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Open UKLSR Volume 1(2) - Uklsa

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UK Law Students’ Review – 2013 – <strong>Volume</strong> 1, Issue 2<br />

violence alone. The Tribunal also confirmed how oral sex could be considered a form<br />

of rape as well as other ‘serious sexual assault[s] falling short of penetration’. 47<br />

The ICTR’s contribution to the sexual violence discourse has also been highly<br />

influential. In Akayesu 48 , the Court proclaimed that sexual violence can form an<br />

essential element to a genocide campaign. The ICTR applied a broad definition to<br />

what can amount to a crime of sexual violence by claiming that acts other than sexual<br />

penetration- such as forced nudity- can also fall within this notion. 49 The International<br />

Tribunals have taken a much broader understanding of what constitutes ‘rape’ than<br />

many domestic legal systems have been willing to recognise. This is a positive<br />

advancement in international law because it aims to prevent impunity for all forms of<br />

violence that may be committed against women during conflicts.<br />

Another recent achievement has been the creation of the ad hoc ‘Women’s<br />

International War Crimes Tribunal’ that was set up in the year 2000 in Japan. This<br />

Tribunal had to consider the liability of Japanese military and political officials for the<br />

State-endorsed ‘comfort system’ that was used in the 1930’s and 1940’s to rape and<br />

sexually enslave women from all across the Asia-Pacific region. The Tribunal was set<br />

up 56 years after the actual crimes had been committed, which reveals how human<br />

rights activists had worked relentlessly to ensure that crimes against women were not<br />

left forgotten and unprosecuted.<br />

The Women’s Tribunal decided that the fact that the comfort system lasted over 13<br />

years with ‘literally thousands of facilities’ across some dozen countries, adequately<br />

proved how the top authorities must have been involved in implementing the<br />

system. 50 Therefore, Japan had breached many of its treaty obligations and<br />

international laws- so the State should apologise to the rape victims and provide them<br />

with compensation. This demonstrates how outside actors can help to bring State’s to<br />

accountability for their actions, which is a remarkable step forward for women’s<br />

rights. Nevertheless, the Tokyo Tribunal’s recommendations can only ‘encourage’<br />

and ‘influence’ the State of Japan, providing no binding rules that must be followed. 51<br />

Therefore, Japan is able to ignore the findings and recommendations that have been<br />

made by the Tribunal in the same way that they have been denying their responsibility<br />

for the comfort systems for the past 56 plus years.<br />

III(b) – The ICC and UN Security Council Resolutions<br />

Another major turning point has been the UN’s recognition that violence against<br />

women during conflicts needs to end. Security Council Resolutions 1325(2000) and<br />

1820(2008) have been passed, which call on all parties to a conflict to take special<br />

measures to protect women and girls against violence. This significantly portrays how<br />

the UN regards the prevention of violence against women to be a peace and security<br />

issue 52 as well as a humanitarian concern. It also means that the need to protect<br />

47 Ibid at [186].<br />

48 ICTR- 96-4-T (2 nd October 1998).<br />

49 (n6)12-13.<br />

50 Transcript of the Oral Judgement delivered on 4 th December 2001 by the Judges of the Women’s<br />

International War Crimes Tribunal on Japan’s Military Sexual Slavery [90]-[91].<br />

51 Ibid at [70].<br />

52 M.Ndulo (n24) 133.<br />

45

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