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2 o 6 The End of the Achaemenids<br />

was it certain that a greater invading force would follow. There had<br />

been plenty of big talk in the previous half-century of which nothing<br />

had come. Prudence would have told him to wait and see. 28 When<br />

Philip was murdered, the crisis seemed to have passed; the youth of his<br />

heir Alexander excited contempt (Diod. 17. 7. i).<br />

During the year 335 Alexander showed himself ever less and less contemptible<br />

and Darius set about preparing a large number of triremes<br />

and assembling a considerable army (Diod. 17. 7. 2). In the spring of<br />

334 Alexander began his march eastwards (Arr. Anab. i. 11. 3) and his<br />

army must have crossed from Sestos to Abydos in May. Parmenion<br />

was put in charge and the crossing was effected by the use of the 'one<br />

hundred and sixty triremes and many merchant ships' (ibid. i. 11. 6). It<br />

was therefore well into the sailing season and if the triremes provided<br />

by the League of Corinth were there, why did the Persians not seek to<br />

prevent or disrupt? Were they so inert, so inept that they would not<br />

even attempt the obvious move?<br />

The question would be the more acute if Diodorus' account of<br />

Memnon's grand strategy were to be accepted. According to Arrian<br />

(i. 20.3), Memnon the Rhodian, brother of Mentor and brother-in-law<br />

of Artabazus, was, not long before the commencement of the siege of<br />

Halicarnassus, appointed to supreme command of'lower' Asia and of<br />

the whole of the marine. He was clearly a man of bold strategic notions.<br />

In the council of the Persian commanders before the battle of Granicus<br />

he had proposed a scorched earth policy (Arr. Anab. i. 12. 9) which was<br />

too much for the assembled generals, but showed the sort of radical<br />

measure which he was capable of conceiving. When Arrian recorded<br />

his death (2. i. 3), he remarked that this above all damaged the King's<br />

cause at that time, and at the start of the same chapter he declared<br />

that Memnon in his supreme command proposed to turn back the<br />

war to Macedonia and Greece (2. i. i). Later Alexander before Tyre<br />

admitted the dangers of leaving the Persians free to operate by sea<br />

and he envisaged that if they regained control of the places on the sea,<br />

while he and his army advanced against Babylon and Darius, they<br />

with a larger force might transfer the war to Greece (2. 17. 2). Consistent<br />

with this picture, Diodorus declared that Memnon's successes in<br />

333/332 caused great expectations within Greece (17. 29. 3), that the<br />

King expected that Memnon would 'transfer the whole war from Asia<br />

to Europe' (17. 30. i), and that Alexander had had reported to him that<br />

Memnon was 'planning to campaign with three hundred triremes and<br />

a land army against Macedonia' (17. 31. 3). So there is no doubt that

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