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210<br />

Spanish judge Balthasar Garzon’s arrest warrant and the subsequent detention of General<br />

Augusto Pinochet in Britain in 1998. The former military dictator and subsequent ‘Senator for<br />

Life’, was eventually released from Britain and returned to Chile, and although he was never<br />

charged, Pinochet then lost his grip on power in Chile. He was inconvenienced and publicly<br />

defamed by the incident, abroad as well as at home. Indeed, it seems as if the only thing that<br />

saved him from prosecution in Chile was his lawyers’ claim that Pinochet was suffering from<br />

dementia. 352<br />

The Argentinean final report became a bestseller and led to the indictment and<br />

prosecution of many generals. Guatemala’s Historical Clarification Commission, with which<br />

we dealt above, was also much acclaimed. Peru’s TRC came into operation in April 2002.<br />

TRCs in Nigeria, Panama, East Timor and Sierra Leone have recently started their work and<br />

Bosnia, Serbia, Mexico, Burundi and Kenya are considering setting up their own<br />

commissions. There are also calls for a US Truth Commission, for its role in the genocides<br />

and the subjugation of Native Americans, racist slavery against African Americans, the<br />

infringement of the civil rights of African Americans and other minorities, and US atrocities<br />

in Vietnam and other nations. Yet, no TRC so far has been more talked about than the South<br />

African one. This is partly because it is the only one so far that has the power to grant<br />

amnesties. Its hearings were also publicized more widely, especially through television and<br />

radio. The victims and perpetrators and Commissioners included some of the household<br />

names of the global media. 353<br />

Moreover, as we saw in the previous section, the South African TRC had some<br />

spectacular successes, including the uncovering of the apartheid army’s Biological and<br />

Chemical Warfare unit, and some equally spectacular shortcomings, e.g. losing the mandate to<br />

investigate 98 per cent of the killings perpetrated by the apartheid army, police, and<br />

paramilitaries, or to determine the responsibilities of white racist business practices, South<br />

African and western.<br />

The Rest of this Book<br />

My nine apartheid categories interact and overlap considerably. For instance, any kind<br />

of forced segregation, whether of citizenship, land, or access, will involve at least potential<br />

violence. For a member of the majority to tap into the (confiscated) water reserves of the<br />

dominant minority will involve the risk of being arrested and prosecuted, or possibly even<br />

attacked and killed – most likely with impunity – in a police or vigilante act. Another example<br />

of overlapping would be the intertwining of violence and ideology: The killing of a member<br />

of the privileged minority will spark a typical ‘response’ from an apartheid state, which will<br />

kill ten or so members of the majority in retribution. Nowadays, the mass media controlled by<br />

the minority and/or its allies will typically give the killing of the sole minority member equal<br />

352 Cooper: Chile and the End of Pinochet, 2001. On the active US role, especially the active role of the US<br />

Secretary of State, Henry Kissinger, in the apparently Pinochet-led coup d’état against the government of the<br />

democratically elected President Salvador Allende, and in the ensuing military terror regime in Chile under<br />

Pinochet’s apparent leadership with continued US support, see Hitchens 2002 (2001): 55ff; Bachelet: New<br />

Transcripts Point to U.S. Role in Chile Coup, 2004. On the closely coordinated US corporate pressures against<br />

democracy and self-determination in Chile, see Klein 2008 (2007): 49ff. Regarding the dementia claim, see<br />

N.N.: I Was a Democrat, Says Chile’s Pinochet, November 24, 2003, in which the former dictator (apparently<br />

lucidly), three years before his death, explained in an interview that he had no regrets, that he had nothing for<br />

which to apologize, that he had always been a democrat, and that he was now writing his autobiography.<br />

353 Hayner: More Than Just the Truth, 2001: 38f. The author emphasizes the need for criminal trials aside from<br />

the TRCs. Peru, East Timor and Kenya joined the group of countries cited after the publication of Hayner’s<br />

article: Webber: Peru Seeks to Heal Wounds with Truth Commission, 2001; Yates: Truth Commission Set for<br />

Traumatised East Timor, 2002; N.N.: Kenya Plans Truth and Reconciliation Commission, February 13, 2003.<br />

(See further Collins: Timor-Reconciliation: East Timor Man who Torched Town Seeks Forgiveness, 2002; N.N.:<br />

East Timor Says No Reconciliation Without Justice, June 17, 2002; Cespedes: Peruvians Tell Truth Board of<br />

1991 Slaughter, 2002; Cox: Truth Commissions and Archives, 2008, and Section III.6 below.)

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