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long-term care - Legislative Reference Bureau

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CONCEPT OF A SINGLE ENTRY POINT<br />

de<strong>term</strong>ining whether informal supports combined with formal community services could meet<br />

the individual's <strong>long</strong> <strong>term</strong> <strong>care</strong> needs. "23<br />

First, a potential consumer's financial eligibility is de<strong>term</strong>ined. States have not opted<br />

for universal <strong>long</strong>-<strong>term</strong> <strong>care</strong> systems that offer <strong>care</strong> for all regardless of income. Rather, they<br />

have consistently chosen to address the <strong>long</strong>-<strong>term</strong> <strong>care</strong> needs only of those, in general, with<br />

the greatest financial need: 24<br />

In none of the six states was there a philosophical inclination to provide universal<br />

public support for community based <strong>care</strong> without regard to a client's income ....<br />

There were no protracted debates over whether services should be provided on an<br />

ability to pay basis; the only question was how to translate this philosophy [that<br />

excludes universal community <strong>care</strong>] to operational policy.<br />

States have rarely enjoyed the luxury of adequate funding for <strong>long</strong>-<strong>term</strong> <strong>care</strong>,<br />

especially community- and home-based <strong>care</strong>. During a time of federal cuts, initiatives to<br />

replace entitlement programs with capped block grants, and struggling state economies, it is<br />

hard to imagine extending publicly-funded services to those who can afford them. Aside from<br />

financial constraints, some object on philosophical grounds to the government's role in linking<br />

consumers to services purchased in the private market. However, some states do partly<br />

subsidize sliding-scale fee programs in which private-pay individuals not ordinarily financially<br />

eligible may participate. For example, Justice, et al. (1988) argue for the publicly-supported<br />

use of case management services by private-pay clients. Case management can help family<br />

<strong>care</strong>givers sustain their informal <strong>care</strong> to delay the eventual need of individuals, incomeeligible<br />

or not, for more intensive, publicly-funded <strong>care</strong>. Such use of case management<br />

services will also avoid a two-class system with two separate entry points. 25<br />

Nonetheless, screening programs,26<br />

[are] part of an organized access point for <strong>long</strong> <strong>term</strong> <strong>care</strong> services ... [and] are a<br />

logical component of state policies designed to curb the growth of Medicaid<br />

institutional expenditures [by avoiding inappropriate placements in nursing homes]<br />

and [by apply[ing] the cost savings to an expanded community <strong>care</strong> system.<br />

In some states, preadmission screening de<strong>term</strong>ines financial eligibility not only for<br />

persons eligible for Medicaid, but also for those estimated .soon to be Medicaid-eligible.<br />

Typically, the "countdown" to Medicaid eligibility is set at 60, 90, or 180 days, thus "90-day<br />

eligibles" and "180-day eligibles." For example, Maryland's target population is screened for<br />

both Medicaid- and 180-day eligibles. Screening in Oregon targets both Medicaid- and 90-day<br />

eligibles. 27<br />

(Note: According to the Select Committee on Aging of the United States House<br />

of Representatives in a 1987 publication, 50 percent of persons aged 75 and<br />

older and living alone would spend down income and assets to federal poverty<br />

guidelines within 13 weeks of entering a nursing home. Within one year, almost<br />

70 percent would be impoverished. For married couples aged 75 and older, 28<br />

percent would reach poverty income levels within 13 weeks and 51 percent<br />

within one year. The vast majority of persons entering a nursing home is over<br />

age 75 and live alone. f28<br />

Table 2-1 outlines how six states screen clients; whether participation is mandatory or<br />

voluntary; and whether findings are binding or advisory only.29<br />

12

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