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The Shadow of God - Dr. Wesley Muhammad

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<strong>The</strong> divine Glory is described as a “[ra]diant substance, with glorious mingled colors, wonderfully hued<br />

(4Q405 20 ii-21-22 lines 10-11)” and “many-colored (המקור) as a work <strong>of</strong> a weaver (ישעמ; 4Q405 23 ii<br />

line 7).” 133 <strong>The</strong>se descriptions associate the Glory <strong>of</strong> <strong>God</strong> with the colors <strong>of</strong> the high priestly robe. 134<br />

Whether or not the Songs intend to identify the (angelic/human?) high priests <strong>of</strong> the 13 th Song with <strong>God</strong>‟s<br />

anthropomorphic Glory, as Fletcher-Louis has argued, 135 the divine appearance is certainly reflected in the<br />

high priestly garments. 136<br />

This identification <strong>of</strong> the high priestly robe with the kābôd may have been preserved in Syriac<br />

Christian (SC) literature where this “blue-robe-as-body-<strong>of</strong>-<strong>God</strong>” metaphor is most systematic articulated. 137<br />

Alexander Golitzin and Andrei A. Orlov have argued for a “kinship” between the Qumran sectarians and<br />

early Syriac Christians based on studies <strong>of</strong> particular motifs found in both literatures. 138 <strong>The</strong> great extent to<br />

which Jewish traditions appear in SC sources make these latter potentially helpful in understanding some <strong>of</strong><br />

the former. 139 <strong>The</strong> comparison <strong>of</strong> Christ‟s body to a royal/priestly purple robe was quite popular in some SC<br />

circles, as Sebastian Brock has shown. 140 See also Clement <strong>of</strong> Alexandria (2 nd century) who notes a<br />

tradition (“and they say”) in which “the robe prophesied the ministry in the flesh by which he (Christ) was<br />

made visible (Stromateis V 39, 2).” If Clement was indeed influenced by Jewish esotericism, 141 and if SC<br />

literature is capable <strong>of</strong> shedding some light on traditions evidenced in the Qumran literature, then these<br />

Jewish and Christian sources give further evidence <strong>of</strong> a Jewish (priestly) tradition identifying the colored<br />

high priestly garments with the body divine. Underlying this identification, we suggest, is the ANE bluebody-divine<br />

motif.<br />

Merkavah Mysticism,” in Timothy H. Lim et al (edd.), <strong>The</strong> Dead Sea Scrolls in <strong>The</strong>ir Historical Context (Edinburgh: T&T Clark,<br />

2000) 249-64.<br />

133 On these passages and their association with the kābôd v. Carol Newsom, Songs <strong>of</strong> the Sabbath Sacrifice: A Critical Edition<br />

(Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1985) 315; idem, “Shirot „Olat Hashabbat,” in E. Eshel et al (edd.), Qumran Cave 4: VI, Poetical and<br />

Liturgical Texts, Part 1 (DJD 11; Oxford: Clarendon, 1998) 352; Himmelfarb, Ascent to Heaven, 19-20. Crispin H.T. Fletcher-Louis,<br />

“Heavenly ascent or incarnational presence: a revisionist reading <strong>of</strong> the Songs <strong>of</strong> the Sabbath Sacrifice,” SBL Seminar Papers Series<br />

37 (1998) 367-399, esp. 385-99; idem, All the Glory <strong>of</strong> Adam, 346-50. Newsom took תוחור המקור(4Q405 23 ii line 7) as an ellipsis<br />

for “spirits clothed with multicolored garments” (Songs, 336), but Fletcher-Louis rejects this reading (All the Glory <strong>of</strong> Adam, 366).<br />

134 Ibid. As Newsom (Songs, 336) noted, ישעמ in 4Q405 23 ii line 7 is likely phonetic orthography <strong>of</strong> השעמ, used in connection with<br />

the high priestly robe in Exod. 28:32; 39:22, 27. Newsom found it puzzling, however, that in the Songs the blue robe is described as<br />

multicolored המקור. We find the same peculiarity in Philo; he too describes the robe as variegated: QE II, 107; Mos. II, 110. Such a<br />

description probably takes into consideration the hem <strong>of</strong> the robe which is multi-colored.<br />

135 “Heavenly Ascent,” 393-94; idem, All the Glory <strong>of</strong> Adam, 373-74.<br />

136 Newsom, “Merkabah Exegesis,” 27; Himmelfarb, Ascent to Heaven, 19-20.<br />

137 See especially Sebastion Brock, “Clothing Metaphors as a Means <strong>of</strong> <strong>The</strong>ological Expression in Syriac Tradition,” in Typus,<br />

Symbol, Allegorie bei den östlichen Vätern und ihren Parallelen im Mittelalter (Eichstätter Beiträge 4; Regensburg 1982): 11-37.<br />

138 Alexander Golitzin, “Recovering the „Glory <strong>of</strong> Adam‟: „Divine Light‟ Traditions in the Dead Sea Scrolls and the Christian<br />

Ascetical Literature <strong>of</strong> Fourth-Century Syro-Mesopotamia,” in James R. Davila (ed.), <strong>The</strong> Dead Sea Scrolls as Background to<br />

Postbiblical Judaism and Early Christianity. Papers from an International Conference at St. Andrews in 2001, (Leiden and<br />

Boston: Brill, 2003) 274-308; idem, “Temple and Throne <strong>of</strong> Divine Glory: „Pseudo-Macarius‟ and Purity <strong>of</strong> Heart, Together with<br />

Some Remarks on the Limitations and Usefulness <strong>of</strong> Scholarship,” in Harriet A. Luckman and Linda Kulzer, O.S.B. (edd.), Purity <strong>of</strong><br />

Heart in Early Ascetic and Monastic Literature. Essays in Honor <strong>of</strong> Juana Raasch, O.S.B., (Collegville, Minnesota: <strong>The</strong> Liturgical<br />

Press, 1999) 107-129; Andrei A. Orlov, “Vested with Adam‟s Glory: Moses as the Luminous Counterpart <strong>of</strong> Adam in the Dead Sea<br />

Scrolls and in the Marcarian Homilies,” Mémorial Annie Jaubert (1912-1980) Xristianskij Vostok 4.10 (2002): 740-755; Andrei Orlov<br />

and Alexander Golitzin, “„Many Lamps are Lightened From <strong>The</strong> One‟: Paradigms <strong>of</strong> the Transformational Vision in Macarian<br />

Homilies,” VC 55 (2001): 281-298. “Kinship” is a term used by Golitzin, “Recovering the „Glory <strong>of</strong> Adam‟,” 307.<br />

139 On Jewish traditions in Syriac Christianity v. also Sebastian Brock, “Jewish Traditions in Syriac Sources,” JJS 30 (1979): 212-32;<br />

idem, “Clothing Metaphors”; Frederick G. McLeod, S.J., “Judaism‟s Influence upon the Syriac Christians <strong>of</strong> the Third and Fourth<br />

Centuries,” in Religions <strong>of</strong> the Book (Lanham, Md: University Press <strong>of</strong> America, 1996) 193-208; G. Rouwhorst, “Jewish Liturgical<br />

Traditions in Early Syriac Christianity,” VC 51 (1997) 72-93; Robert Murray, Symbols <strong>of</strong> Church and Kingdom: A Study in Early<br />

Syriac Tradition (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1975); idem, “Some <strong>The</strong>mes and Problems <strong>of</strong> Early Syriac Angeology,”<br />

in V Symposium Syriacum, 1988 ed. R. Lavenant (OCA 236; Rome; Pontifical Institute <strong>of</strong> Oriental Studies, 1990) 143-153; N. Séd,<br />

“Les Hymnes sur la paradis de saint Ephrem et les traditions juives,” Mus (1968) 455-501; Tryggve Kronholm, Motifs from Genesis<br />

1-11in the Genuine Hymns <strong>of</strong> Ephrem the Syrian, with particular reference to the influence <strong>of</strong> Jewish exegetical tradition<br />

(Sweden: CW Gleerup Lund, 1978.<br />

140 Brock, “Clothing Metaphors,” 18.<br />

141 Guy G. Stroumsa, Hidden Wisdom: Esoteric Traditions and the Roots <strong>of</strong> Christian Mysticism (SHR 70; Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1996)<br />

111-17; Margaret Barker, “<strong>The</strong> Secret Tradition,” in idem, Great High Priest, 1-33; J. Daniélou, “Aux sources de l‟ésotérisme judéochrétien,”<br />

Archivio de filos<strong>of</strong>ia 2-3 (1960): 39-46.

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