investigating the syntax of postverbal modals in hakka
investigating the syntax of postverbal modals in hakka
investigating the syntax of postverbal modals in hakka
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Jui-Yi Zoey Chung<br />
The PM <strong>in</strong> 0) applies to <strong>the</strong> negative marker and <strong>the</strong> modal head after<br />
<strong>the</strong> Agree relation is established. Crucially, once PM applies, this part<br />
<strong>in</strong>dicated by a circle is no longer accessible to fur<strong>the</strong>r syntactic<br />
operations.<br />
(49) ModP ModP<br />
100<br />
m Mod’ m Mod’<br />
TET/DAK vP TET/DAK vP<br />
Agree PM<br />
The second operation, namely <strong>the</strong> V 0 -to-Mod 0 movement, is<br />
demonstrated <strong>in</strong> (50). The properties <strong>of</strong> tet and dak discussed <strong>in</strong> previous<br />
sections lead to <strong>the</strong> conclusion that <strong>the</strong>y are affixal <strong>modals</strong> requir<strong>in</strong>g a<br />
host. Therefore, a verb is attracted and <strong>the</strong>n attaches to dak/tet so as to<br />
satisfy <strong>the</strong> morphonological requirement <strong>of</strong> dak/tet.<br />
(50) ModP ModP<br />
Mod’ Mod’<br />
TET/DAK vP TET/DAK vP<br />
VP Vi TET/DAK VP<br />
V object i object<br />
The variation <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> negative modal construction between <strong>the</strong><br />
Cantonese pattern <strong>in</strong> (45) and <strong>the</strong> Sixian Hakka pattern <strong>in</strong> (46) can be<br />
accounted for by parametriz<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> order<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> PM and V 0 -Mod 0<br />
movement (Tsai and Chung 2010).
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