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Open UKLSR Volume 1(2) - Uklsa

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Violence Against Women During Armed Conflicts<br />

women from violence has moved into ‘high politics’ which gives the issue a sense of<br />

importance and urgency that did not previously exist. 53<br />

The ICC Statute also provides another invaluable contribution to ensuring greater<br />

protection for women against violence by explicitly stating that rape and other gender<br />

violence is seriously prohibited and can constitute crimes of genocide and crimes<br />

against humanity. Article 7(1)(f) clearly claims that ‘rape, sexual slavery, enforced<br />

prostitution, forced pregnancy, enforced sterilization, or any other form of sexual<br />

violence of comparable gravity’ can constitute crimes against humanity. In addition,<br />

Article 7(1)(g) depicts how persecution of individuals because of their gender is<br />

impermissible under international law. The ICC Statute further states that judges and<br />

advisers with specific expertise on sexual and gender violence should be appointed to<br />

ensure that proper skill and attention is given to the issue of violence against women.<br />

The ICC Statute has made major progress in international law because gender-based<br />

crimes are no longer linked to a woman’s honour or dignity. 54 It also depicts how<br />

violence against women is worthy of international prohibition and prosecution.<br />

However, although the groundwork is there to suggest that we can move away from<br />

the focus on violence against women, it is submitted that the International Criminal<br />

Court does not protect women to the extent that is necessary to allow for a shift in<br />

attention. O’Connell has shown how the ICC has been unable to adequately deal with<br />

gender-based crimes due to a lack of effective investigations and substantial proof to<br />

prosecute individuals. For example, in the case of Lubunga 55 , the individual in<br />

question was not charged with any gender based crimes despite common knowledge<br />

that he had committed mass rape and violence against women in the DRC. Similarly,<br />

with the cases of Katanga and Ngudjolo 56 , the ICC was only able to charge the<br />

individuals for some of the gender based crimes that they had committed, thus<br />

amounting to partial justice for the victims concerned. 57<br />

Another disadvantage is that certain definitions within the ICC Statute are<br />

incompatible with women’s rights. Article 7(2)(f) proclaims that forced pregnancy is<br />

only prohibited when the perpetrator has an ‘intent’ to affect the ethnic composition<br />

of any population. This raises the serious concern as to why all forced pregnancies are<br />

not prohibited regardless of intent. The definition of ‘gender’ in Article 7(3) is also<br />

problematic because it relies on the biological differentiation between men and<br />

women, rather than taking a more acceptable approach that looks at the social<br />

construction of gender. 58 Furthermore, the Court only has competence to deal with<br />

those cases where States have consented in giving the ICC jurisdiction. Therefore,<br />

State impunity can flourish when States decide to not bring a case forward to the<br />

Court. Moreover, the ICC only has the capacity to deal with crimes that reach a<br />

53 R. Charli Carpenter, ‘Recognising gender-based violence against civilian men and boys in conflict<br />

situations’ (2006) 37 Security Dialogue, 85.<br />

54 S. O’Connell, ‘Gender based crimes at the International Criminal Court’ (2010) 1 Plymouth Law<br />

Review, 71.<br />

55 ICC-01/04-01/06.<br />

56 ICC-01/05-01/08.<br />

57 S. O’Connell (n54) 73-75.<br />

58 (n6) 9.<br />

46

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