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How fragile is media credibility? Accountability and transparency in journalism: research, debates, perspectives Final Research Report | Media Accountability and Transparency in Europe

How fragile is media credibility? Accountability and transparency in journalism: research, debates, perspectives
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Index | Editorial | Birds-eye view | Opening the toolbox | Zoom-in on the newsroom | Media landscapes<br />

Media landscapes in transition:<br />

Perspectives from the Arab world<br />

By JudiTh pieS & AMirOuche nedJAA<br />

A taxi journey in Amman can introduce<br />

you to the challenges and chances of media<br />

accountability in Jordan and other<br />

transitional Arab countries. Assume you<br />

are traveling with Mohammed Abu Safieh,<br />

a taxi driver and chairman of Balad<br />

Radio’s listeners’ club. Balad Radio is the<br />

first community radio station in Jordan. It<br />

wants to include the audience in its daily<br />

work and the listeners’ club is part of how<br />

Balad Radio aims to do that. Originally,<br />

Mr. Abu Safieh’s task was to collect listeners’<br />

complaints and ideas and pass them<br />

on to the journalists in the newsroom who<br />

would then use them to improve their performance.<br />

In reality, his job has become Photograph: Imago/Xihua<br />

much more complex: journalists in the<br />

newsrooms don’t necessarily want taxi drivers<br />

to interfere in their work; citizens contributing to news gathering expression “phone calls from the mukhabarat” almost interchangeably<br />

don’t reveal their sources to the radio staff; the mukhabarat (the secret with “soft containment”.<br />

service) wants to make sure that Balad Radio is not too critical of the In Tunisia, any criticism of the government or the president was<br />

local head of police.<br />

subject to systematic censorship until the end of the Ben Ali regime in<br />

While driving his taxi through Amman, Mohammed Abu Safieh 2011. The Tunisian Internet Agency, which was controlled by the go-<br />

receives phone calls from officials, citizens and journalists. His five vernment, imposed heavy content filtering. Oppositional and regime<br />

years of experience working with the listeners’ club has equipped him critical websites were blocked and even media outlets operating from<br />

with the necessary tools to moderate between the differing claims: “The abroad, like Radio Kalima, were hacked. Journalists were constantly in<br />

club has helped me to understand decision making mechanisms by the fear of being imprisoned. Even though a lot of reform initiatives have<br />

state, members of parliament and media outlets. It has also helped me taken place since the revolution (see infobox), pressure from politicians,<br />

to understand how credible or transparent they all are.” His represen- judges, media owners and security services remain. One example is the<br />

tative role as chairman of the listeners’ club has shifted to a mediating arrest of Attounissia newspaper journalists for publishing a photograph<br />

position, and the challenge is to answer some of the basic questions for showing the German-Tunisian football player Sami Khedira hugging<br />

journalism in Jordan and other countries in transition: how can journa- a naked top model.<br />

lism become more independent of regimes? Can audience involvement Long standing practices of control and pressure do not change within a<br />

make journalism more responsible towards the needs of society? How few years and journalists need to learn to live up to their new freedoms<br />

much transparency is needed to evaluate the quality and independence and growth in independence. In theory, journalists strongly reject “soft<br />

of journalists’ work?<br />

containment” and state interference, but how can they get rid of it in<br />

practice?<br />

Regimes still hold journalists to account<br />

A big challenge is the remaining impact of the regime’s various means<br />

for directing journalists to act in the regime’s own interest. In Jordan,<br />

censorship was banned from print journalism in 1989, when martial<br />

law was also lifted. However, direct content control through radio and<br />

TV licensing procedures, and less explicit forms of control, so-called<br />

“soft containment”, are still present. Politicians, businessmen, religious<br />

leaders and others, who want to influence journalists’ reporting, threaten<br />

journalists with prison or offer them money. In a survey by the Jordanian<br />

Al-Quds Research Center, 43% of the Jordanian journalists surveyed<br />

said that they had been exposed to such attempts, mostly because<br />

they were reporting on security issues. So, journalists in Jordan use the<br />

Journalists are skeptical about self-regulation<br />

Journalistic codes of ethics are the oldest form of journalistic self-regulation<br />

and have been adopted in countries all over the world. However,<br />

many authoritarian regimes have misused them, using them as another<br />

means of state control. In the case of Jordan, the code of ethics, issued<br />

by the Jordanian Press Association in 2003, became a legally binding part<br />

of the press and publications law, completely contradicting the idea of<br />

voluntary and independent journalistic self-regulation. This cynically<br />

explains why, in the <strong>MediaAcT</strong> survey, Jordanian journalists consider<br />

codes of ethics as highly influential for their journalistic performance.<br />

In many European countries, professional organisations have been

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