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BYRAM VERSUS BENNETT: DISCREPANCIES IN THE ... - CERCLL

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Paula Garrett-Rucks Byram Versus Bennett<br />

skills in Discussion 3, on family structure, she explicitly wrote that her opinion of the French had<br />

changed on her final questionnaire as follows.<br />

The only negative image I have of French people is that they rarely smile. However, I<br />

don’t think of them as rude or strict people anymore. I realize that I grew up thinking<br />

smiling at a person was a polite thing to do. They just grew up thinking the opposite way<br />

(that it was overbearing or flirtatious) (Lauren, Final questionnaire).<br />

Each of these three participants’ had a shift in worldviews occur in the second phase of a<br />

discussion, after personally relating to a French informant’s perspective toward differing cultural<br />

practices. Further evidence existed in the data to suggest that these three learners continued to<br />

display evidence of IC after the threshold moment of displaying fully developed intercultural<br />

attitudes, knowledge and skills. On the contrary, there were continual fluctuation between<br />

ethnocentric and ethnorelative thinking found when situating the transcripts of the discussions<br />

within Bennett’s DMIS.<br />

Evidence to question the linear nature of development proposed in Bennett’s DMIS<br />

In an attempt to capture the influences of the pedagogical interventions—explicit cultural<br />

instruction and authentic texts during Phase 1 and French informant interviews during Phase<br />

2—I compared the percentage of postings where participants’ worldviews were evaluated at<br />

ethnocentric levels (Stages 1-3) to ethnorelative levels (Stages 4-6) for each phase of the<br />

discussion in. Based on this criteria, I detected shifts in learners’ ethnocentric to ethnorelative<br />

worldviews toward French smiling practices in Discussion 1 and French educational practices in<br />

Discussion 2 after exposure to the French informants’ perspectives in Phase 2 of these<br />

discussions. However, Discussion 3 was different. The information in Phase 1 of Discussion 3<br />

described the French PACs—a form of civil marriage originally intended to support homosexual<br />

unions—as an increasingly accepted cultural practice among heterosexual and homosexual<br />

partners. However, the four French informants expressed a personal preference for traditional<br />

marriages in their own lives, and inadvertently discredited the status of PACs stating things like,<br />

“the PACs is an arrangement for convenience, like for tax breaks, not love” (Florence). Many<br />

participants in the discussion appeared disappointed by the French informants’ apparent lack of<br />

acceptance of the PACS stating things like, “the abuse of the PACS reminds me of the abuse of<br />

the welfare system here” (participant, week 5). Consequently, there was a shift from<br />

ethnorelative to ethnocentric thinking in Discussion 3 in Phase 2 of the discussion (see Figure<br />

1).<br />

<strong>CERCLL</strong> ICC Proceedings 21

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