The timing of nonmodal phonation in vowels - UCLA Department of ...
The timing of nonmodal phonation in vowels - UCLA Department of ...
The timing of nonmodal phonation in vowels - UCLA Department of ...
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180 B. Blankenship<br />
<strong>The</strong> dB values <strong>of</strong> both H !H and H !F are less dur<strong>in</strong>g the <strong>in</strong>itial portion <strong>of</strong> the<br />
vowel <strong>in</strong> Chong than <strong>in</strong> Mazatec. <strong>The</strong> modal <strong>vowels</strong> at onset have an H !F di!erence<br />
<strong>of</strong> 4 dB <strong>in</strong> Chong, 6 dB <strong>in</strong> Mazatec. <strong>The</strong> breathy <strong>vowels</strong> have an H !F di!erence <strong>of</strong><br />
about 12 dB <strong>in</strong> Chong, 16 dB <strong>in</strong> Mazatec.<br />
5.3. Cepstral peak prom<strong>in</strong>ence<br />
Cepstral peak prom<strong>in</strong>ence, the di!erence <strong>in</strong> amplitude between the peak cepstral value<br />
and the mean <strong>of</strong> all cepstral values, was used as a measure <strong>of</strong> periodicity. A larger<br />
di!erence implies a greater ratio <strong>of</strong> periodic to aperiodic sound <strong>in</strong> the signal. <strong>The</strong> pilot<br />
study showed this measure to be a good discrim<strong>in</strong>ator between the breathy and modal<br />
<strong>vowels</strong> <strong>of</strong> two Mazatec speakers, but not between laryngealized and modal <strong>vowels</strong>.<br />
5.3.1. ¹agalog<br />
Fig. 9 shows the 12-speaker mean cepstral peak prom<strong>in</strong>ences <strong>of</strong> the three Tagalog<br />
<strong>phonation</strong> groups. <strong>The</strong> cepstral peaks <strong>of</strong> <strong>vowels</strong> <strong>in</strong> the h and glottal groups do not vary<br />
signi"cantly from the modal reference value except <strong>in</strong> the "rst and last w<strong>in</strong>dow <strong>of</strong> the<br />
glottal group (probability values are <strong>in</strong> the table accompany<strong>in</strong>g the "gure). Thus,<br />
Tagalog <strong>vowels</strong> display no signi"cant <strong>in</strong>crease <strong>in</strong> aperiodicity after [h], except a slight<br />
<strong>in</strong>crease for as long as 25 ms after [ʔ].<br />
dB<br />
7<br />
6<br />
5<br />
4<br />
3<br />
2<br />
after [h]<br />
after stop<br />
after glottal<br />
25 50 75 100 125 150 175 200 225<br />
ms<br />
Probability values from t tests at each time <strong>in</strong>terval<br />
ms 25 50 75 100 125<br />
[h] group vs. reference values 0.4 0.4 0.3 0.2 0.04<br />
[ʔ] group vs. reference values (0.01 0.3 0.4 0.03 (0.01<br />
Figure 9. Tagalog. Cepstral peak prom<strong>in</strong>ence. Chart shows 12-speaker averages<br />
for <strong>vowels</strong> after [h], stop, and [ʔ]. Table gives probability values <strong>of</strong> the di!erences<br />
between the <strong>nonmodal</strong> <strong>phonation</strong> groups and the reference value. <strong>The</strong>re are no<br />
signi"cant di!erences.