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The timing of nonmodal phonation in vowels - UCLA Department of ...

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174 B. Blankenship<br />

were similar enough to allow the graphs for each word to be comb<strong>in</strong>ed, with each po<strong>in</strong>t<br />

represent<strong>in</strong>g the mean for all speakers at that time w<strong>in</strong>dow. <strong>The</strong> standard error <strong>of</strong> the<br />

mean at each po<strong>in</strong>t, an estimate <strong>of</strong> how well the value represents the entire population <strong>of</strong><br />

speakers, is <strong>in</strong> the range <strong>of</strong> 2}3 dB. Po<strong>in</strong>ts compris<strong>in</strong>g fewer than 12 <strong>of</strong> the 36 samples (i.e.,<br />

at the end <strong>of</strong> the vowel, when <strong>vowels</strong> <strong>of</strong> various durations have been averaged together)<br />

were excluded, s<strong>in</strong>ce they do not adequately represent the whole sample.<br />

S<strong>in</strong>ce <strong>in</strong> this set <strong>of</strong> words the Mazatec modal tokens are shorter than the breathy<br />

tokens, it is impractical to compare the <strong>phonation</strong> types across their time course w<strong>in</strong>dow<br />

by w<strong>in</strong>dow. Instead, <strong>nonmodal</strong> <strong>vowels</strong> at each w<strong>in</strong>dow were compared to a reference<br />

value that was the average <strong>of</strong> the "rst two w<strong>in</strong>dows <strong>of</strong> the modal vowel. To facilitate<br />

comparison, the same method was used on the other languages as well.<br />

5. Results<br />

<strong>The</strong> results will be presented <strong>in</strong> three sections, H !H , H !F , and cepstral peak<br />

data. With<strong>in</strong> each section, the Tagalog data will be presented "rst, followed by Mazatec<br />

and Chong. With<strong>in</strong> each language, modal vowel data will be compared to data from the<br />

breathy or after-h vowel set, then to data from the laryngealized or after-ʔ set. S<strong>in</strong>ce there<br />

was only one Mpi speaker, the Mpi data will not be merged with the results from the<br />

other languages, but summarized at the end <strong>of</strong> the results section.<br />

Throughout the article, statistical di!erences are based on two-tailed Student's t tests<br />

and a signi"cance level <strong>of</strong> 0.01. Probability values for each time po<strong>in</strong>t appear <strong>in</strong> tables<br />

accompany<strong>in</strong>g the "gures. All "gures use the same numeric scale to facilitate comparison;<br />

their ranges are:<br />

Parameter Range<br />

X-axis: Time 0}225 ms<br />

>-axis: H }H<br />

<br />

H }F<br />

<br />

Cepstral peak<br />

!5 to20dB<br />

!5 to20dB<br />

2}7dB<br />

5.1. H !H <br />

When the glottal cycle has a large open quotient, the amplitude <strong>of</strong> H is large relative to<br />

H . Thus, H !H should be large dur<strong>in</strong>g breathy <strong>phonation</strong>, <strong>in</strong>termediate for modal<br />

<strong>phonation</strong>, and small for laryngealized <strong>phonation</strong>, if these dist<strong>in</strong>ctions are produced by<br />

a variation <strong>in</strong> open quotient.<br />

5.1.1. ¹agalog<br />

For convenience, I will refer to <strong>vowels</strong> follow<strong>in</strong>g an <strong>in</strong>itial voiced stop as the &&stop<br />

group'', those after [h] as the &&h group'', and those after [ʔ] as the &&glottal group''.<br />

Figure 3 shows the 12-speaker mean H !H for the three <strong>phonation</strong> groups <strong>in</strong><br />

<br />

Tagalog. ¹ tests at each time <strong>in</strong>terval show no signi"cant di!erences between the h group<br />

and the reference value (probability values are <strong>in</strong> the table accompany<strong>in</strong>g the "gure). <strong>The</strong><br />

larger di!erence between the h group and the stop group at 25 ms suggests an <strong>in</strong>#uence<br />

<strong>of</strong> [h] on the vowel prior to 25 ms.

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