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no doubt partly enriched by British colonialist practices, is now also being followed by<br />

Israel’s apartheid governments, though only seldom so openly or so crudely in these days. The<br />

British, among whom were the first Christian Zionists, in fact played a much larger role than<br />

the USA in the creation of the Jewish state in Palestine, also because of guilt feelings over<br />

belated allied help for the European continent’s Jews during World War II, but a pro-Jewish<br />

and anti-Arab, anti-Muslim bias in British policy was obvious already in the Balfour<br />

Declaration at the end of the First World War, and earlier, of course, anti-Arab and anti-<br />

Muslim bias and policies have been present in British mainstream culture ever since the<br />

crusades. The British elites and the British and transnational Zionist lobbies played huge roles<br />

in bringing about that bias, and they still do so today. Secondly, the Zionist ideas of a<br />

homeland for Jews and a Jewish state were spawned in an intellectual climate second to none<br />

in terms of racism, i.e. in 19 th -century Europe, which was to a large extent dominated by<br />

western European, especially British, thought (as well as British military, political and<br />

economic dominance). Thirdly, just as the western (north Atlantic) elites were interested in<br />

encouraging local wars and disunity in southern Africa with its vast mineral wealth (gold,<br />

diamonds, copper, etc.), they were interested in disunity within the Arab world after it had<br />

become clear that its vast mineral wealth (especially oil and gas) would become increasingly<br />

crucial for the global economy, and thus also for strategic considerations. Israel would be the<br />

point of entry for western military power in case of an oil crisis, e.g. an embargo against the<br />

west, though now Israel is losing this role as western troops and military bases are already all<br />

over the region. Israel is still a strategic asset for NATO powers, as I believe I witnessed<br />

during my many long waiting periods at Tel Aviv airport in 2004-5, when I saw numerous<br />

unmarked airplanes land and take off there. With their near-oligopoly on the advanced<br />

weapons market, the western political, economic, and military elites were enabled and have<br />

enabled themselves to divide and rule, and to pick and drop allies and enemies in these<br />

regions as they see fit. This does not mean, however, that Europeans and European or ‘white’<br />

or ‘western’ culture should be blamed entirely for racist Jewish ideas, either. Israel is certainly<br />

not a mere pawn in this game of total dominance. In Chapter II.9.3, we will take a look at<br />

Jewish ideology through the ages, and discover that ethnocentrism and even genocide through<br />

divine sanction are important to it, as well, of course, as are the fundamentally opposed,<br />

though nowadays conspicuously scarce, Jewish traditions of humanism and universalist<br />

ethics. 185<br />

(1997): 665ff. I am not treating Rwanda at any point as an example of apartheid (but rather see it as domestic<br />

classism or even as caste conflict and genocide and colonialism from abroad) since the minority Tutsi never<br />

invaded the country. They are in fact as homegrown and use the same language as the Hutu majority whom they<br />

have almost constantly dominated over recent centuries, during the last century due to exacerbation of the<br />

domestic conflict by colonializing Germans and Belgians who mistakenly imagined that the Tutsi had invaded<br />

the country (allegedly from the north) at some point in time. Even the term, ‘genocide’, though certainly not<br />

always inappropriate, must be used carefully about Rwanda, since class can be seen as more important than race<br />

or ethnicity in the Tutsi-Hutu conflict, in 1994 as well as before. On the other hand, the arbitrariness of terms<br />

such as ‘race’, ‘ethnicity’, or ‘people’, can also be illustrated very well in this conflict. See Lemarchand: The<br />

Rwanda Genocide, 2004: 395-412; Melson: Modern Genocide in Rwanda, 2003: 325-338. Similarly, the<br />

oppression of Shia majorities and minorities by predominantly Sunni elites in Bahrain, Iraq, and parts of Saudi<br />

Arabia, Lebanon, and Pakistan also has strong apartheid characteristics and features, yet less racial and cultural<br />

criteria, as the oppressed and the oppressors (like in Rwanda) use the same language, are often physically<br />

indistinguishable and sometimes even have the same religion. See Nasr: The Shia Revival: How Conflicts<br />

Within Islam Will Shape the Future, 2007; Kristof: Bahrain Pulls a Qaddafi, 2011. Economic class warfare with<br />

sometimes atrociously destructive effects seems to be the crux of the matter in these societies, although<br />

colonialism, apartheid, and genocide may also play important roles.<br />

185 It should be mentioned, however, that humanist and universalist ethics are certainly not Jewish inventions.<br />

They can be found prominently among the ancient Egyptians, e.g. in Coffin Text CT 1130, written around 2000<br />

BCE. See Lichtheim, Miriam: Ancient Egyptian Literature, Vol. 1: The Old and Middle Kingdoms, 1973: 99ff,<br />

131f; Assmann: Ägypten: Eine Sinngeschichte, 1996: 174, 221; Brunner: Die Weisheitsbücher der Ägypter,<br />

1997: 137ff. It would not surprise me, regardless of whether it ever turns out possible to indicate it, if these ethics<br />

existed prior to the ancient Egyptian civilization as well. On Zionism as an offshoot of Eurocentric, imperialist,<br />

133

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