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in a series of arguments that ultim ately demo nstrate that disease narrat ives do not spring<br />

out of nowh ere. hut are in..teed recycled from prev ious outbreaks.<br />

Chapte r five moves the examin ing lens from the field of etiological legends to<br />

narratives that deal with gathering places. Beginning with an hi..torica l ove rview of<br />

narratives concern ing the negative consequences of eating in Chine ..e restaurants. the<br />

chapter then moves to the world of SA RS. where the modem and historica l narratives are<br />

once again found to he similar in tone and plot. These modem narratives are then<br />

exami ned as they appeared in media sources. and a.. well. a.. they appeared in their oral<br />

form... as related to me by my interviewees. Beginning a theme that will thread<br />

throughou t the rema inder of the book. this chap ter then addrcs ses the racial and eth nic<br />

fears that such narratives caused. and their consequences.<br />

Chapter six continues the investigations into the xenophobic nature of SA RS<br />

narratives by examining those legends and rumors that involved individuals conducting<br />

private actions in public spaces. Many of the narrat ives that circulated during the<br />

outbr eak had at their roots incomprehension as to the different meanings that cultures<br />

place Oil act ions. These misunderstandings and miscommu nications led to scenarios in<br />

which Asians were wrongly blamed for misconduct. when in fact the conduct was<br />

co mplete ly appropriate according to Asian standards. Such blame was not j ust the<br />

province of the public: medi a sources assisted in the spread of negative rumors by not<br />

only publishing those rumors. but by continually printing stories that fome nted anti­<br />

globalis t sentiments.<br />

22

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