .399 

CES-D Depression .91 .49 .94 .48 .47 186 .641 



SBQ Suicidality 2.06 4.10 .95 1.89 -2.40* 130.8 .018 


cannot be assumed.


Table 4. High and Low Marianismo Discrepancy Scores on Family Functioning, Depression, and 




Family Conflict 3.29 2.29 3.01 2.25 -.78 163 .435 

Family Cohesion 3.20 .87 3.39 .71 1.55* 157.4 .123 

RADS Depression 2.01 .52 1.86 .42 -2.09* 156.6 .038 

CES-D Depression .99 .57 .91 .50 -.93* 160.9 .353 





be assumed. 

Table 5. High and Low Machismo Discrepancy Scores on Family Functioning, Depression, and 




Family Conflict 2.94 2.16 2.84 2.27 -.30 183 .762 

Family Cohesion 3.18 .77 3.21 .73 .32 183 .746 

RADS Depression 1.96 .46 1.93 .48 -.45 183 .654 

CES-D Depression 1.02 .51 .92 .53 -1.35 183 .179 

PANSI Negative 1.25 .57 1.18 .44 -1.0 183 .318 


SBQ Suicidality 2.10 4.63 1.71 3.48 -.65 182 .518 


cannot be assumed. 

Table 6. High and Low Machismo Discrepancy Scores on Family Functioning, Depression, and 




Family Conflict 2.78 2.07 3.12 2.37 .99 160 .324 

Family Cohesion 3.29 .80 3.25 .78 -.27 160 .789 

RADS Depression 1.96 .46 1.95 .45 -.12 160 .908 

CES-D Depression .91 .52 .88 .50 -.29 160 .775 

PANSI Negative 1.21 .49 1.22 .42 .08 158 .937 


SBQ Suicidality 1.95 4.52 1.93 3.81 -.04 160 .970 


be assumed.


Figure 1. Scatterplot with Lines of Fit Illustrating Familism Discrepancy with Male Caregiver x 

Gender Interaction Effect on SBQ Suicidality

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