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Mixed Categories and Argument Transfer in the Korean Light Verb ...

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argument 3 . Hence, <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Korean</strong> case rule <strong>in</strong> (20), <strong>the</strong> only case that is compatible with <strong>the</strong><br />

ma<strong>in</strong> predicates, ciyen ‘delay’ <strong>and</strong> sosil ‘burn<strong>in</strong>g down’ is <strong>the</strong> nom<strong>in</strong>ative case.<br />

3.2. Oblique <strong>Argument</strong> <strong>Transfer</strong><br />

Unlike Grimshaw <strong>and</strong> Mester (1988), for whom all arguments can optionally transfer to <strong>the</strong><br />

LV, we argue that only oblique arguments but not accusative case marked arguments can<br />

transfer. The first piece of evidence for this view <strong>in</strong>volves <strong>Korean</strong> relative clauses. Quite<br />

generally, <strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong>dependently of LVCs, a head cannot be relativized <strong>in</strong> <strong>Korean</strong>, leav<strong>in</strong>g its<br />

complements beh<strong>in</strong>d, regardless of whe<strong>the</strong>r those complements are accusative objects or<br />

obliques .<br />

(22) a. John-i cip-ulo ka-ki-lul wenha-yess-ta<br />

John-Nom house-to go-Nml-Acc want-Pst-Dc (Nml = ‘nom<strong>in</strong>alizer’)<br />

‘John wanted to go home.’<br />

b. *[John-i cip-ulo t wenha-n] ka-ki<br />

John-Nom house-to want-Rel go-Nml<br />

(lit. ‘The go<strong>in</strong>g that John wanted home.’)<br />

Now observe <strong>the</strong> contrast<strong>in</strong>g behavior of LVCs between (23a) <strong>and</strong> (23b) (cp. (1a) <strong>and</strong> (1b)<br />

above):<br />

(23) a. John-i Tom-kwa [t] NP ha-n tayhwa<br />

John-Nom Tom-with t do-Rel talk<br />

‘<strong>the</strong> talk John had with Tom’<br />

b. *John-i [yenge-lul t] VNP ha-n kongpu<br />

John-Nom English-Acc t do-Rel study<br />

‘<strong>the</strong> study John did of English’<br />

3 In <strong>Korean</strong>, many unaccusative like predicates have external arguments, hence assign accusative case.<br />

(i) pihayngki-ka chulak-ul ha-yess-ta<br />

plane-Nom fall-Acc do-Pst-DC<br />

‘An airplane crashed’<br />

In contrast to general assumption, <strong>in</strong> <strong>Korean</strong>, chulak ‘fall’ is considered as a proto-agentive predicate <strong>in</strong> that<br />

it denotes a movement. Only a few unaccusative-like predicates belong to <strong>the</strong> type of <strong>the</strong> structure <strong>in</strong> (19a).<br />

See Hong (1991) for more detailed discussion.

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