A Phonetically-Based Optimality Theoretic Account of Consonant ...
A Phonetically-Based Optimality Theoretic Account of Consonant ...
A Phonetically-Based Optimality Theoretic Account of Consonant ...
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Place assimilation is not limited to consonants preceding a stop; it occurs also before nasals<br />
and sibilants: IlaK rrllJ 'six tokens' [laknii] '" [lamnii]; llaK syl 'Six-Keys' [laksy] '"<br />
[lassy]9.<br />
It is my impression that coronal codas are the most likely to undergo place<br />
assimilation, while labial codas are the least likely to undergo place assimilation. This<br />
observation is supported by the frequency <strong>of</strong> the documented assimilated codas in Zhang<br />
(1983: 22-23).<br />
Pre-pausally:<br />
Pre-pausal codas undergo glottalization, and lenition is not (perceptually) attested in<br />
this environment. Here, pre-pausal position includes utterance-final position and utterance<br />
medial but pre-pausal positions in careful speech.<br />
Word-initially:<br />
Finally, I would like to re-iterate that word-initial stops never undergo lenition;<br />
supraglottal closure always obtains whether the stop occurs in phrase-initial or phrase<br />
medial positions.<br />
Consistency in intervocalic lenition:<br />
Note from the previous discussion <strong>of</strong> word-final consonants that lenition is<br />
consistent in the pre-vocalic position, but more variable in the pre-consonantal position.<br />
In sum, word-final reduction appears to be a rather general phenomenon in<br />
Taiwanese, occurring (at least) in all phrase-/utterance-medial positions. I suggest that<br />
Jun's (1995) <strong>Optimality</strong> <strong>Theoretic</strong> analysis <strong>of</strong> place assimilation can be extended to account<br />
for reduction in Taiwanese. The next section will review the parts <strong>of</strong> Jun (1995) relevant to<br />
the analysis <strong>of</strong> Taiwanese.<br />
9 The continuancy feature <strong>of</strong> Cl is also assimilated by C2 in this example.<br />
7